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$2 50 AT THE END OF THE YEA]
VOLUME XVI.
LAGRANGE, GEORGIA, FRJDffl MORNING, NOVEMBER 30, I860.
NUMBER 47.
•*>*=
j|a t&xmp gtqw*tn\
WATERS B. JONES. C. H. C. WII.UNGHAH.
JONES & WILLINGHAM,
Propi’ietors. , .
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All announcements of candidates for office $5.00, to
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BUSINESS GAUDS.
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J. II JONES,
WA TGH-MA KEll A ND JE WEL Eli,
WILL do nil work in his line of business gS
at IhK shortest notion, and on reasonn-
IKu^ble terms, live miles South of LuGrunge.fKLtikS
near where the Croonvi lie and llamiltou roads oross.
junelf>-6m.
Pavillion Hotel.
H. L. BUTTERFIELD PROPRIETOR.
may!-ly* Charleston, S. C.
Dr. N. N. Smith,
Of La Grange, On.,
PRACTICES Medicine and Obstetrics, and will advise
and consult with Physicians in cases requiring con
sultation. Ollloo, West of the Court House.
mnrolib<>-ly.
Or. W. VV. Smith,
Of La Grannge, Ga.,
PRACTICES Medicine and Surgery, aided and advised
by Dr. N N. Smith. Office, West of the Court House.
tuarohllO-ly.
II. C. Humber,
ATTORNEY A T I. A w,
La Orange, Ga.
OFFICE in Sterling's Building, up slnirs.
Jan. Hi. 'fiti-tf.
J iUN A. SI’EElt. OAN’l. N. Sl’KKn.
Speer & Speer,
A T T O It N E Y S A T L A W ,
La Orange, Georgia,
OFFICE (up stairs) in Sterli" ' tiiiild’mr.
V Marob 24th, 185!). ly.
a \V, C. M. Hiinsou,
ATTORN El AT LAW,
Mae.on, Georgia,
Maroh 17 th. 1859.-ly.
B. H. Alfred,
S U II G E O N QgBha. £ ENT 1ST,
Office over B. *’! ^£03*0^ Curtrlght’s Store;
old stund of .1 Jacobs. Mitroli 17, 185i)-ly*
G. IV. Oliver,
ATTORN e y A T 1. A w,
tinner, Louisiana~
WILL practice in Cluibornu, Jackson, Bienville, Bo-
slur, and Union Parishes. Relerenocs: Hon. O. A.
Bull and Benj. H. Biglmm, Ln Grange: Dennis F.
ll'tmntond. Newnan. Geo. nugl!) ly.
Giisttvvus A. Hull,
A T T O R N E Y A T I. A W ,
La Orange, Georgia.
OFFICE with U. 0. Ferrell. Esq. . Marclill-ly
Miles II. Hill,
A T T O It N E Y A T LAW,
La Grange, Georgia,
WILL praotlooin Heard and Harris counties, nnd tlio
Cswela Circuit. Office above the store formerly occu
pied by Todd * Brett. Febt-ly.
J. K. Strickland,
A T T O It N E Y A TLA IV ,
La Grange, eorgia.
OFFICE In Farmers & Exchange Agency, under Sims
Hause. _ *lan. 28, 18.M‘-ly.
C. \V. Mabry,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Franklin, lleartl Co,, Ga.,
WILL practlco in the rallupoosn nml Coweta Clr-
anlts, the Supreme Court at Atlanta, and the District
Court of the United States at Marietta, Georgia.
Sept 10-ly
J. B. Morgan,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
La Grange, Georgia.
OFFICE nt the City Council Chamber.
Peo.Tl, 1858-ly. ___
\. M. Harris,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
NOTARY PUBLIC, AND COMMISSIONER OF WII.L8,
DEEDS, ETC., FOR TIIE STATES OE SOUTH
CAROLINA AND ALABAMA,
La Grange, Georgia.
OFFICE West side public s,Liare, in Thornton’s (up
stairs) building 1 July 3-1 y
1>. Proplfttt,
AMBROTYPISTJAND MELAINOTYPI8T,
La Grange, Georgin.
ROOMS over Patten* Cox. . April 20, 1855-ly.
H. O. Stanley,
A T T O R NE Y AT L A W ,
La Grange, Georgia,
aVILL practice in the counties of the Coweta Cir
cuit. ()ffice up stairs over Pullen * Cox's store.
Jan 7, 1858-ly.
Titos. J. Ilacon,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
La Grange, Georgia.
OEFICE up stairs, over Dr. Ridley’s (North side ot
the Court House Square.)
Tlie SimB House.
drift THIS new and commodious HOTEL Is now
liill open for the accommodation of tho public.—
The furniture is entirely new, and tho rooms com
fortable and well ventilated. The table will always
be supplied with the best the market utfordB, and no
nalns will he spared to render the guestscomfortable.
P 0.&J HEARD, Proprietors.
La Grange,Oct 19,’55 (tf.)
Medical Card.
D U. E. J. MORGAN, hnviuglocnted at Whilesville,
will practico Medicino and Obstetrics in Troup
and Harris oouutles. and respectfully solicits the
patronage of the people thereof.
lie will be found at Iris Office, or at tho residence
ol Mr. P. Perkins, at all times when not professionally
engaged. apr27-ly
AUCTION At COMMISSION HOUSE.
BY W. B. JONES,
La Oruuge, Geo.
T)ARTICULAR attention given to the sale of every
* thing uDtrusted to his care. may6
Job Work weentfid ot short notice.
SPEECH OF
HON. A. H. STEPHENS,
Delivered in the Hall of the House of Repre
sentatives of Oeorgia, Wednesday Evening,
November 14 Ih, 1860.
[REPORTED BY a. E. MARSHAL.]
Mr. Stephens entered tlie Hall at the liour
of 7 P. M., and wua greeted with long and
rapturous applause. IIu rose and said :
Felloiv-CUizens:—I appear before you to
night at tlie request of Members of the Leg
islature and others, to speak of matters of
the deepest interest that cap possibly con
cern us all of an earthly character. There
is nothing, no question or subject, connected
with ttiis life that concerns a free people so
intimately as that of tho government under
which they live. YVo ore now, indeed, sur
rounded by uvils. Nev^r, since 1 entered
upon the public stage.- has m Country Keen
so environed witli difficulties and dangers
that threatened the public peace and the
very existence of society as now. I do not
now appear before you at rny own instance.
It is not to gratify desire of my own that I
tun here. Had I consulted my own ease and
pleasure I should not be before yon ; but
believing that it is tlie duty of every good
citizen to give his counsels and views when
ever tlie country is in danger, as to tlie best
policy to be pursued, I am here. For these
reusons and these only do 1 bespeak a calm,
patient and attentive hearing.
My object is not to stir up strife, but to
ally it not to appeal to your passions, but
to your reason. Good government can never
be built up or t-n t iined by the impulse of
passion. 1 wish to address myself to your
good sense, to your good judgment, and it
alter hearing you disagree, let us agree to
disagree, and part as we met, friendly. YY'o
all have the same object, tlie sanic interest.
That people should disagree in republican
governments upon questions of public policy
is natural. That men should disagree upon
all matters connected with human investiga
tion, whether relating to science nr human
conduct, is natural, lienee in flue govern
ments parties will arise. Hut a free people
should express their different opinions witli
liberality and charity, with no acrimony to
wards tlioso of their follows when honest
and sincerely given. These are my feelings
to-night.
Let us, therefore, reason together. It is
not my pnrposo to say aught to wound tlie
feelings of any individual who may be pres
ent ; and if in the ardnney witli which I shall
express my opinions, I shall say any tiling
which may bo deemed too strung, let it lie
set down to the zeal with which I advocate
my own convictions. There is with mo no
intention to irritate or offend.
Follow-citizens, we are all launched in the
sutne barque—we are nil in tlie same craft
in tlie wide political ocean—tlie same destiny
awaits us all for weal or for woe. We have
been launched in the good old ship that lias
been upon tlie waves fur throe quarters of a
century, which lias) been ill qiaiiy ,'tempests,
and storms, lias ninny times been in peril,
nnd patriots have often fer.red that they
should liuvo to give it up, yen, had nt times
almost given it up, hut still the gnllnnt ship
is ullout; though new storms now howl
around us, and the tom punt bents heavily
against tis, 1 say to you don’t give up the
ship; don’t abandon her yet. If she can
possibly lie preserved, nnd our rights, in
terests ai.d security.be maintained, the object
is worth the effort. Let us not, on account
of disappointment and ehargin at the reverse
of an election, givo up till as lost, hut lot us
see what can bo done to prevent a wreck.—
(Some one said the ship lias holes in her.)
1'liuru may he leaks in her, but let us stop
them if we can ; many a stout old ship lias
been saved with richest cargo, after many
leaks, and it may lie so now. (Cheers.)
1 do not, on this occasion, intend to enter
into the history of tho reasons or causes of
tlie embarrassments which press so heavily
upon us all at this time. In justice to my
self, however, I inqst barely state upon this
point, that 1 do think much of it depended
upon ourselves. The consternation that has
come upon tlie people is tlio result of a sec
tional election of a President of the United
States, one whoso opinions and avowed prin
ciples are antagonism to our interests and
rights, and we believe if carried out, would
subvert the Constitution under which we
now live. But are we entirely blameless in
this matter, my countrymen? 1 give it to
yon as my opinion, that hut for tlie policy
tlie Southern people pursued, this fearful
result would not have occurred. Mr. Lincoln
lias been elected, I doubt not, by a minority
of the people of tlie United States. YVliat
will be tho extent of that minority wo do not
yet know, hut the disclosure when made will
show, I think, that a majority of tlie consti
tutional, conservative voters of tlie country
wore against him ; and had the South stood
firmly in the Convention at Charleston, on
her old platform of principles of non-inter
vention, tliero is in my mind But little doubt
that whoever might have been tlio candidate
of tlio National Democratic party would
liavo been elected by us large a majority as
that which elected Mr, Buchanan or Mr.
Pierce. Therefore let us not bo hasty and
rash in our action, especially if tlie result be
attributable at all to ourselves. Before look
ing to extreme measures, let us first see, as
Georgians, that everything which can be
done to preserve our rights, our interests,
and our honor, as well us tlie peace of the
country in tho Union, be first done, (Ap
plause.)
The first question that presents itself, is,
shall the people of tlie South secede from
tlie Union in consequence of the election of
Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United
States ? My countrymen, 1 tell you frankly,
candidly, und earnestly, that I do not think
that they ought. In tuy judgment, the elec
tion of no man, constitutionally choson to
that high office, is sufficient cause for any
State to separate from the Union. It ought
to stand by und aid still in maintaining the
Constitution of the country. To make a
point of resistance to tlie Government, to
withdraw from it because a man has been
constitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong.
VVe are pledged to maintain the Constitution.
Many of us liavo sworn to support it. Can
wo, therefore, for the tncro olectiou of a man
to tho Presidency, and that too in accor
dance with tho prescribed forms of the Con
stitution, make a point of resistance to the
Government without boooming tho breakers
of that sacred instrument ourselves? with
draw oursolvcB from it? Wuitld we not be
in tlio wrong ?
YY’iiateVer fate is to befall this country,
let it never be laid to the charge of the peo
pie of the South, and especially to the peo.
pie of Georgia that we wore untrue to our
national engagements. Lot tlie fault nnd
the wrong rest upon others. If ail our hopes
are to be blasted, if tho Hcpublic is to go
down, lut us be found, to thu last moment,
standing on the deck with tho Constitution,
of the United States waving over our heads;
(Applause.) Let the funatics of the North
break the' Constitution if huoIi is their full
purpose. Lot the responsibility be upon
them. I shall speak presently more of their
acts ; but let not the South, let ub not lie
the ones to commit tlie aggression. Wo
went into the election witli this people. The
result was different from wlmt we wished ;
hut tho election lias been constitutionally
bold. YVcro wo to make a point of resis
tance to tlio Government und go out of the
Union on that account, tho record would he
made against us.
Bqt it is said Mr. Lincoln’s policy and
principles are against the Constitution, and
that if he curio's tlieni fiat it will bo destruc
tive of our rights. Let ns not anticipate a
threatened evil. If iio violates the Consti
tution then will come our time to act. Do
not let us break it becauso, forsooth, he may.
If lie does, that is the time for us to strike.
(Applause.) I think it would be injudicious
and unwise to do this sooner. I do not an
ticipate that Mr. Lincoln will do anything to
jeopard our safety or security, whatever may
Iio his spirit to do it; for lie is bound by the
constitutional checks which are thrown
around him, which at this time renders him
powerless to do any gloat mischief. This
shows tlio wisdom of our system. The
l’resident of the United States is no Empe
ror, no Dictator—lie is clothed with no abso
lute power, lie can do nothing unless lie is
hacked by power in Congress. Tho House
of Representatives is largely in the majority
against him.
In tlie very face and teetli of tlio heavy
majority which lie lias obtained in Northern
States, there have been large gains in tlie
House of Representatives to tlie Conserva
tive Constitutional party of the country,
which here I will call tlie National Demo
cratic purty, beeuuse that is tlie cognomen
it lias at the North. There arc twelve of
this party elected from Now York to tlio
next Congress, I believe. In tlie present
House there are hut four, I think, ln I’onii-
sylvaniu, New Jersey, Ohio, and Indiana
there have been gains. In tlie present Con
gress there wore 113 Republicans, when it
takes 117 to make a majority. The gains
in tlie Democratic party in I’onnsylvuniu,
Ohio, New Jersey, New York, Indiana and
other States, notwithstanding its distrac
tions, liavo been enough to a make a majority
of near thirty in the next House against Mr.
Lincoln. Even in Boston, Mr. Burlingame,
one of the noted leaders of tlie fanatics of
that section, bas been defeated, and a con
servative man returned in his stead. Is this
tlie time thou to apprehend that Mr. Lincoln,
with this lurgo majority in tlie House of
Representatives against him, can carry out
any of his uiiuonstilutiuuul principles in tliut
body ?
ln tlie Senate lie will also bo powerless.
Hi ere tvilt bo ti majority of four nguinst Mint
This after tlie loss of Bigler, Fitch, nnd
others, by the unfortunate dissensions of the
National Democratic party in their States.
Mr. Lincoln cannot appoint an officer with
out the- consent of the Senate—ho cannot
form a Cabinet without tlie same consent.—
IIu will be in tlie condition of George the
Third, (the embodiment ol Toryism,) who
had to ask tho YVI.igs lo appoint his Minis
ters, and was compelled lo receive a Cabinet
utterly opposed to his views ; and so Mr.
Lincoln will Do compelled to ask of the Sen
ate to choose for him u Cabinet, if the Demo
cracy of that body chose to put him on such
terms. He will be compelled to do this or
let tlie Government slop, if the National
Democratic men, (for that is their name at
the North,) tlie Conservative men in the
Senate, should so determine. Then how cun
Mr. Lincoln obtain a Cabinet which would
aid him, or allow him to violuto the Consti
tution ?
YY’liy then, I say, should wo disrupt tlie
ties of this Union when iiis bunds are tied,
when lie can do nothing uguiust us ? I have
heard it mooted that no man in the State of
Georgia, who is true to her interests, could
hold office under Mr. Lincoln. But 1 ask
wlio appoints to office ? Not the President
alone ; tlie Senate lias to concur. No man
cun be appointed without thu consent of the
Senate. Should uny man then refuse to hold
oilieo tliut was given him by a Democratic
Senate? (Mr. Toombs interrupted and said
if the Senate was Democratic it was for
Breckinridge.) Well, then, continued Mr.
S., I apprehend no man could lie justly con
sidered untrue to the interests of Georgia or
incur any disgrace, if the interests of Geor
gia required it, (o hold ail office under which
a Breckinridge Senate iiad given him, even
though Mr. Lincoln should he President.—
(Prolonged applause, mingled with inter
ruptions.)
I trust, my countrymen, you will he still
and silent. 1 am addressing yuur good
sense. I am giving you my views in a culm
and dispassionate manner, und if any of
you differ with me, you cun on any other oc
casion give your views as I am doing now,
and let reason and true patriotism decide
between us. In my judgement, I suy under
such circumstance there would be no possi
ble disgrace lor a Southern man to hold
office. No man will Iio suffered to lie ap
pointed, I have no doubt, who is not true to
the Constitution, if Southern Senators are
true to their trusts, uh I cannot permit my
self to doubt that they wilt be.
My honorable friend who addressed you
lust night, (Mr. Toombs,) and to whom I
listened with the prefoundest attention, asks
if we would submit to Black Republican
rule ? I say to you and to him, as u Georgian,
I never would submit to any Bluek Republi
can aggression upon our constitutional rights.
I will never consent myself, as much as 1
admire this Union, for the glories of tlie past
or the blessings of thu present; as much
us it has done fur the people ot all these
States ; as much us it has dene for civiliza
tion ; as much as tite hopes of the world
hang upon it j I would never submit to
aggression upon my rights to maintain it
longer ; and if they cannot be maintained
in the'Union, standing on tlie Georgia Plat
form, where I buve stood from tho time of
its adoption, I would he in favor of disrupt
ing every tie which binds tlie States to
gether. I will have equality for Geurgia
und for the citizens of Georgia in this Union,
or I will look for new safeguards elsewhere.
This is my opinion. The only question now
is, can they be scoured in the Union 1 That
is what I am counseling with you to-night
about. Can it be secured ? 1m my judgment
it may be, but it may not be : but let us do
may select me wisest 'Bin uest. men iur y
legislators, and yet how many defects
apparent in your law4? ( And it is so in
Government, But tW.tt this Govcrmnon
all we can, so that in t iji future, if tlie worst |
come, it may tiOvcrbel »id we wore negligent J
in doing our duty to i is last.
My countrymen, l a(H not of (hose who !
believe this Union IpB been a curse up to
this time. True into*; men of integrity
entertain different' vi> ws from me on this
subject. I do not quo tion their right to do
no ; 1 would nut imptt n their motives in so
doing. Nor will I urn :rtake to say that this
Government of our fall irs is pci feet. There
is nothing perfect in ’ lis world of a human
origin. Nothing out weted with human
nature from man hiltuii f to any of Iiis works.
You may select the wsust and best men for
your Judges, and yet nkv many defects are
there in tlie ndministrunim of justice ? You
may select the wisest atjd best men for your
many defects are
in our
Ibis Government of
our fathers; witn ull iiAthmcts, comes nearer
Dv objects of all godf'Governments than
any other on the face of the earth, is rny
settled conviction. Uoutrast it now with
any on the face of the earth. (England,
said Mr. Toombs.)
Mr. Stephens : England, niv friend says.
Well, that is the next best, I grant, lint I
think wo have improved upon England.
Statesmen tried their apprentice hand on the
Government of England, and then ours wus
nmdo. Ours sprung from that, avoiding
many of its defects, taking most of the
good and leaving out many of its errors,
and from the whole conslrueting and build
ing up this model Repulaio-*tho best which
tho history of tlio world gives any uccouut
of. Compare, my friends, this Government
with that of Spain, Mexico, the South Amor-
can Republics, Germany, Ireland. Are there
any sons of that down-trodden nation here
to-night? Prussia, or if you travel farther
East, to Turkey or Chinn. Where will you
go, following tlie sun in its circuit round our
globe, to find a government that bettor pro
tects the liberties of ita people, and secures
to them the blessings we enjoy. (Applause.)
I think that one of tlie evils that beset ns
is a surfeit of liberty, an exuberance of the
priceless blessings for which we are ungrate
ful. YY’e listened to my honorable friend
who addressed yon last night (Mr. Toombs,)
as lie recounted the evils of tliis Government.
The first was the fishing bounties paid most
ly to the sailors of New England. Our
friend stated tliut forly-eight years of onr
Government was under the administration of
Southern Presidents. Well, these fishing
bounties began under the rule of a Southern
President, 1 believe. No one of them during
the whom forty-eight years ever set Iiis ad
ministration against, tlie principle or policy
of them. It is not for mo to say whether it
was a wise policy in the beginning ; it pro
bably was nut, and I have nothing to say in
its defence. But tlie reason given for it was
to encourage our young men to goto sea
and learn to nmimgo shins, YY’e had at the
time but a small navy. It was thought host
to encourage a class of our people to become
acquainted with sea-luring life ; to become
sailors ; to man our uavidsbips. It requires
practice to walk tiff? dotftf of a ship, to pull
tho ropes, to furl the spils, to go aloft, to
climb the must; and it was thought by offer
ing Ibis homily, a nursery might lie formed
in which young liter would become perfected
in these arts, and it applied to one section uf
the country as well as to any other.
The result uf this was that in the war of
1812, our sailors, many of whom came from
this nursery, were equal to any that England
brought against us. At any rate, no small
part of the glories of that war were gained
by thu veteran tars of America, and tho
object of these bounties was to foster that
branch of tlie national iliTencc. My opinion
is, that whatever limy have been tlie reason
at first, this bounty ought to bo discontinued
— tlio reason for it at first no longer exist.
A bill f ir this object did pass tlie Senate the
last Congress, I was in, to which my honor
able friend contributed greatly, but was not
reached in tlio House of Representatives.
I trust that lie will yet t(uo that he may with
honor continue Iiis connection with tlio Gov
ernment, and tliut Iiis eloquence, unrivaled
in the Senate, may hcrtfeffcpr as heretofore,
he displayed in having this bounty, so ob
noxious to him, repealed and wiped off from
the statue book.
TI o next evil that my friend complained
of was tlio Tariff. Well, lot us look at tliut
for a moment. About tile time I commenced
noticing public matters this question was
agitating the country almost as fearfully as
tlie slave question now is. In 1832, when I
was in college, South Curolina wus ready to
nullify or secede from tho Union on this ac
count. And wlmt have we seen ? The Tariff
no longer distracts tiie public councils.
Reason lias triumphed 1 Tiie present Turiff
was voted for in Massachusetts and South
Carolina. Tlie lion and tlie lamb lay down
together—every man in - tlio Senate and
House from Massachusetts mid £oulh
Carolina voted for it, us did my liondrubln
friend himself. And if it be true, to use the
figure of speeeli of my honorable friend, that
every man in the North that works in iron
and brass und wood Ims his muscle strength
ened by t ,u protection (ST tlie Government,
tliut stimulant was given by Iiis vote, and 1
believe every other Southern man So we
ought not to complain of that,
Mr. Toombs, That tariff’ assessed tlie
duties.
Mr. S. Yes and Mass, with unanimity
voted with the South to lessen them, and
they were made just as low as Southern men
asked them to he, und that is the rates they
arc now at. If reason and argument with
experience predueted such changes in the
sentiments of Musdchusctts from 1832 to
1857, on tho subject of the Tariff, may not
like changes be effected there by tlie same
moans, reason und argument, and appeals to
patriotism on tlie present vexed question,
and who can suy that by 1875 or 1890, Mas
sachusetts may not vote with South Carolina
and Georgia upon all those questions
that now distract tlie country and
threaten its peace and existence. I believe
in tho power and efficiency of truth, in the
omnipotence of truth, and its ultimate tri
umph wheu properly wielded. (Applause.)
Another matter of grievance alludod to by
my honorable friend, was the navigation
laws. This policy was also commenced under
tiie administration of one of those Southern
Presidents who ruled so well, and has been
continued through all of them since. Tlie
gentleman’s views of Uto policy of these
laws and my own do not disagree. YY’e
occupied tlio same ground in relation to
them in Congress. It is not my purpose to
defend them now, But it is proper to state
some matters connected with their origin.
Otto of the objocts wus to build up a com
mercial American Marine by giving Ameri
can bottoms tlie exclusive carrying trade
between our own ports. This is a great arm
of national power. This object was accom
plished. YY’e have now un amount of ship
ping not only coast-wide but to foreign
countries which puts us in the front ranks of
the nations of tlie world. England eaii no
longer bo styled tlio mistress of tlie seas.—
YY’liat American is not proud of the result ?
YVlietlier those laws should be continued is
another question. But one tiling is certain,
no President, Northern nr Southern, bus over
yet recommended their repeal. And niy
friend’s efforts to get them repealed was met
with but little favor North or South.
These, then, were tho main grievances or
grounds of complaint against tlie general
system of our government and its workings.
I mean the administration of tlie Federal
Government. As to the Acts of several of
the States, I shall speak presently; but,there
those were the main ones used against tlie
common head. Now suppose it lie admitted
that nil of these are evils in the system, do
they over-balance and outweigh the advan
tages and great good which this same gov
ernment affords in a tluuisand innumerable
ways that can not be estimated ? Have we
not at thu South as well as the North grown
great, prosperous and happy under its ope
ration ? lias uny part of the world ever
shown such rapid progress in the develop
ment of wealth, and all the mutcrul resources
of national power ami greatness ns the
Southern States have under tho General
Government, notwithstanding all its de
fects ?
Mr. Toombs—in spile of it.
Mr. Stephens—My lion, friend says we
have, in spite of tlie General Government.—
YY’itliout it, 1 suppose, lie thinks we might
have done as well or perhaps better than we
have done in spite of it. That may he, and
it may not he, but the great fact is, that
wo have grown great and powerful
under tlie government us it exists. There is
no conjecture or speculation about that ; it
stands out bold, high and prominent, like
your Stone Mountain, to which tho gentle
man alluded in illustrating home facts in Iiis
record—this great fact uf our unrivaled pros
perity in the Union as it is admitted—
whether all this is in spite of the government
—whether we of the South would have been
better off' without the government is to say
tlie lust problematical. On the one side we
can only put tlio fact, against speculation
nnd conjecture on the other. But even as a
question of speculation I differ with my dis
tinguished friend.
Wlmt wo would have lost in border wars
without the Union, or wlmt wo have gained
simply by the peace it lias secured no esti
mate can lie made of. Onr foreign trade
which is the foundation of all our prosperity
lias the protection of tlio Navy, which drove
the pirates from tlio waters near onr coast
where they had been buccaneering for cen
turies before, and might have been still bad
it not been for tlio American Navy under tlie
command of such spirits as Commodore
Porter. Now that tlio coast is clear, tliut
our commerce .flows freely outwardly and
inwardly wo cannot well estimate iiow it
would have under other eireniistiiiices. Tlie
iiilliienee of the government on us is like that
of (lie atmosphere around us. Its benefits
are so silent and unseen that they are seldom
thought of or appreciated.
\\’c seldom think of tho single element of
oxygen in tlio air wo breathe, and yet let this
simple unseen and unfelt agent bo with
drawn, this life-giving element bo taken
away from this all-pervading fijid around
us, and wlmt instant and appalling changes
would take place in all organic creation !
It may be that wu arc in “spite of the
General Government,’’ but it may be that
without it we should liavo been far different
from what we are now. It is true there is
mi equal part of the earth with natural re
sources superior perhaps to ours. That
portion of this country known ns the South
ern States stretching from the Chesapeake
to the Rin Grande, is fully equal to tlio pic
ture drawn by tlie honorable and eloquent.
Senator last night, in all natural capaciftes.
But how many ages and centuries p;(Psod
before these capacities were developed to
roach this advanced stage of civilization ?
There these same hills, rich in ore, same
rivers, valleys and plains, arc us they have
been since they came ffom tlie hand of tlie
Greater ; uneducated and uncivilized man
roamed over them for how long no history
informs us.
It was only under our Constitutions tliut
they could bo developed. Their develop
ment is the result of the enterprizu of our
people under operations of tho Government
nnd institutions under which we have lived.
Even our people without these never would
have done it. The organization of society
lias much to do witli the development of the
natural rsoitrcos of any country, or any land.
The institutions of a people political and
moral are the matrix in which the germ of
their organic structure quickens into life —
takes root and develops in form, nature and
character. Our institutions constitute the
matrix from which spring all our character
istics of developments and greatness. Look
at Greece ; there is tlie same fertile soil, tlie
same blue sky, the same iulctd and harbors,
tiie same Egeim, tlio same Olympus, there is
the same laud where Homer snug, where
Pericles spoke ; it is in nature tlie same old
Greece ; but it is living Greece no more —
(Applause.) Descendants of tlie sume people
inhabit tlie country ; yet wlmt is the teasun
of this mighty difference ? In the midst of
present degradation we see tho glorious
fragments of ancient works of art—temples
witli ornaments und inscriptions that excite
wonder and admiration—tlie remains of u
once high order of civilization which have
outlived the language they spoke-npou them
all Ichabod is written—their glory lias de
parted.
YY’liy is this so ? j answer, their institu
tions liavo been destroyed. These were hut
the fruits of their forms of government, the
matrix form which their grand development
sprung, und when once thu institutions of a
people have boon destroyed, there is no
earthly power that can bring back the Pro
methean spark to kindle them here again,
any more in that ancient land of eloquence,
poetty and song. (Applause.) The same
may be said of Italy. YVhere is Rome, once
the mistress of tlie world ? There are the
gams seven hills now, the same soil, the
same natural resources ; nature is the same,
but what a ruin of human greatness meets
tlie eye of the traveler throughout the length
and breadth of that most down troddonlund!
YY’liy have not thu people of that Heaven-
favored olime that animated tbeir fathers ?
YVby this sad difference ? It is the destruc
tion of her institutions that has caused it;
and, my countrymen, if we shall in an evil
hour rashly pull down and destroy those in
stitutions which the patriotic band of our
fathers labored so long and so hard to build
up, nnd which have done so much for us and
tlie world, who can venture tlie prediction
tliut simlur results will not eusue ? Let us
avoid it if wu cun. I trust tlio spirit is
amongst us that will enable as to do it. Let
us not rashly try tho experiment, for if it fail
us it did in Greece und Italy und in the
South American Republic, and in every other
place, wherever liberty is onccd destroyed,
it muy never be restored to us again. (Ap
plause.)
There are defects in our government,
errors in administration, nnd abort coinings
of many kinds, but in spite of these defects
and errors Georgia lias grown to be a great
State, Let us pause here a moment. In
1850 there was a great crisis, but not so
fearful as this, for of all I have ever passed
through this is tlie most perilous and re
quires to bo met with the greatest calmness
and (TdrlbbratflKr
There were many amongst us in 1850
zealous to go at once out of the Union, to
disrupt every tie that binds us together.—
Now do you believe, had that policy been
carried out at that time, we would have been
the same great people that we are to-day ?
It may be tliut we would, but have you any
assurance of that fact ? YY’ould we have
made the same advancement, improvement
and progress in »u th. ’ constitutes material
wealth and prosperity tl it wu have?
1 notice in tlie Comptroller General's report
that tlie taxable propel ly of Georgia is
$670,900,000, and upwards, an amount not
far from double that it was in 1850. T think
I may venture to say that for tlie last ton
years the muterul wealth of tiie people of
Georgia lias been nearly if not quite doubled.
Tlio sume muy bo said of our udvunen in
education, und every thing that marks our
civilization. Have we any assurance tliut
bad we regarded the earnest but misguided
patriotic advice, as 1 think, of some of that
day, disrupted the ties which bind us to the
Union, we would have advanced as we have?
I think not. YVell then, let us be careful
now before we attempt any rasli experiment
of this sort. 1 know that there arc friends
whose patriotism I do not inted to question,
who think this Union a curse, ami that we
would be better off without it. 1 Jo not so
think ; if wo can bring about a correction of
these evils which threaten—and I am not
without hope that this may yet he done—
this appeal to go out with all the provisions
for good that accompany it, I look upon as
a great, and I fear a tutul temptation.
When 1 look around uml see our pros
perity in everything, agriculture, commerce,
art, Hcioitce nnd every department of educa
tion, physical and mental, us well as moral
advancement, and our colleges, 1 think in the
face of such ati exhibition it' we can without
the loss of power, or any essential right or
interest, remain in the Union, it is our duty
to ourselves and to prosperity to—let us not
too readly yield to this temptation—do so.
Our first parents, the great progenitors of thu
h.iimau rao^ wpie.livt without a,like tempta
tion when in tho garden Eden. They were
led to believe tliut. tbeir condition would be
bettered—that their eyes would he opened
—and that they would become as Gods.—
l'liey in an evil hour yielded—instead of be
coming Gods, tliey only saw tbeir own
nakedness.
1 look upon this country, with our institu
tions, as tlie Eden of tlie world, the paradise
of the universe. It may be tliut out of it we
may become greater and more prosperous,
but I am candid and sincere in telling you
that 1 four if we rashly evince passion and
without sufficient cause shall take that in
stead of becoming greater or more peaceful,
prosperous and happy—instead of becoming
Gods, we will become demons and nt no dis
tant day commence cutting one anutbers’
throats. This is my apprehension. Let us,
therefore, whatever we do, meet these diffi
culties, great as tliey uro, like wise and
sensible men, and consider them in thu light
of all the consequences which muy attend
our action. Let us sec first clearly where
the patli of duty leads and then we tnuy not
fear to tread therein.
I come now to tho main question put to
mo, and oil which my counsel Ims been asked.
Tliut is, wlmt tlie present Legislature should
do in view of tho dangers that threaten us,
ami tlio wrongs that Imve been done us by
several of our confederate State in tho Union,
by the acts uf their Legislatures nullifying
tlie Fugitive Slave Law, and in direct disre
gard of their constitutional obligations.—
YY’liat I shall say will nut he in tiie spirit of
dictation. It will be situ; ly my own judg
ment for wlmt it is worth. It proceeds from
a strong conviction that according to it our
rights, interests and bouor, our present safety
and future security can bo maintained with
out yet looking to tlie lust resort, tlio ” ultima
ratio regum.’’ That should not he luoked to
until all else fails. That may come. On
this point 1 urn hopeful but not sanguine.—
But let us use every patriotic uffurt to pre-
vont it while there is ground for hope.
If any view that I may present, iu your
judgment, be inconsistent with the best in
terest of Georgia, I ask you as patriots nut
to regard it. After bearing me and others
whom you have advised witli, act in the
premises according to your own couvictiou
of duty as patriots, 1 speak now particu
larly to tlie members of tho Legislature
present. Tlioro are as I have said great
dangers ulieail. Great dangers may come
frum tiie election spoken of. If tlie policy
of Mr. Lincoln and bis Republican associates
shall be carried uut, or attempted to be cai-
ried uut, uo limn in Georgia will be more
willing or ready than myself, to defend our
rights, interest and honor ut every hazard
and to the last extremity. (Applause.)
YVliat is this policy? It is in thu first
place to exclude us by an act uf Congress
from the Territories with our slave property.
Hu is for usiug the power of the General
Government against tho exteuaion of our
institutions. Our position on this point iu
and ought to he, at all hazards for perfect
equality between all the Stato and tne oiti-
zens of all the States in the Territories, un
der tho Constitution of the United States.—
If Congress should exorcise its power against
this, then 1 am for standing where Georgia
planted herself in 1850. These wore plain
propositions which were then laid down in
iter celebrated Platform as sufficient for the
diaruption of the Union if tho occasion
should ever come ; on these Georgia has
declared that she v/ill go out of the Uuiou ;
and for these site would be justified by the
nations ot the earth in so doing. I say the
same : I said it then : I say it row, if Mr.
Lincoln’s policy should be carried out. I
have told you that I do not think his bare
election sufficient cause; but if his policy
should be carried out in violation of any of
the principles set fortli in tho Georgia Plat
form, that would be such an act of aggress
ion, which ought to be met us therein pro
vided for. If Iiis policy shall he curried out
in repealing or modifying the Fugitive Slave
Law so as to weaken its efficacy, Georgia
has declared that she will in the lost resort
disrupt the tics of tlie Union, and I say si
too. ’ - ■ " • • —
upon
sions r
to you and to the people of Georgia, keep
your powder dry and let your assuilants then
have load if need be. (Applause.) I would
wait for an act of aggression. This is my
position.
Now upon another point, and that the
most difficult and deserving your most
serious consideration, I will speak. That is
the course which this State should pursue
towards tliose Northern States which by
their Legislative acts have attempted to
nttUify tfm F.t R 4e*vo' 5Tav5~TJ&Wi 'nmmv
that in some of these States their acts pre
tended to be based upon tlie principle set
fortli in the decision of tlio Supreme Court
of tlio United Stutcs iu tlie case Prigg
against Pennsylvania ; that decision did
procluim the doctrine that the State officers
are not bound to carry out tlie provisions of
a law of Congress—that tlie Federal Govern
ment cannot impose duties upon State of
ficials—that tliey must execute their own
laws by tbeir own officers. And this may
be true. But still it is tlie duty of the States
to deliver fugitive slaves as well as the duty
of tho General Government to see that it is
done.
Northern States, on entering into the
1 cdoral Compact plegcd themselves to sttr-
•eudi.r such fugitives ; and it is in disregard
if tbeir constitutional obligations that th- y
tavo passed bn-vs jyhioh even tend to hind, t
a - imbibe the i IflltnoutTJP^tfrrrtvqbligattftn.
They have violated their pi ip 1 tjnf*~i’Tfih j
what ought we to do in view of this ? That
is the question. YY’liat is to tie done ? By
the law of nations you would have a right
to demand tho carrying out of this article
of agreement, and I do not seo that it should
be otherwise with respect to the States of
this Union, and in case it be not done we
would by these principles Imve the right to
commit nets of reprisal on these faithless
.. iverninents, and seize upon their property,
or that of their citizens wherever found.
Tlie States of this Union s .md upon tiie
same footing with foreign nations in this
respect. But by the law of natiomi we are V
equally bound, before proee. ding t,, viulent
measures to set forth our grievances before
the offending government lo give them an
opportunity to rcdiess the wrong. Hus our
Stale yet done this ? I think uut.
Suppose it were great Britain that had
violated some compact of agreement witli
tho General Government; what would be
first done ? In that ease our Minister would
bo directed iu tlie first instance to bring tlie
mutter to the attention of that goverumeut,
or a commissioner be si-nt to that country to
open uegoti&Ji.uus witli luii, ^iti*~J,
und it would only be after argument an<7
reason had been exhausted iu vain that we
would take the last resort uf nations. That
would bo the course towards a foreign gov
ernment, and towards a member of this Con
federacy I would recommend the same course.
Let us therefore not act hastilj’ to this mat
ter. Let your Committee on the'Stuto of the
Republic make out a bill of grievance ; let
R be sent by the Governor to tlioso faithless
States, and if reason and argument shall be
tried in vain—all shall fail to induce them
to return to their constitutional obligations,
1 would bo for retaliatory measures, such us
the Governor lias suggested to you. This
mode of resistance in tlie Union is in our
power. It might bo effectual, and if in the
iast resort we would be justified in the eyes
of nations, not only in separating from them,
but by usiug force.
(Some one said tho argument was already
exhausted ) ,
Mr. Stephens continued. Some friend says
that the argument is ulready exhausted. No,
my friend, it is not. You have never called
the attention ot tho Legislature of those
States to this subject, that I am aware of.
Nothing has ever boou done before this year.
The attention of our own people has been
culled to the subject lately.
Now then my recommendation to. you
would bo this. In view of all these questions
of difficulty, lut a convention of the pooplo
of Georgia be called, to which they may be
all referred. Let tlio sovereignty of the
people spunk. Seme think that tlie election
of Mr. Lincoln is cause sufficient to dissolve
the Uniou. Some think those other griev
ances are sufficient to dissolve the same, and
that tiie Legislature has the power thus to
act aud ought thus to act. I have no hesi
tancy in saying that tho Legislature is not
tlie proper body to sever our Federal rela
tions, if that uecessury should arise.
An honorable and distinguished gentleman
the other night (Mr. T. R. R. Cobb) advised
you to take this course—not to wait to bear
from tho cross roads and groceries. 1 say
to you, you have no power so to act. Yon
must refer this question to the people, and •
you must wait to hear from tho men ut tho
cross roads and even tlio groceries ; for tlie
people iu this couutry, whether at the cross
roads or the groceries, whether in cottages
or palaces, are all equal, and they are the
sovereigns in this country. Sovereignty is
not in the Legislature. We, the people, are
the sovereigns. - I am oue of thorn and have
a right to be heard, and so has any other
citizen of the Stato. You legislators, I
speak it respectfully, are but our servants.
You are the servants uf the people and not
their masters. Fewer resides with the
people in this country. The gruat difference
between our country and all others, such as
France and England and Ireland, is that
here there is popular sovereignty, wliilu
there sovereignty is exercised by kings and
favored classes. This principle of popular
soveroingntv, however much derided lately,
is the foundation of our institutions Com
stitutions arc but the channels through
which the popular will may bo expressed.
Our Constitution came from the people.
They made it, and they alone can rightfully
unmake it.
Mr. Toumbs. I am afraid of conventions.
Mr. Stepbeua. 1 am not afraid of any
convention legally chosen by the people. I
know no way to decide great questions
affecting fundamental laws exoept by re
presentatives of the people. The constitu
tion of the United States was made by the
representatives of the people. The consti
tution of the State of Geurgia was made by
representatives of the people chosen at tho
ballot-box. But do not let the question
which comes before the people be put to them
\
