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CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL.
* uctjßTA •_■ lys^i
TUESDAY MORNING MARCH 31.
QC/* We have no change to note in our cotton
market. jig
For the information of ■* Jrsrrc;*:/’ as well a«
all that class of correspondents wh’o are in the
habit of sending in communicatings unaccom
panied with a real name, we must ngain remark,
that we insert no communication w;| iiout a name,
and particularly one announcing idj.-i names of
persons as candidates, as wc do not' insert such
notices without a charge. >
Mr. Cooper’s Circular,
However we may be disposed to do this gen
tleman justice by publishing his circular to his
constituents, we are unwilling to permit it to go
forth without a parsing notice. In doing this we
shall pass over that portion of it., which refers to
his course on the New Jersey Election ; his very
lame and impotent defence of his votes for
Speaker, in which he was at anyraiie very unfor
tunate if he supposed he was representing the
wishes of those who elected him; his notice of
his course on abolition petitions, his attack upon
the clergy, 6cc. &c.,ae subjects only referred to
by Mr. C., as an introduction his address; and
pass at once to his defence of his vfte for prin
ter. And now that the gentleman, has so kindly
volunteered to place us in possession of the facts,
w e shall not “ blindly resort to shameful denun
ciation.” And although w'e do not arrogate to
ourself to impersonate truth we nevertheless flat
ter ourself,fiat in circles where we are both known
our regard for veracity, notwithstanding our sup
port of a United States Bank, would! be as little
questioned as that of the bonorabii; gentleman.
W e are therefore indebted to the Major for his
very important information, that tat; supporters
of a United States Dank, are more prone to mis
represent than other men.
It will be recollected by our readers, that our
remarks condemming the vote of Messrs. Coop
er and Black, for the Globe, •* as a -moral pros
titution of the high office of Representative” a
sentiment which we do not retract ■ r qualify, ex
pressed no wish that they should havo voted for the
National Intelligencer, although we should have
been infinitely better pleased with ;iuch a vote,
and we therefore now give them the ijvholc bene
fit of such an admission ; that we ru-iy the more
readily join issue with him in the coritroversy.
This gentle.nan like all men before.: him when
suspecled of a disposition to abandufi his old as
sociates, or to lead them into the arms of the op
position, makes a terrible flourish of trumpets
about principle and devotion to their cause; —but
wc opine before he succeeds in leading the States
Right party of Georgia into the support of Van
Buren, and theieby render them the associates of
the kitchen, he will be compelled to give them
some better manifesto of his devotion to their
principles than his vote for Blair and; Rives will
make out.
The gentleman sets out by informing his con
stiuents, that the House was compelled by law to
have the printing executed, and in file election
of printer he was compelled to choose between
the Globe and National Intelligencer 1 ; direful di
lemma that ! both bad, but as the Gloue was and
had been,when “not too inconvenient. i (i. e. when
the President did not will otherwise,} the friend
of Geoigia. the advocate of State Rights, the or
gan of the Expungers, the supporter of the Force
Bill, the denouncer of the Nulliriers and Aboli
tionists, and the uncompormising enemy of that
horrid monster a National Bank, he was compel
led, in consequence of his devotion to Stale
Rights, to choose it rather than the National In
telligencer! Wonderful devotion!! These gen
tle reader arc the reasons assigned by Major
Cooper for his preferring the Glohle wi the Intelli
gencer, a paper which he admits is more respect
ful and more courteous, and consequently pre
serve* a much higher regard for truth than the
Globe, which Mr. Fonyth denominates the “ dir
ty sheet” and Mr. Calhoun, the polarj star of Mr.
Cooper, characterised as the “prostituted press.”
i But in endeavoring to show that the Intelli
gencer was less worthy of support, he charges it
with numerous offences. And what are they ?
Tne head and front of its offending, sterns in the
Major’s estimation, that the office, preUand types
are mortgaged to the United States Bank, to pay
ajust debt, which the Editors are honestly labor
ing to cancel, rather than swindle ths Bank, as
did the Editor of the Globe, the same-institution,
out of thousands Oi dollars. It is very commen
dable in the Editor of the Globe to defraud the
Bank of an Immense sum of moneys, while to
industriously labor on the part of Urn -Editors of
the National Intelligencer to pay a d?bt renders
them unworthy of support. We confess we felt
mortified when we cesd that portion of Major
Cooper’s circular, to think th .t he wijmld so far
condescend in an address to his conjlfituents, as
to reiterate the slang of the “prostituuiT Van Bu
ren organ. The other offences of the!lntelligen
ce, as quoted by Mr. Cooper, are its .support of
the President in the controversy between Gover
noi Troup and that officer, its advocacy of a Na
tional Bank and consequent opposition to the
Sub-1 reasmy, and its being regarded; the organ
of the Federalists, and finally and la:k(y he leaves*
you to infer that another cause of o'lijpclion is its
support of Harrison and Tyler. This then is
the Major’s hand as shown and expounded by
himself, and wo put the question to aiiiy genuine
State Rights man in Georgia, to say width of these
two presses was least exceptionable,. Remark
ing however, that the Intelligencer has shown its
remarkable devotion to Federalism, by its support
of the ad niuistrations of Mr. Madison, Mr.
Monroe, and we believe of Mr. Jetft:n,on, though
we will not say as to the latter, for have not
a file of the paper of that date.
We hive been the constant reader cf the Inlel
igencer for years, and altho’ wo have differed
from many of its views on important questions,
we have Lever yet seen in Its columns either as
editorial, selected or communicated matter, any
expression that could give offence t;o any oppo*
nent; and Major Cooper will search in vain for
one single expression of such character. How
have the servile editors of the Globe demeaned
themselves ? Was there any epithet in »hcir fil
thy billingsgate vocabulary too opprobrious to be
applied to the whole State Rights pa. ty of the
South? No, notone! Yet, this is the press
which Major Cooper, would feign make the State
Rights parly believe he has only sustained their
principles by supporting.
We have already tresspassed too long upon the
indulgence of our readers, our apology is, we
could not permit this covert design of Major Coo
per to lead the State Rights party of Georgia, in
to the support of Mr. Van Buren, and the meas
ures of his administration, go forth unmasked.
Theatre.
The very late hour, 10 o’clock, at which we
received the very attractive bill for this evening,
affords us no time for comment. The gr *at cele
brity of Mr. and Mrs. Seguin, Mr. Horncastle and
Mr. Latham, in Operas, will secure what the en
terprising manager so richly deserves, a crowded
house.
War with England.
The following poscript we clip from the Wash
ington correspondence, of the Charleston Cou
rier, of the 26th Inst. We have just read the
message and correspondence, to which it alludes,
and confess we see nothing in it to excite the ap
prehensions of the writer. Nor are there incur
opinion any of those threats contained in the let
ter of Mr. Fox, to which allusion is here made.
We think it may prove nothing more than an
effort on the part of the Administration to divert
the attention of the people from the errors and
mismanagement of the party, as Mr. Fox con
cludes his communication in the following lan
guage.
“The undersigned has been instructed to add
to this communication, that her Majesty’s Gov
ernment are only wailing for the detailed report
of the British commissioners recently employed
to survey the disputed territory, which report, it
was believed, would be completed and delivered !
to her Majesty’s Government by the end of the
present month; in order to transmit to the Gov
i ernmenl v of the United Statesa reply to their last
proposal upon the subject of the boundary nego
tiation.”
A Message has this moment been communi
cated to the Senate in relation to the Maine ques
tion, which is of a warlike tone and aspect.—
The British Govcrnme t have changed I heir time.
They claim, first, the right of military occupa
tion of the Territory ; and, secondly they de
mand the immediate withdrawal of the possee of
I Maine from the Territory ; and, in case we re
fuse, or neglect to do this they threaten us with
“consequences ! ! Truly the British lion shews
us his teeth instead of his tail.
Correspondence of the Phil. North American,
New York, March 26, 1840.
The sales of Cotton continue somewhat more
animated. To-day they amount to 2000 bales at
steady prices. Flour and grain stand as for some
days past.
Snow fell at Albany night before last to the
depth of a foot, and so it lay yesterday morning.
Domestic Exchanges stand very much as be
fore quoted. The last news from Harrisburg has
a tendency to give confidence to Pennsylvania
funds.
The boundary question is exciting more inter
est here on account of rumors from Washington.
Some of the insurance companies thinks it worth
w hile to except that contingency in their policies.
The news from Albany is that the bill for the
registry of voters in this city will almost certain- j
ly pass into a law.
Correspondence of the Philadelphia Inquirer.
Ha ru is brkf>, March 26.
In the Senate, the Bank Bill came up and was
debated at considerable length.
An amendment moved by Mr. Brown—that
the resumption take place in July, was lost.—
Also, an amendment by Mr. Ewing, to resume
in October. The first section of Mr. Bell’s
amendment, viz: to resume specie payments on
the 15th of January, 1841, was then adopted by
the following vote:—Yeas 19, Nays 14.
This is an important decision, and looks more
like a glimpse of sunshine than any thing I have
been able to communicate. This bill authorizes
the issue of small notes.
In the House, Mr. Coolbraugh then reported
from a select committee a joint resolution, re
quiring a resumption on the first of September.
From the New York Commercial Advertiser.
Two Days Later From England.
Extraordinary despatch—The packet ship
Stephen Whitney, Captain Thompson, has made
her voyage to and from Liverpool in seventy days,
thirty of which she was in port —her passages
averaging twenty days. By the Stephen Whit
ney we have a Liverpool paper of the 2d, but it
contains no event of moment.
Liverpool, March 2.
There is no change in prices from the quota
tions of Saturday. The sales were 2500 bags—
-2200 American, all to the trade, at 5| a
Stock on hand, 180,000 bags. At the same pe
riod last year 272,700.
The New York Express of Wednesday after
noon says:
We have seen private letters from London,
from the highest sources, that state, there is every
prospect there would bea superabundance ot bul
lion. Money was so abundant, that loans were
made at four and four and a halt per cent. If
rnonoy should get plenty there, as there is every
prospect it will. American securities will soon
feel a favorable influence.
We believe there has not been an exception,
whc.e the interest has not been paid on our Stale
Stocks. Os the Pennsylvania there was a pause
of a day, but this is not worth mentioning. If,
therefore, the States continue to pay with prompt
ness, it is impossible to prevent the Stocks from
becoming favorable securities. Stocks that pay
six per cent to the London bankers with prompt
ness, will in time become desirable. We look
forward to a few months only, when American
securities will begin to move again on the other
side.
Monet in New tore.—The Journal of
Wednesday says—
We are credibly informed one hundred thousand
dollars has been recently loaned on bond and
mortgage in this city for ten years, at 6 percent,
per annum. To persons of undoubted credit,
money has been offered at 5 per cent, per an
num, on demand.
General Bankrupt Law. —The Legislature
otNew York have passed a resolution in favor of
a general bankrupt law. It proposes to restrict
the provisions of the bill from being applied to
incorporated institutions.
The Vicksburg Sentinel of the 14th says, that
the Commercial Bank of Manchester, and the
Planter’*, have again suspended specie payments.
Circular of Mark A. Cooper to his Con
stituents.
Fellow Citizens —Three months of a long
session have closed. In the absence of any spe
cial call to communicate with you, it would be
mv pleasure to write. The existence of a pecu
liar mxiety on your part to hear from me, adds to
the cheerfulness and alacrity which I feel.
You have uniformly been dependant on our
newspapers for information. Thir is sometimes
very much to be relied on. It is, however, very
often an uncertain guide, because they are not
always possessed of the facts that lead to correct
opinions; or being possessed of them, do not ful
ly give them to you. In either case you a-e de
pendant on an editorial expression for your opin
ion. This, though entitled to the reliance due to
their station, leads occasionally to error.
By your permission, I give you such intelli
gence of what I have done here in an effort to re
present you, as. being applied to the rules that
have governed you, may lead to a correct judg
ment on the rectitude of my conduct.
The political views I came here to represent,
were those avowed in 1833 by the State Rights
party. By education, habit and constitution, I
am unfit to represent any other. I never have
j misrepresented them. Until a change passes
| over me. I never shall. When that shall occur,
! you shall be advised without delay. As a neces
sary consequence of those views, I brought with
me opposition to the chartering of a bank by this
Government. Consistently with the same, I
came avowedly to support a separation of the
Government and the banks, and the establish
ment of an Independent Treasury. As to men
; and office, I did not fail to advise you, in answer
j to those who had a right to inquire, that I should
I decidedly support Mr. Van Bnren in preference
jto Gen. Harrison. On the same principles I
j have ever been opposed to a protective tariff, a
i Government debt, and internal improvements.—
This opposition grows out of your views of a
strict construction of the Constitution, coupled
with the idea of a government of limited delega
ted powers.
Another leading measure, suggested from a
very respectable source before Congress convened,
I was opposed to for similar cause,—the assump
tion by this Government of the vast debt owed
by the several Slates. This, lam persuaded, you
will soon find to be one of absorbing interest.
The members of Congress were found, on my
arrival here, with few exceptions, to be divided
| nominally, into Democrats and Whigs. The
; Democrats, as a party, profess, and, when not too
i inconvenient, practise the political opinions here
set forth as adopted for myself. A few of
their party however, I believe are known to have
been uniformly Federalists.
The whigs have no principle or rule in com
mon that I have discovered, except the advocacy
of a bank and opposition to the Sub-treasury.—
This party is a coalition of all the opponents of
the present administration, professedly having re
ference to no given principles of action save that
just named. Hence there are found in it Feder
alists and Republicans. The federal influences,
however, predominate, and therefore characterize
the party. I think lam not mistaken in saying
that their triumph, which is secured in the elec
tion of Harrison, fixes on the country a policy
founded on a liberal construction of powers, that
give latitude to this Government to assume pow
ers not delegated and dangerous to its existence.
The soul and spirit of this party are the hank in
terest and the tariff. Should the chartering of a
bank he hopeless, which can only be by the elec
tion of Mr. Van Buren or one thinking as he
does on that point, the next mu>t available policy
with that parly will be the assumption of a debt
of two hundred millions, to prop the sinking cre
dit of the States. They are even now looking
to it.
The course adopted for myself was not to com
mit you to either party here, but in refeience to
measures test each one by your rules, and decide
accordingly. In reference to men, to ch lose those
whose opinions would most likely lead into your
policy. In doing this I have not had the least
difficulty, nor have I felt the slightest hesitation
in any case. If I exhibit a stronger coincidence
with one party than the other, it is because it pro
| fesses and acts more in accordance with the rules
that I brought here with me. My settled purpose
is to ask for you, noi for those who represent
you, nothing but a faithful administration of this
I Government as its framers designed it. That
being promised, to sustain the party who would
do it, or most nearly perform the task.
These views are not new to you, coming from
me, having expressed them while a candidate be
fore you. On the principles of the message of
the President, I could not differ from the adminis
tration. I am at a loss to know how any State
Rights man can object to the measures recom
mended.
Our opposition to Mr. Van Buren began with
his predecessor, and is primarily associated with
the ‘-Proclamation and Force Bill.” Prior to
that he was recognised as a republican by Wil
liam H. Crawford, and received your support. —
On the annunciation of those measures, the mass
of the present whig party, perceiving therein a
rule ol construction, always contended for by the
Federalists, concurred with and applauded him.
There we separated from him and Mr. Van Bu
ren. The cause of our separation from, formed
the ground of their co-operation with him.
Since that time, the principles involved in that
latitude of construction have been p r ofossedly
and practically repudiated by the Democrats, but
adhered to by the WJtigs. It would seem strange
if the causes that separated us from Mr. Van
Buren, should not keep us apart from the whigs.
Nor ought it to be thought strange to agree with
the democrats in their adoption of our policy.
The first act worthy of no:ice arose on the
New Jersey election. The demonstration was
apparently in favor of the whigs. The demo
crats being in this instance unwilling to forego
the acquisition of strength, were tempted to what
we thought a departure. The whigs, by conse
quence, were left to sustain State rights.
The next was the Speaker’s election. Mr.
Bell, of Tennessee, was the Whig candidate
lie is the memner who introduced the Force
Bill. John W. Jones, Esq., of Virginia, was the
candidate of the democrats. My colleague, Mr.
Dawson, was proposed as the candidate of the
Whigs. Another colleague desired to know of
us. whether, in the event Mr. Dawson could be
nominated by the Whigs, he would be supported
by me. For myself, I distinctly replied.'he could
not, for this reason : It would unequivocally com
mit those we represent to the Whig parly. I
had a willingless to do Mr. Dawson a personal
kindness if possible, without violarion of duty to
you, the motives for which he will understand
I therefore told him and our whole delegation
that he ought not be the Whig candidate ; that,
if committed to the Whigs already, he would not
1 better his condition politically by committing us;
by remaining uncommitted we might relieve him.
• it was determined that he should not run. Un
der these circumstances, I thereupon, for the sake
of harmony, agreed to unite with my colleagues
to vote for and to elect Mr. Dawson if we could.
Accordingly I voted for him. Perceiving he
could not be elected, (and on this point I speak
from knowledge to be relied on which my col
leagues did not possess,) I turned my attention
to Mr. Lewis, of Alabama, an early friend and
classmate, a Nullifier, a Sub-Treasurer, and a
: Georgian. I voted for him as long as he had
any prospect. Finally, perceiving that the dem
ocrats were not disposed to vote for a Sub-Trea
sury Siatc-Ruhts man, and that the Whigs and
State Rights men could unite on Mr. Hunter. I
agreed with Wise, of Virginia, to vote for Mr.
1 Hunter. He was not a Whig, but, like myself,
removed from both parties.
The next subject that called us out, was the
discussion on receiving abolition petitions. The
manner in which I represented you on that sub
ject is before you. The course which the res
pective parties took on .'.is subject of absorbing
interest, is before you. The advantage which one
party presents to you above the other, is this:
The Democrats disavow (and to some extent
maintain it in practice) that latitude of construc
tion, which, being adopted by the mass of the
Whigs, will eventually fortify the aboli’ionists
with whatever power they desire. The greatest
number of what are called abolitionists here, are
of the Whigs. On the subject of the petitions,
nearly all that are offered are presented here by
Whigs. The Democrats have the credit of re
sisting and rejecting them, at the only time of
their rejection, since, from the non-slaveholding
States, but one Whig, and twenty-seven Demo
crats, voted with us. The nomination of Gen
eral Harrison, whether he be an abolitionist or
not, was addressed to those people, and so they
understand it: his success is their promotion.
Another important matter before us, is one in
timately connected with this subject. The reso
lutions of your Legislature on the Maine contro
versy. In regard to these, I had from the first
but one opinion. It was to me an obvious one,
and without delay was communicated to my col
leagues. You have, in my reply to the Gover
nor, some of the reasons for refusing to present
them here, as requested hy the Legislature.
Another act, »econd to none in importance, is
the motion to repeal ihe laws appointing a salary
for Chaplain. For this you have some of the
grounds slated on a motion to reconsider his elec
tion. Those grounds would suffice for me ; but
there are others. Nothing is clearer than that,
when no connexion is ordered, none should exist,
however reino e. between thedergy and Congress.
They are the efficient agents throughout Christen
dom, for accomplishing the objects of abolition,
in the face of your constitution. They are the
propagators and supporte s of the “ sublime rule
of action,’’ coming from God, which has authori
ty overruling the constitution, thereby subverting
all civil rights. They too a-e expounders of this
rate. The connecting link is formed from this
to England and Italy. The authority of the
Pope has already been appealed to; his Bull has
gone forth; and even in these United States, is
flout ished at your domestic institutions in men
ace. especially at Mississippi and Louisiana. Un
der such circumstances, it would be faithless in
me not to disarm our opponents of every weapon.
I mean theopj onents of our Union, the Repub
lic. I consider what is going on, to be a war up
on the Union, the main conspirators against which
are now , where they have been, beyond the At
lantic. They are accomplished now in another,
hut more effective way. the objects of the Hart
ford Convention. And you, fellow-citizens, are
called on to defend your institutions, or to pre
pare to relieve yourselves of the evil. This is no
recent opinion. If you are what you have been,
you will defend them.
After this came the election of printer, about
which so much shameless denunciation has been
Mindly resorted to. It is the least of the several
important matters brought before us. To publish
its laws is the duty of Congress. This is done
by the press. I could not avoid using some press
for this purpose; nor could I, without a violation
of dut\ r , refuse to have the work done. Two
presses only were competent to do the work ; the
Globe and the Intelligencer. 'Phis was proved
the last election, when the Madisonian, the Con
servative press, being elected, had to farm it out, 1
under an arrangement by which it pocketed many ]
thousand dollars as a bonus, and the Intelligen- 1
cer did the work. I was reduced to the necessity i
to choo>e between those two presses, or of re- j
fusing to publish the laws and journals. |
! I had always been politically opposed to both, i
I In principle, at all times more opposed to the In- <
telligencer than the Globe, since the editor of the [
Globe has always professed to be a Republican j
while the Intelligencer has uniformly been the j
organ of the Federalists. This was, and is more
decidedly opposed to your views, than the Globe.
It is emphatically the organ of the United States s
Bank, and opposed to the Sub-Treasury. The t
Globe, on the contrary, is actively opposed to a '
United States Bank, and to the other leading i
Federal measures resulting from the doctrine of t
implied powers—such, for instance, as Internal j
Improvements, Protective Tariff*, and the assump- \
lion of State Debts—and it zealously sustains the
Sub-Treasury policy. (
Finding myself under the obligations to vote (
between these two, the only consistent vote was (
j to elect between the two, that press which could l
be expected to advocate the leading measure of t
this Congress, and oppose the splendid schemes \
of extravagant expenditure resulting from the (
views of those who reject the idea of a strict I
constrution of the Constitution. In casting this j
vote, no other principle was involved than those ;
avowed hy me when before you as a candidate; S
identically the same as that involved in the choice j
of Mr. Van Buren over Mr. Harrison. I am \
persuaded that no one who approves my choice
between Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Harrison, with i
a knowledge of the facts, objects, and considera- t
lions that determined me to choose Blair & Rives, (
will condemn this- My prejudices against them <
was always as strong as any mans’ ought to be.
They were not my men; not desirable to me ; |
but decidedly the best I could do here for your j
interest. ,
My opposition to the Intelligencer is entirely \
political, and of the kind, as strong as can well i j
be. It is ot much longer standing than that of j
the Globe. It began in the days of Troup and j
the 1 roa*v This opposition is cotemporaneous l
with the first inspiration from Troup that led me j ]
to comprehend the elevated conceptions of his | J
pure rcDuhlicauism.—From that period to the 1
present, I have seldom seen the paper, and have I t
read it less frequent than any leading paper, Vave !
the Globe. Unpleasant as it is to recount the i
grounds of objections, I am under a necessity to 1 l
! do it, beginning with their early opposition to * j
your policy. I feel myself called to do this by ! t
the editorials in several leading papers of the |
State Rights party, who, w.thout charity enough I «
to surmise a good intent on my part, having no | ,
perception of the important considerations that I <
have fixed me in a rigid adherence to the principles | (
above referred to, have hastily unwittingly, and ! t
without just cause, attempted to direct the finger 1 f
of denunciation at a portion of your delegation. I i
\ou know how much our press is given to i ]
think they exercise a control over your opinions, j
In the present instance, they have determined to (
bring Mr. Black and myself under its blast by J
the application to us of terms equally unwarrant- i
aide and far more unkind than any which the <
Globe, in the height of its abuse, ever used against i
any of us. If the Globe, or any press in Geor- ]
gia politically opposed to me, had used the same (
language against us, for myself it would have t
been set down as a result to be expected, and i
would have passed unnoticed ; but, coming from <
my own triends professedly, they are supposed i
to possess undoubted credit when pronouncing t
against those they act with. This explains the t
reason why, under my proper signature, lam ]
driven to appear in some so.t of a witness in my i
own case. That truth, as it comes from me, may
not be disparaged by the representations «<f those «
who denounce us. be it remembered that the pa- '
pers which have made the attack in this case, are ]
or will prove to be, the direct or indirect suppor- |
tersof a United States Bank; that the only op- 1
pressive weight 1 have had to carry, whether as a 1
candi Jate before you or in the discharge of duty
here, hav.- been thrown on me from that influ- I
ence; for, while some of my colleagues in other ;
respects similarity situated, differing in this have \
been relieved of these attacks from any State \
Rights press in Georgia, I have been assail d be- ;
fore and since coming here. Th s you mny say \
results from my position. So it does. I came
here by your direction a State Rights man, oppo- ’
sed to the bank, to advocate the Sub-treasury.
Since here, every act I have performed, and eve- 0
ry word I have uttered, has had not only the in- r
lent, but the effect to maintain these political s
views. %
My vote tor printer, alleged to be an exception,
I will prove to be the- proper choice under the v
circumstances. (
What is the National Intelligencer, and what t
are the objects and ends of its labors IMy recol- t
lections go back in these matters no further than {
the late war wi h Great Britain. That and Nile’s
Register were the only medium of political intel
ligence at my father’s fireside, I knew nothing
of politics, and cared less; but was of that age,
when the thrilling sensations produced by the j
recital of the sufferings of a bleeding and injured j (
country, would involuntarily spring me from my 1 »
seat as my father would nightly read the news. ,
This pleasure I enjoyed, but mainly from the ]
latter paper, until I entered upon life. Educa- (
tion and association made me a Jeffersonian re- (
publican and a friend of Troup. Up to 1825. ,
I acted on these rules, without perceiving their
import or justice. Fortunately for me and for
Georgia, the most remarkable man of the age,
and one of the few patriots belonging to it, was
then guiding the destines of our State—George
M. Troup.
He was engaged in a controversy with this
Government, involving our rights of sovereignty.
In attending to his correspondence, the most val
uable in our annals, I perceived the rules, and
traced the land marks; since which time I never
have forgotten or lost sight of them.
During its progress, as I fancied the sight of
bayonets and noise of soldiery, the same feelings
that thrilled at the news from the war, in the days
of boyhood, roused to indignation the feelings of
a man.—From that day to this, politically, I have
had hut one ambition: that has been to see the
country rallied in e->ppoit of the republican doc
trines, and the politicians of t.ie day practically
carrying them out.
At this period, who but the Federal adminis
tration of this Government, with Mr. Adams at
its head, were the opposers of Governor Troup.
Gales and Seaton were its organ and supporters;
and with all their feelings for our great, men,
could not sustain the principles of Gov, Troup.
From that day forward they have been and still
arc the decided supporters of the policy you op
pose and opposed to that you maintain. Their
press is devoted to the establishment of a United
Slaves Bank; and if that which has been often
asserted and not contradicted, be true, it has for
years been, and still is. mortgaged to that bank
for more than it can pay. Such is the bank’s in
terest in it, that it effects the insurance on it.
Although this may not control the opinions of
the editors, it is in the power of the bank to sell
it out whenever it might advocate a policy oppo
sed to its interests.—To s ibj ct the printing to
such casualty would certainly be unwise. They
are supporters of the tariff, of internal improve
ments. and other latitudinarian doctrines; which,
in the hands of the Federalists, would sooner or
later overwhelm your interests.—Pursuing the
interest of the hank, they are the organ here of I
Harrison’s friends, and t icrehy indirectly aid the
abolitionists; they have been at all times as wide- ]
ly opposed to your views as any piper here; that
they have preserved greater regard to courtesy, is
admitted.
In 1832, the darkest period of your history,
when Nullification seemed bat another name tor
“treasonin the missionary ca~e, where its
principles were strictly involved, the Intelligencer j
held that “the Supreme Court, might release the t
missionaries issue process, and execute its own
judgment;” that it would seem “quite evident
that all the agents of Georgia who are concerned
in retaining the missionaries in jail are trespass- 1
ers, and must answer one day for the false im- *
prisonment.” At this time this seemed to cut 1
agiinst our domestic adversaries, they being in 1
power, but it was a vital th ust, through them, at 1
your faith. i
The Globe, on that occasion, held that the Pre- 1
sident was not bound to execute the unconstitu- s
tiona! judgment of the Court against Georgia. —1
'Phis the Intelligencer denounced as a heresy, 1
notwithstanding the Globe vindicated it by citing (
the case of Mr. Jefferson’s relusal to execute the *
alien and sedition laws. The same principles f
were advocated by that press in the Tassel’s case. •
The Globe denounced the Nullifiers, and so 1
did the other their doctrines, and in this support
ed Jackson and the Force bill. Since 1836, the }
Globe and the Democratic party ns such, have put j •
forth and advocated doctrines at variance with 1 1
the Force Bill, and consonant wi-h ours. And I 1
the very measure, the Sub-Treasury, which is 1
the great cause of my offending, was suggested (
by Condy Raguet, a State Rights man, whom *
you remember as the editor of the Examiner, 1
and proposed and supported first in 1834 by our I
State Rights delegation here. It is now the lead- '<■
ing measure of the Globe and the Administra- *
tion. i
The Globe has uniformly opposed a bank, the 1
tariff, internal improvements, and the late move 1
to assume the two hundred millions of State 1
debts. It opposes them on the ground which you I
do. i 1
In private-life, so far as I know, the editor of \ I
the Globe stands unimpeached. He is temper- 1
ate, free from dissipation and industrious. He is 1
a southern man i.. his birth and education, and '
whatever he may have heretofore said or done, 1
as an editor, he is now proposing and supporting i
many of your leading features of policy and op- I
posing those which you have opposed. He is,
furthermore, a native American. What State ; i
Rights man. whose prepossessions are not strong- 5
ly for a bank, and against a Sub-Treasury, could t
hesitate to take the Globe, as an alternative, ra- <
ther th m the Intelligencer.
If any of you stiil doubt the consistency of ! I
my course here, that doubt shall now be removed, I
by turning your attention for a moment to our t
past hisiory, and pointing to the rule and object |j
that have invariably governed me. •
In the nomination of Judge White,of Tennes
see, some years ago as your candidate for Presi
dent, a tendency was manifested to sacrifice'prin- j t
ciples for men, and merge in the Federal ranks. I <
Governor Troup was then our nominee. On I 1
that occasion the principles of the party were j g
formally surrendered; Governor Troup’s name I I
informally and unceremoniously taken down.— i I
It was substituted by an advocate of the Proela- I h
mation and Force Bill; one who, with all his a
opposition to Jacksonism, professed JarKsonisrn. t
Here was the beginning of errors. The object
was to get numbers. It was done at the sacrifice
of principle. The slow' but certain progress of
truth was too tardy. We now feel the evil effects.
I, with many others, opposed this. We perceiv
ed in it what I have abundant proof of recently, 1
that the centralizing influence 'of parties here 1
was planning to amalgamate you with the Whigs, \
on mere feelings of opposition. Your editors 1
united in the effort, and at one time called you «
the Whig party of Georgia, but afterwards styl- «
ed you the Anti-Van Buren Party. In May. \
1837, in the Convention that nominated Mr. Gd- I
mer, a very decided attempt was made to form J- <
ly recognize your party and change its name, to I
erect a platform to tread with Whigs upon.— I
Those of you who were there will lemember the I
preamble and resolutions that were read for that I
purpose ; that I opposed it, and on what ground. |
\ou will remember what was done with the es- I
fort. It failed, and your party name was saved. 1
Phis tendency, being checked in form, has ]
been manifest in our action, until your opponents .
at home are seen to plant themselves on your own
ground, as you recede, and clai n with exultation !
that they are the State Rights men. This they ;
always did, hut certainly with more prop-h-ty, i
now that ihey occupy your ground, than when
you stood firmly on it
I have steadily resisted this, xvhenever called «
to act or speak, up to the vote for printer. On that
occasion, preferring to represent your principles
rather than your feelings and prejudices of nppei
sition, regardless of those principles, I was gc .
vernetl by the same rule.
You are now able, fellow-citizens, to decide
whether I have m ade your political faith the uni
form rule of rny conduct, and. consequently, have
truly represented you ; or whether, according to
the unsparing calumny of your editors I have
been guilty of a “moral prostitution, tegardless
of political consideration,” or have sold my birth
right for “a mess of pottage.”
There is. fellow-citizens, a controversy among
you; you differ one from another. I have the
misfortune to differ from soiru of you, while some
of my colleagues differ from myself and others,
ihe sum of this difference is the Bank. It stirs
you. It moves Harrison, and it is the spirit of
the W higs. Its success would he secured by the
triumphs wf the Whigs. Their dynasty will be
established in Harrison’s e'eclion. With them
the Federal rule of action gains the ascendancy.
By their rules of construction; the opposers of
your institutions have a law above the constitu
tion, that will sweep them like straw before the
wind.
I he same system of policy that has induced
me to act here, on every occasion as I have, will
still govern me as long as I remain. No interest
sha 1 swerve me; no apprehension deter me; no
stratagem, within my power to detect, shall cir
cumvent rne. These resolves have enabled some,
who have not the patience to examine my views,
to set me down lor “ impracticable: that being
toe least laborious method of disposing of a trou
blesome argument. I hope fairness vvill at once
relieve me of that imputation, or acquit me of
the opposite one, implied in the allegation of a
desertion of your principles.
The same rules that have governed me in choo
sing a printer, mus govern in the choice yf Presi
dent, and. wilt lead to a decided preference of the
present incumbent over bis opponent. Your in
terest is opp ised to either a direct or indirect sup
port of Harrison. This I have told you before.
Having additional evidence now, and more satis
factory. I repeat it here.
It is repeated for this additional reason. I nev
er will, knowingly, misiepresent the interests of
the people who send me here. And yet I will
acton no opinion which I cannot make my own.
The remedy for this is at hand. Il ldo not un'y
represent you, select one whose opinions, ditli r
ing from mine, may accord with your own. Ai d
in the absence of any imputation on my integrity
I should not only be content, but have cause to
rejoice that you wull have done your duty. But
if the Slate Rights party is what it has been. I
have not misrepresented its policy. It it isd Her
ent, lam unfit to be its representative. For say
ing thus much of myself, let the apology be that
it was in self-defence, and in commendation of
your policy. That I have said but little of r. y
co leagues, who agree with me. and are similarly
situated, results from the fact that they preler to
speak for themselves. We ha* eno further con
cert than agreement in sentiment brings about.
Their objects and wishes arc such as are here ex
pressed, and their views and reasons arc clear
and, to ray mind, conclusive.
This matter, which entirely belongs to you. I
submit into the hands of those who-eit is. and res
pectfully bid you adieu. Mark A. Coopku.
The following account of a deed of blood, un
paiallelled in American history, we copy fn.ru
the Fran .fort Commonwealth of Tuesday:
Most Awful and Horrid Murders!
A letter f-om a gentleman in Greensburg, to a
citizen of this place, of the date of March the
Bih, slates that there has just been disclosed ami
brought to light, one of the most shocking mur
ders ever corn nilted in a Christian land, in Ju
ly. 1833, there lived in Green county, about 7
miles, south west of Greensburg. a woman try the
name of Lucinda W lute. She and her" two
sons, one about 15 or 16 years old—the other be
tween 13 or 14, and her daughter-in-law. (who e
husband lives in the Southern Slates,) with a
child 18 o' 20 months eld. weie all living t. geth
er. In July, 1838, intending to move South to
their reletions, a man by the name of Carrington
Simpson, volunteered and undertook to remove
them. On a certain night, the younger Mrs.
White her child, and the elder Mrs. White’s
younger boy, were packed on horses, and alter
they had gone not more than a mile, they were
knocked in tue head and killed, and buried in an
old out house, in a hole about two feel deep. On
the next morning, the elder boy was sent off un
der some pretext and did not return for a week.
On the next night alter the fir I murder, the old
woman was killed at her own house, and put in
to the same hole ; and the elder boy returning in
about a week after, was killed and buried in the
same place: making in all, five human beings.
Suspicions have been afloat fore some months,
and strongei and stronger, until the 27ih of Feb
ruary, when Simpson was arrested and carried
before an examining court, and sent on for fur
ther trial. Some 60 or 70 men turned out to
hunt for the bones of ihe murdered, which they
found late on Friday evening. On yesterday,
the coroner held an inquest over the skeletons.
On last night I went to the prison, in company
with several others, and Simpson confessed that
he had helped to kill them. He said that two
men by ihe name of— (the names atewrtiten in
the letter, but omitted by us.) had aided him.
He said the cause of killing them was their
money and property. I dont think the whole ..f
their money and property v. as worth <me hundred
dollars, and the most of it was in clothing and bed
clothes.
The two persons implieated by Simpson, have
been arrested, and will be examined to-morrow.
No otuer evidence than tha: of Simpson has yet
transpired against them. Simpson’-family, 6 u 8
jn number, have all been arrested, and will be exam
ined to-morrow.
The New York Journal of Commerce says
that the number of revolutions the paudte wheels
of the British Queen performs in coming from
Portsmouth to New York is now ascertained with
great accuracy by means of a clock attached to
her machinery. During her recent voyage from
Portsmouth, the number of revolutions was tuo
hundrtd and ninety-one thousand e ght hundre
and forty-eight. Diameter of paddle wheels
thirty-one feet.
From the Gardener T s Magazine.
Magnificent Conservatory.
One of the most magnificent structures in
England has been lately erected by the Duke of
Devonshire at his beautiful residence at Cbats
worth. It consists of a large tropical conservatory.
In general design, it may be compared to a cath
edral, with central aisle and side aisles. The
entrances will be at tbe ends, through porches,
which will be treated as green-houses. When
the whole is completed, it will cover an acre and a
quarter of ground. There will lie a carriage way
through ir. which will form part of a general drive
through the pleasure grounds. It will be heated
by six fires, all ot which, and the means of act ess
to them, the places for fuel, &c., will be under
ground, and the chimneys carried in a tunnel, up
the side of a hill, to the distance of nearly a fur
long, so that there will not be the slightest up
pearance of artificial heating, or smoke, or sheds,
&c., either within the house, or exterior to
The conservatory is situated in an open part o a
lofty wood, in nearly the centre of the p»• 11 1
grounds, and is unquestionably •be la ctM uik
ture of the kind in existence, or on recon . - c
whole is under the direefi »n of -dr. Paxton. _ ,
whom it was designed, it was, pr°babi), aeauy
or quite finished the past fall.