Newspaper Page Text
Pottrn.
[From the Age, a London Paper. ]
THE LATE DR A VVING-ROOM.
The numerous presentations ofyoung ami
beautiful women at the Drawing-Room on
Wednesday, exceeded any previous assem
blage since our gracious Monarch has been
enthroned. We regret that our limits will
not allow us to print a list of the bright ga
laxy, but we cannot resist noticing a few of
the leading stars, whose soul subduing eyes
and lovely forms, gave a lustre to the Court,
which on this occasion realized the florid de
scription of Eastern romance. Among the
most conspicuous of the fair daughters of
our Nobility, who attiacted attention both by
their persons and dresses, we ohserved the
beauilful Ladies Charlotte and Emily Butler,
the sisters of the no less lovely Countess of
Belfast, the Misses Sheridan and Foster,
Miss Croker, Lady E. Strathaven, Lady A.
Fitzclarence, Miss Elphinstone, and Lady
Louisa Lascelles. The King is said to have
expressed himselfquite delighted at the dis
play of beauty and fashion.
We [the Age] have received an ode writ
ten upon the occasion, by a Court poet, from
Which we make the following extract: —
Who is she with a brow [l]
Like the sun on the snow?
Those diamonds are stars in a cluster,-
In the light of her eyes,
Far more brilliancy lies, — [lustre.
The gems thence have borrowed their
Here’s a Duchess of fame:
’Tis St. Albans, the dame
Abounding like Croesus in riches—
Makes a manly display,
Since she wears for the day
Her husband the falconer’s breeches.
Clad in garments of green,
Such a huge fairy queen
Was never, tho’ nature you rummage;
While sits perch’d on her arm,
To embody the charm,
Lord Hawke in his very best plumage.
Two Dowagers A. [2] [3]
Come in modest array,
Each blest with a beautiful daughter;
The Lady A. B. [4]
Brought the charming Miss C. [s]
And likewise some lavender water.
. Lady D , who is deaf, [6]
Introduced Lady F. [7]
I must not forget Lady Fuller;
For ‘Us said when she faints
(I dom say that she paints)
My ady ne’er loses her color.
Shall 1 blush that the Browns
Were arrayed in green gowns—
That Mrs, De Grey had a blue one?
Miss Primrose too in pink—
And then —what do you think?
The Duchess oi N. [B] had anew one!
There was Miss Lucy Tynte,
For the first time in print,
Admir’d for her blooming complexion,-
There were fifty old maids,
Os all colors and grades,
Who came under special protection.
There was Lady John Stone,
On her marriage was shown,
And LadyMountcharles show’d another:
So did Lady Mansfield;
But let all of them yield—
Miss Trollop was there with her mother.
Then Lady C. Wood
Near to Mrs. Lane stood—
A Forrester here interposes,-
Then the pretty Mis 9 Meade,
From the banks of the Tweed,
And the Fieldings all covered with roses
Who the Monarch might suit
Did receive his salute,
* He never look’d better nor brisker;
With a most kingly kiss
Did he welcome each miss, [ker.
Andbrusb’d the old dames with his whis
(l) Lady E. Strathaven. (2) Anson. (3)
Arundel. (4) Becket. (5) Croker. (6)
Duncome. (7) Feversham. (8) Northum
berland.
SELECTED FOR THE DAUIF.X GAZETTE.
ODE IN PRAISE OF TRIMMING.
Happy the man, in times like these,
Who trims his sail to every breeze,
With every gale still veering—
Who, to promote his private ends,
Won’t scruple to desert his friends,
Still by his interest steering.
11.
O could I trim with trimming Ben,
I’d turn, and turn, and turn again,
With every change still trimming:
Like Bray’s famed Vicar, I would ride
Forever with the strongest side,
Still with the cut rent swimming.
111.
And should instructive conscience still,
In secret goading* thwart the will—
Like him I’d bravely rloh'it,-
Leave fame and honor far behind,
Though dear to every noble mina,
And barter all for profit.
IV.
What’s honor’s proud and crusty creed,
To him who stands of cash in need—
Or turn in searen or placer
What’s independence to a mind,
To wise servility inclined,
And fearless of disgrace?
V.
What virtue dwells in empty fame?
And what’? the value of a name,
To any but a novice?
What’s reputation, friendship, pride—
Compared with fortune’s flowing tide—
With party, power and office?
VI.
The pliant, patriot, trimming tribe,
Who wisely take the official bribe,
To better their condition;
Now sweeping ’fore the pop’lar gale,
All former friends and creeus assail,
And curse the opposition.
Vitiated Taste — notices were
lately posted about the streets in Lon
don that an evening paper would con
tain one crim ton. (by a clei gyman)
one elopeme’ .wo seductions, and one
murder. *
Extract from Mackenzie's Julia de Roubigne .
The last letter which the mother of Julia
leaves for the instruction of her daughter.
FOR MX DAUGHTER JULIA.
“Before this can reach you, the hand
that writes it, 8c the heart that dictates
it, wHI be mouldering in the grave. I
mean it to supply the piace of some
cautions, which I should think it my
duty to deliver to you, should I live to
see you a wife. The precepts it con
tains you have often heard me incul
cate; but I know that general observa
tions on a possible event, have much
less force than those which apply to our
immediate condition. In the fate of a
woman, marriage is the most impor
tant crisis; it fixes her in a state beyond
all others the most happy or the most
wietched; and although mere precept
can, pet haps, do little in any case, yet
there is a natural propensity to try its
efficacy in all. She who writes this
paper has been long a wife and mother;
the experience ot the one and the anx
iety of the other, prompt her instruc
tions, and she has been too happy in
both characters to have much doubt oi
their truth, or fear of their reception.
“Sweetness of temper, affection to a
husband, and attention to his interests,
constitute the duties of a wife, and form
the basis of matrimonial felicity. These
are, indeed, the text from which every
rule for attaining this felicity is drawn.
The charms of beauty and brilliancy of
wit, though they may captivate in the
mistress, will not long delight in the
wife; they will shorten even their own
transitory reign, if, as I have seen in
many wives, they shine more for the
attraction of every body else than of
their husbands. Let the pleasure of
that one person be a thought never ab
sent from your conduct. If he loves
you as you would wish he should, he
will bleed at heart should he suppose
it for a moment withdrawn; if he does
not, his pride will supply the place of
love, and his resentment that of suffer
ing.
“Never consider a trifle what may
tend to please him. The great articles
of duty he will set down as his own;
but the lessei attentions he will take as
favors; and trust rue, for I have expe
rienced it, there is no feeling more de
lightful to one’s self, than that of turn
ing those little things to so precious a
use.
“If you marry a man of a certain sort,
such as the romance of young minds
generally paints sot a husband, you will
deride the supposition of any possible
decrease in the ardour of your affec
tions. But wedlock, even in its hap
piest lot, is not exempted from the
common fate of all sublunary blessings
—there is even a delusion in hope,
which cannot abide with possession.—
The rapture of extravagant love will
evaporate arid waste; the conduct of
the wife must substitute in its room o
ther regards, as delicate and more last
ing. I say the conduct of the wife; for
marriage, be a husband what he may,
reverses the prerogative of sex—his
will expects to be pleased, and ours
must be sedulous to please.
“This privilege a good natured man
may waive; he will feel it, however,
due; and third persons will have pene
tration enough to see, and may. have
malice enough to remark, the want of
it in his wife. He must be p husband
unworthy of you who copld bear the
degradation of suffering tflis in silence.
The idea of power on eiihpr'&ide should
be totally Vanished from the system, it
is not sufficient that the husband should
never have occasion to regret the want
of it; the wife must so behave, that he
may never be conscious of possessing
it.
“But my Julia, if a mother’s fondness
deceives me not, stands not in much
need of cautions like these. I cannot
allow myself the idea of her wedding a
man on whom she would not wish to
be dependant, or whose inclinations a
temper like hers would desire to con
trol. She will be more in danger from
that softness, that sensibility of soul,
w hich will yield too much perhaps for
the happiness of both. The office of a
wife includes the exertion of a friend;
a good one must frequently strengthen
or*<i eupport that whirh a bad
one would endeavor to overcome.—
There ate situations where it will not
be enough to love, to cherish, to obey;
she must teach her husband to be at
peace with himself, to be reconciled to
the world, to resist misfortune, to con
quer adversity.
“Alas! my child, I am here an in
structress but too well skilled! These
teais with which this paper is soiled,
fell not in the presence of your father,
though now they but trace ’he remem
brance ot what then it was my lot to
feel. Think it not impossible to res
train your feelings because they are
strong. The enthusiasm offeeling will
sometimes overcome ’disii'essefc*which
the cold heart of prudenMiflad been
unable to endure. J 0
“But misfortune jp4iot always mise
ry. I have this truth; I am
proud to I have sometimes
taught it to Roubigne. Thanks be to
that Power whose decrees I reverence!
He often tempered the anguish of our
sufferings, till there was a sort of luxu
ry in feeling them. Then is the tri
umph of wedded love!—tho tie which
binds the happy may be dear; but that
which links the unfortunate is tender
ness unutterable.
“There are afflictions less easy to he
endured, which your mother has not
experienced; those which a husband in
flicts, and the best wives feel the most
severely. These, like our sharpest
calamities, the fortitude that can resist
can only cure. Complainings debase
her who suffers, and harden him who
aggrieves. Let not a woman always
look for their cause in the injustice of
her lord; they may proceed from ma
ny trifling errors in her own conduct,
which virtue cannot blame, though
wisdom must regret. If site makes
this discovery, let them be amended
without a thought, if possible; at any
rate, without an expression of merit in
amending them. In this, and in every
other instance, it must never be forgot
ten, that the only government allowed
on our side is th of gentleness ar.d at- j
traction; and that its power, like (he
fabled influence of imaginaiy beings,
must be invisible to be complete.
“Above all, let a wife beware of com
municating to others any want of duty
or tenderness she may think she has
perceived in her husband. This un
twists, at once, those delicate cords
which preserve the unity of the mar
riage engagement. Its sacredness is
broken forever, if third parties aA
made witnesses of its failings, or um
pires of its disputes. It may seem al
most profane in tne to confess, that
once, when through the malice of an
enemy, I was made for a short time to
believe that my Roubigne had wrenged
me, I durst not, even in my prayers to
Heaven, petition for a restoration of
his love; 1 prayed to be made a better
wife; when I would have said a more
beloved one, my utterance failed me
for the word.”
FROM THE SOUTHERN RECORDER.
AJVTI-TA RIFF MEETING.
At an adjourned meeting of the citi
zens of Baldwin County, held at the
Court House in Milicdgeville, on Fri
day the 3d day of July, to take into con
sideration the Tariff Act passed at the
last session of Congress, Seaton Grant
land, Esq. was called to the Chair, anu
Dr. C. J Paine appointed Secretary—
when Mr. Holt, from the Committee,
made the following report, which, af.
ter undergoing; alight amendments, was
adopted with great unanimity. The
meeting consisted of jnnre than an hun
dred persons, among whom were many
of the substantial planters of the coun
ty: --
The Committee appointed on the
27th ult. to consider the evils imposed
upon our State ty the operation of the
late Tariff law, and to report such mea
sures as they may deem best adapted
to counteract its pernicious tendency,
leave to offer their fellow citizens
the following
REPORT:
The object of every government is,
by the institution of general and equal
laws, and by an impartial execution of
those laws, to promote the honor and
interest of every component part of that
government. When men associate to
gether for the purpose of society and
government, this is the grand and
cred principle of their compact—tmP
each one is entitled to receive from,
and bound to extend to the whole, pro
tection and safety in the enjoyment of
his natural and civil rights. The ve
riest despotism, as well as the most
carefully organized government owes
its existence and power to the adoption
of this fundamental principle—lt is, in
fact, one of those instinctive sentiments
that nature has impressed upon the hu
man heart, and which is inseparable
from its existence. Any law which
violates this prnctple; which operates
to the exclusive benefit of one section
and to the exclusive injury of
acciiun of an Empire; Which directly
takes the substance of one man and
gives it to another, is a manifest vio
lence to that natural ligament which
binds man to histellow-man. In this
point of view, evtn in the absence of
any special contract defining with the
utmost exactness of language, the terms
of our association, we believe a tariff
tor protection to be a departure from
the very rudiment of government. We
care not what garb the title and lan
guage of this law may bear, it is most
unequal in its operations; it is certain
ly destined to enrich one portion of this
Republic, and to impoverish , almost to
ruin another; this too in a time of pro
found tranquility, of tiational prosperi
ty, when not the least public emergen
cy calls for the least sacrifice; a system
of oppression thus engendered, aurcly
owes its origin to the most selfish feel
i ings of the human heart.
But when we refer to that sacred, yet
abused charter of our liberties, conse
crated by the blood of our heroic an
cestors, it is with feelings of despair
that we look for some delegated autho
rity, to give this deed of some of their
sons another name, than tyranny —usur-
pation. The unconstitutionality of this
law has been so often asserted, so clear
ly demonstrated, and so eloquently en
forced, that argument upon it wow,
would be but vain repetition. But
there is one view of the subject so clear,
that your commiuee®cannot refrain
from presenting it to your considera
tion. The ground assumed by the ad
vocates of this system, to give jt the
stamp of constitutional curiency, is the
power of “regulating commerce with
foreign nations.” ’Tis true, that if the
Constitution went no further, however
unjust and oppressive, and impolitic
these restrictions upon our foreign
commerce might be, yet Congiess
would have exeicised one of its legiti
mate powers—But as if governed by a
prophetic foresight, conscious that it
required the strongest barriers to resist
the strides of power, that it would seek
some outlet in the deficiency of lan
guage, it framers not only defined the
special powers of Congiess, but enu
merated certain powers which it should
not possess. They not only said “so
far shall thou go”—but also “wo fur
ther”—though they gave Congiess the
power of legulating commerce with
foreign nations, they expressly denied
them theyight to lay a tax or duty on
ar ticle sWkported from any State. If
these two clauses of the con- litution
conflict, they ought to be construed so
that both may be effectual. Congress
then in regulating foreign commerce,
does lay a tax upon the exports of a
particular Siate; it docs exercise a
power expressly denied by the consti
tution. That this is the case can be
clearly demonsirased. Commerce a
mong nations consists in an exchange
of commodities. Suppose then that a
merchant ol this place sends to a. fo
foreign market one hundred bales of
cotton, which he exchanges for the
manufactured fabrics of that
say woollen cloths—before lie is per
mitted to land them in this Stale he
must pay to the govei nment for its gra
cious permission, fifty per cent, on the
value of his goods—so he brings home
for his own use but one half of his mer
chandise, which is but another sign for
his cotton. Suppose now that instead
of passing the Tariff, Congress in the
plenitude of its power had passed an
act laying a duty of fifty per cent, upon
the exportation of cotton. In this case
tne merchant pays to the Government
fifty of his one hundred bales of cotton,
previous to expoitation—he sends the
remaining fifty to their foreign market,
and brings back their value in woollen
fabrics, clear of the duty on importa
tion—mark the effect—in either case,
he loses one half of the value of his
cotton—this last act would be clearly
unconstitutional—now what difference
does it make to him whether he pays
this duty by virtue of a law inhibiting
the importation of foreign merchandise
or one prohibiting the expoitation of
cotton, under the same penalty.
But it may be said that this reason
ing is idle, since the merchant, instead
of ex hanging his cotton for foreign
manufactures, can find a convenient
market at home. But all competition
being extinguished, and the growing of
cotton and rice being the “staff” which
supports the South, those Brethren of
the North can diminish the value of
these forty Jive per cent. And
from of brotherly love and
whfi;h this Tariff’ bears
testimony, we piro'e'Wio muchTeliance
upon their cupidity, not to give full
faith to the probability
There is one circumstance connect
ed with the passage of this law, which
is calculated to arouse within us the
warmest feelings of indignation. This
law was intended to protect the North
ern and Western Manufactures—it
was established upon their urgent and
repeated solicitations—and yet, when a
Southern member with the view totest
-its constitutionality, proposed to give it
its proper title, with a timid, yet open
hypocrisy, its advocates profanely bap
tised it a legitimate offspring of the
Constitution, in the appellation of an
act regulating imposts on foreign im
portations..
Fellow-citizens, we have remonstra
ted against the passage of this law—we
have done every thing nutmervilely im
plore the meicy of our and
Western brethren——we have tepresefi
ted to them the calamities that would
befal this fair portion of our common
country, by the annihilation of our fo
reign couu^b^e —i hat they would
from want, from long esta
blished habits of national industsy, to
employments new and adventurous—
and yet with the ruthless hand of a
“stranger, ’ they have not only disre
garded these appeals, but as if desirous
to sharpen our calamities, have made
t hem present and certain.
It Is this shameful departure from the
Constitution lor the purpose of gratify
ing avarice; it is this total disregard of
the feelings, the interest and political
tenets of the South; teneis which wo
adhere to as the anchor of our political
safety; which were originally intended,
anc! are alone competent to secure to
us national importance; which can a
lone secure to these United Siaies that
union, which is tlie life-blood of its ex
istence. It is for these reasons that
we deprecate the passage of this law.
These tenets consist in an interprcta
tiw of the Constitution consistent with
its language and the intention of its fra
mers at the time of its adoption. Wc
believe that this, and every other State
is independent in every national right
or power, except those attributes of
sovereignty which we have expressly
delegated to Congress.
‘i hat Congress have no implied pow
ers, except such as are absolutely ne
cessary and proper to carry into execu
tion those specific powers granted it by
the Constitution. That under the pre
text of regulating foreign commerce,
Congress has in effect, imposed a tax,
and a grievous one upon the products
of this State, and thereby exercised a
power prohibited by the Constitution.
Fellow-citizens—ln reviewing the
history of our native State, no national
misfortune attracts our attention of
comparative hardship with this Tariff,
The war of the Revolution was one of
principle, in which our infant republic
generously offered up her treasures
and her blood, from a generous sympa
thy with our Northern brethren. We
felt comparatively no oppression, no
tax; it was sufficient for us to know
that our brethren had been wronged.
We assisted in resisting the right of
Britain to impose a tax upon these
States without their consent. For this
return of patriotism, our brethren have
taxed us fifty fold greater than Britain
ever meditated , contrary to our repeat
ed remonstrances. We love this union
—we venerate this Government. The
blood of our fathers is yet fresh on the
green hills of our country. We there
fore recommend to our fellow-citizens
moderation in resisting those encroach
ments upon thier rights—let nothing
which they do bear lire marks of a fe
verish excitement—the short lived
murmuiings of discontent are feebly
calculated to effect our purposes—let
our resistance be within the pale of the
Constitution, calm, even, yet powerful
—let us turn the shaft of oppression a
gainst the oppressor, and by the invest
ment of our capital and labor in man
ufactures, and an exclusion of the fa
brics of the North and the products of
the West from our market, show our
persecutors, However- umvrmngiy vve
submit to a change of national employ
meat, that change shall be attended
with no benefit to them, of as little in
jury as possible to ourselves. There
fore—
-Ist. Resolved , That we discounte
nance all intention to impair the Fede
ral Constitution, and every measure
having an immediate or indirect ten
dency to bring the Legislature of this
State or of any other State into colli
sion with the Government of the Uni
ted States.
2. Resolved, That wc will abstain as
far as possible, from the use of every
thing produced in the Tariff States, and
rely as much as possible on the pro
ductions of our our own labor and in
dustry for the articles of our consump
tion.
*3- Resolved , That to retaliate as far
as possible on our oppressors, our Le
gislature be requested to impose taxes
amounting to prohibition, on the Hogs,
Horses, Mules, Cotton Bagging, Whis
key, Pork, Beef, Bacon, Flax £c Hemp
Cloth of the Western, and on all the
productions and manufactures of the
Northern and Eastern States.
4. Resolved , That to bring home
the monstrous iniquity of the “Ameri
can System” to our people, the mer
chants throughout the Urion be re
quested to adopt and persevere in the
plan of charging the goods they sell
and the taxes imposed ort them in sepa
rate items.
5. Resolved , That Messrs Goodwin
Myiick, John Williams, A. Torrence,
J G. Worsham, Benjamin L. Lester,
James C. Watson, John Rutherford,
Hines Holt, Anderson Redding, D. B.
Hill, and H. B. Troutman, be appoint
ed a Committee to collect by subscrip
tion or otherwise, a fund to be distribu
ted in premiums for the best specimens
of domestic cloth manufactured in
Baldwin county, and that said commit
tee have power to prescribe rules un
der which such premiums shall be dis
tributed.
6 Resolved , That this meeting ear -
nestly desire his Excellency the Go
vernor to correspond with the Govern
ors of the different States injuriously
affected by the Tariff lavv, and concert
with them such means as may seen*
best calculated to counteract the effects
of the said law, and procure its repeal,
and recommend the same to the next
Legislature.