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BY JONES & WILLINGHAM,
LA GKANGE, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, DECEMBER i5, 1865;
VOLUME XXI.—NUMBER 49.
the la grange reporter.
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PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE.
Fdlow-C'dizem ot the Senate and
House of Representatives:
To express gratitude to God, in the
nuine of the People, for the preservation
of the United States, is rny first duty in
addressing you. Our thoughts next re
vert to the death of the late Presideut by
«n act of parricidal treason. The grief
of the nation is still fresh; it finds some
solace in tire consideration that he lived
to enjoy the highest proof of its confidence
by entering on the renewed term of the
Chief Magistracy, to which he had been
elected; that he brought the civil war
substantially to a close; that his loss was
deplored in all parts of the Union; and
that foreign nations have iendered justice
to his memory. Ilis removal cast upon
me a heavier weight of cares than ever
devolved upon any of his predecessors.—
To fulfil my trust I need the Biipport and
confidence of all who are associated with
me in the various departments of Gov
ernment, and the Bupport and confidence
of the people. There is but one way in
which 1 can hope to gain their necessary
■aid; it is to state with frankness the
-principles which guide my conduct, and
their application to the present state of
affairs, well aware that the efficiency of
my labors will, in a great measure, de
pend on your and their undivided appro
bation.
The Union of the United States of
America was intended, by its authors, to
last as long as the Stales themselves
shall last. “The Union shall be perpetu
nl” are the words of the Confederation —
“ To form a more perfect Union,” by an
ordinance of the people of the United
States, is the declared purpose of the
Constitution. The hand of Divine Provi
dence was never more plainly visible in
the affairs of men than in the framing
and the adopting of that ‘instrument. It
is, beyond comparison, the greatest event
in American history; and indeed is it not,
<if all events in modern times, the most
pregnant with consequences for every
people of the earth ? The members of
the Convention which prepared it, brought
to their work the experience of the Con
federation, of their several States, and of
other Republican Governments, old and
new; but they needed and they obtained
a w isdom superior to exooi ien.e. And
when for its validity it reqtiin.il the up-
the Federal Government itself, or to the
people, who grant to the members of the
Legislative and Executive Departments
no tenure but a limited one, and in that
manner always retain the powers of re
dress.
“The sovereignty of the States*’ is the
language of the Confederacy, and not the
language of the Constitution. The latter
contains the emphatic words: “The Con
stitution, and the laws of the United
States which shall be made in pursuance
thereof; and all treaties made or which
shall be made under the authority of the
United State.s, shall be the supreme law
of the land; and the judges in every
State shall be bound thereby, anything in
the Constitution or laws of any State to
the contrary notwithstanding.”
Certainly the Government of the United
States is a limited Government. With
us, this idea of limitation spreads through
every form of administration, general,
State and municipal, and rest on the
gfbat distinguishing principle of the re
cognition of the rights of rnan- The an
cient republics absored the individual in
the State, prescribed his religion, and
controlled his activity. The American
system rests on the assertion of the equal
rights of every man to life, liberty, aud
the pursuit of happiness; to freedom of
conscience, to the culture and exercise of
all his faculties. As a consequence, the
i State Government is limited, as to the
General Government in the interest of the
Union, an to individual citizen in the in
terest, of freedom.
States, with proper limitations of pow
er, are essential to the existence of the
Constitution of the United States. AtHhe
veiy commencement, when we assumed
a place among the powers of the earth,
the Declaration of Independence was
adopted by the States; so also were the
Articles of Confederation; and when the
people of the United States ordained and
established the Constitution, it was the
assent of the States, one by one, which
gave vitality. In the event, too, of any
amendment to the Constitution, the propo
sition cf Congress needs the confirmation
of Slatis. Without States one great
branch of the legislative Government
would be wanting. And, if wo look be
yond the letter of the Constitution to the
character of our country, its capacity for
comprehending within its jurisdiction, a
vast continental empire is due to the sys
tem of States. The best Gccurity for the
perpetual existence of tho States is the
“supreme authority” of the Constitution of
the United States. The perpetuity of the
Constitution brings with it the perpetuity
of the States; their mutual relation makes
us what we are, and in our political sys
tem their connection is indissoluble. Thu
whole cannot exist without the parts nor
the parts without the whole. So long as
tiie Constitution of Iho United States en
dures, (lie States will endure; the desti ne
tion of the one is the destruction of the
other; the presei vation of the one is the
preservation of the other.
I have thus explained my views of the
tkins. dn this principle l have acted, and
have gradually "and quietly, and by al
most imperceptible steps, sought to re
store the rightful energy of the General
Government and of the States* To that
end, Provisional Governors have beet) np-
poitited for the States, Conventions called,
Governors elected, Legislatures assembl
ed, aud Senators and Representatives
chosen to the Congress of the U. States.
At the same time, the Courts of the U.
States, as far as could be done, have been
reopened, so that the laws of the United
Stales may be enfored through their
agency.
The blockade has been removed and the
custom-houses re-established iti ports of
entry, so that the revenue of the United
States may be collected. The Postoffice
Department renews its ceaseless activity,
ana the General Government is thereby
enabled to communicate promptly with
its officers and agents. The courts bring
security to persons and property; the
opening of the ports invites the restora
tion of industry and commerce; the post
my counsel the Constitution itself, the in
terpretations of that instrument by itsl
authors and their Contemporaries, and re
cent legislation by Congress. When, at
the first movement towards independence,
the Congress of the United States instruct*
ed the several States to institute govern
ments of their own, they left each State
to decide for itself the conditions for the
enjoyment of the elective franchise. Dur
ing the period of the Confederacy, there
continued to exist a very great diversity-
in the qualifications of electors in the sev
eral States; and even within a State a dis
tinction of qualifications prevailed with
rrgard to the officers who were to be cho
sen. The Constitution of the United States
recognizes these diversities when it en
joins that, in the choice of members of the
House of Representatives of the United
States, “ the elections in each State shall
have the qualifications requisite for elec
tors of the most numerous branch of the
State Legislature.”
After the formation of the Constitution,
it remained as before, the uniform usage
office renews the facilities of social inter- 1 of each State to enlarge the body of its
course and of business. And is it not j electors, according to its own judgment;
happy for us all, that the restoration of! aud, under this system, one State after
each one of these functions of the General ; another has proceeded to increase the
Government brings with it a blessing to ! number of its electors, until now uneven*
the State over which they arc extended? ; ?a! suffrage, or something near it, is. the
proval of a people that occupied a large ; mutual relations of the Constitution and
Is it not a sure promise of harmony and
renewed attachment to the Union that uf
ter all that has happened, the return of
the General Government is known only as
a beneficence?
I know very well that this policy is at
tempted with some risk; that for its suc
cess it requires at least the acquiescence
of the States which it concerns; that it
implies an invitation to those States, by
renewing their allegiance to the United
States, to resume their functions as States
of the Union. But it is a risk that must
be taken; in the choice of difficu’ties, it
is the smallest risk; and -todiminish, and,
if possible, to remove all danger, I have
felt it incumbent on me to assert one other
power of the General Government—the
power of pardon. As no State can throw
a defence over the crime of treason, the
power of pardon is exclusively vested in
the Executive Government of the United
Staten. In exercising that power, I have
taken every precaution to connect it with
the ’ clearest recognition of the binding
force of the laws of the United States, and
an unqualified acknowledgment of the
great social change of condition iniogard
to slavery which has grown out of the
war.
The next step which I have taken to re
store the constitutional relations of the
States, has been an invitation to them to
participate in the high office of amending
the Constitution. Every patriot must
wish for a general amnesty at the earliest
epoch consistent with public safety. For
Ibis great end there is need of a concur
rence of all opinions, and the spirit of
mutual conciliation. All parties in the
late terrible conflict must, work together
in harmony*. It is not too much to ask,
in the name of the whole people, that, on
the one side, the plan of restoration shall
general rule. So fixed Was this reserva
tion of power in the habits of the people,
and so unquestioned has been the inter
pretation of the Constitution, that during
the civil war the late President never har
bored the purpose—certainly never avow
ed the purpose—of disregarding it; and
in the acts of Congress, during that pe
riod, nothing can he found which, during
the continuance of hostilities, much less
after their close, would have sanctioned
any departure by the Executive from a
policy which has so uniformly obtained.
Moreover, a concession of the elective
franchise to the freedmen, by act of the
President of the United States, must have
been extended to all colored men, wherev*
or found, and so must have established a
change of suffrage in the Northern, Mid
dle and Western States, not less than in
the Southern and Sothwestern. Such an
act would have created a new class of vo
ters, and would have been an assumption
of power by the President which nothing
in the Constitution or laws of the United
States would have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger of con
flict is avoided when the settlement of the
question is referred to the several States.
They can, eacli for itself, decide on the
measure, and whether it is to be adopted
at once and absolutely, or introduced
gradually and with conditions. In my
judgment, the freedmen, if they show pa
tiencc and manly virtues, will sooner ob- :
thin a participation in the elective fran- j
close through the States than through the j
General Government, even if it had power j
t<> intervene. When the tumult of emo
tions that have been raised by the sud- j
dcimcss of the social change shall have j
subsided, it may prove that they will re- j
ccive the kindest usage from some of those j
on whom tlie.v have heretofore most close- l
part of a continent and acted separately
in many distinct conventions, what is pies
more wonderful than that, 'alter earnest ! momentous
contention and long diycusshiion, all feel
ings and all opinion*! were ultimately
drawn in one way to its support?
The Constitution to which life was thus
imparted contains within itself ample re
sources for its own preservation. It has
power to enforce the laws, punish treason,
and ensure domestic tranquility. In case
of the usjrputioii of the Government <*f a
State by one maw, or an oligarchy, it be
comes a duty* of the United States to
make good the guarantee to that State of
a republican form of government, and so
to maintain the homogeneousness of all
Does the lapse of time reycal defects? A
simple inode of amendment is provided
in the Constitution itself, so that its con
ditions can-always be made to conform
to tho requirements of advancing civiliza
tion. No rdoni is allowed even for the
thought of a possibility of its coming to
an end. And these powers of self pre
servation have always been asserted in
their complete integrity by every patri
ot^ “Chief Magistrate —by Jefferson and
Jackson; not lees than Washington and
Madison. The parting advice of the
Father of his Country, while yet Presi
deut, to the people of the United States,
was, that “the free Constitution, which
was the work of their hands, might be
sacredly maintained;” and the inaugural
words of President Jefferson held up “ihfc
preservation of the General Government,
in its Constitutional vigor, as the sheet
anchdr .of ou'r peace Al horile and safety
abroad.” The Constitution i§ the work of
“the People of the United States,” and it
should be as indestructible as the people.
It Is tibt Strange that the framers of the
Constitution, which had no model in the
past, should not have fully comprehended
the excellence of their owh work. Fresh
from a struggle against arbitrary power,
many patriots suffered from harrassing
fears of an absorption of the State Gov
ernments by the General Government,
%ind many from a dread that the States
would break away from their orbits. But
the very greatness of our country should
wHay the apprehension of encroachments
by the General Government. The stlb-
JectB tii&t cotne unquestionably within its
.jurisdiction are iq tiUmCroCs, that it must
ever naturally refuse to be emba^rafeked
by questions that lie beyond it. Were it
otherwise* the Executive would sink be
neath this bordeh; U*e Channel* of justice
Weald be choked f legislation Wohld be
dbstrnctisd by excess; so that there is a
greater temptation to exercise some of
the functions of the General Government
through the States than Jo trespass upon
tbeiFHglitfbl flpherb. “The absollite a'c.
qotesence iti the decision of the majority”
was, at Ike beginning of the century, en
forced by Jefferson “as the vital princi
ples of republics,” and the.ekente of the
ratit foflf years have established, we ftilt
hope forever, that there lies no appeal to
feroc. *
The maintenance of the Union brings
With it “the 8npport of the State Gov-
ernarents in all their rights;” but it is not
owe of the rights of any State Govern
ment "fo renounce Its own place in the
Union, or to nullify the late# of the Union.
The-larjgcst liberty is to bo mained in the
discnislon of the acts of the Federal Gov
ernment; but there is tio appeal from it*
laws, except to the various branches of
the States, because they unfold the prini-i- \ proceed in conformity with a willingness j ly depended
• .-iii i . . . _ .i. . . _ - . J-. ...» «■ .i _ .. • . . i. ! i.:i.
on which I have sought to solve 1ln
questions and overcome the
appalling difficulties that met me at the
very commencement of my administration.
It has been my steadfast object to escape
from the sway of momentary passions,
and to derive a healing policy from the
fundamental and unchanging principles
of the Constitution.
I found the States suffering from the
effects of a civil war. Resistance to the
General Government appeared to have
exhausted itself. The United States had
recovered possession of their forts and
arsenals, and their armies were in the oc
cupation of every Stale which had at
tempted to secede. Whether the territo
ry within the limits of those States should
be held as,, conquered territory, under
military authority emanating from the
President as the head of the army,
to cast the disorders of the past into ob
livion; and that, On the other, the evi
dences of sincerity in the future mainten
ance of the Union shall be put beyond any
doubt by the ratification of the proposed
amendment to the Constitution, which
provides for the abolition of slavery for
ever within the limits of our country. So
long as the adoption of this amendment is
delayed, so long will doubt and jealousy
prevail. This is the measure wdiich will
efface the sad memory of the past; this is
the measure which will moat certainly call
population, and capital, and security to
those parts of the Union that need them
most- Indeed, it is not too much to ask
of the States which are now resuming
their places in the family of the Union to
give this pledge of perpetual loyalty and
peace. Until it is done, the past, how
ever much we tr.nv desire it, will not be
But while I have no liuuot that now,
after the close of the war, it is not compe
tent for the General Government to ex
tend the elective franchise in the several
States, it is equallj- clear that good faith
requires the security of the freedmen in
tluir liberty and their property, their
right to labor, and their right to claim
the just return of their labor. I cannot
too strongly urge a dispassionate treat
ment of this subject, which should be
carefully kept aloof from all pa'rty strife.
We must equally avoid hasty assump
tions of any natural impossibility for the
two races to live side by side, in a state
of mutual benefit and good will. The ex
periment involves us in no inconsistency;
let us, then, go on anil make that expert- j
ment in good faith, aud not be too easily :
disheartened.
The country is in herd of labor, and :
the frdedmen are in need of employment, j
While their right
the first oueMfon that presented itself for i forgotten. The adoption of the amend-
decision ! incut reunites us beyond all power of dis- j culture, and protection.
Now military -overmfccnts, established ! ruption. It heals the wound that is still j of voluntary migration and expatriation
for an indefinite period would have offer- imperfectly closed; it removes slavery, I is not to be questioned I won d no ad-
tor pi u, v element which has so long perplexed vise their forced removal and colonization.
ed no security for the eat ly suppression
of discontent; would have divided the peo
ple into the vanquishers and the vanquish
ed, and would have envenomed hatred
rather than have restored affection. Once
established, no precise limit to their con
tinuance was conceivable. They would
have occasioned an incalculable and ex
hausting expense. Peaceful emigration
to and from that portion of the country
is one of the best means that can be
thought of for the restoration of harmony;
and that emigration would have been pre
vented; for what emigrant from abroad,
what industrious citizen at home, would
place himself willingly under military
rule? The chief persons who would have
followed in the train of the army would
have been dependents ou the General Gov
ernment, or men who expected profit from
the miseries of their erring fellow-citizens.
The powers of patronage ahd rule which
would have been exercised, under the
President, over a vast and populous, and
naturally wealthy region, are greater than,
unless under extreme necessity, I should
be willing to entrust to any one man;
they are such as, for myself, I could never,
unless on occasions of great emergency,
consent to exercise. The wilful use. of
such powers; if continued through a period
of ye^rsr, Would have endangered the pu
rity of the general administration and the
liberties of the States which remained
'^Bekdes, the policy of military riiie oyer
a conquered terrlt'.fr would have implied
that the States whose inhabitants may
hare taken part in the rebellion had. by
the act of those inhabitants, ceased to ex
ist But the true theory is that all pre*
tended acts of secession .teere, from the
beginning, null and void. i
cannot committreason, nor screen the in
dividual citizens who may have comm ,
ted treason, any more than they can make
valid treaties or engage in lawful com
merce with any foreign Power. Ane
States attempting to secede placed them
selves Iii a condition where their vitality
was impaired, but not extinguished—
their functions suspended- but not des
troyed.
But if any State hegiebls or refuses to
perform its offices, there is the more need
that the General Govettitjiferit shoiild trial b-
taib ail its authority, and, as soon as prac
ticable, resume the exercise of all itsfunc-
aud divided the country; it makes us
oucq more a united people, renewed and
strengthened, bound more than ever to
mutual affection and support.
The amendment to Ihe Constitution be
ing adopted, it would remain for the
States, whose powers have been so long
in abeyance', to resume their places in the
two branches of the National legislature,
and thereby complete the work of restora
tion. Here U for you, fellowiug-citizens
of the House of Representatives, to judge,
each of you, for yourselves, of the elec
tions, returns, and qualifications of your
members.
The full assertion of powers, of the
General Government requires t ie holding
of Circuit Courts of the United States
within the districts where their authority
has been interrupted. In the present pos
ture of our public affairs, strong objec
tions have been urged to holding those
courts in any of the States where the re
bellion had existed; ar.d it was ascertain
ed, by inquiry, that the Circuit Court of
the United States would not be held with
in the District of Virginia, during the au
tumn or early winter, hot until Congress
should have " an opportunity to consider
ahij act on the whole subject."’ >
To your deliberations the restoration of
this branch of the civil authority of the
United States is therefore necessary re
ferred with the hope that early provisions
will be made for the resumption of all its
functions: It is manifest that treason,
most flagrant in.character. has been com
mitted- Persous who are ebarged with
its commission shmild have fair and im
partial trials in.the highest civil tribunals
Of the cdtjntry, iii order that the Constitu
tion and the laws may be fully vindicated;
the truth clearly established aud affirmed
that treason is a crime, that traitors should
be punished ann the .offence made infa
mous; and, at the same time, that the
question may be,judiciously settled finM-
ly and forever, that no State, <?f i-a own
will, has a rigllt to denounce Us place in
the The”%"iailoi,kof the General GoVern-
mcnl towards the font millions of nhal.i-
tan’ts whom Ihe war has called mto toe;
Let ns rather encourage to honorable and
useful industry, where it may be benefi
cial to themselves and the country; and,
instead of hasty anticipations of the cer
tainty of failure, let there be nothing
wanting to the fair trial of the experiment.
The change in their condition is the sub
stitution of labor by contract for the stn*
tus of slavery. The freedmaU cannot
fairly be accused of unwillingness to
work, so long as a doubt remains about
his freedom of choice in his pursuits, and
the certainty of his recovering his stipu
lated wages. Iu this the interests of the
employer!and the employed coincide. The
employer desires in his workmen spirit
and alacrity, and these can be permanent
ly secured "in no other way. And if the
one ought to be able to enforce the con
tract, so blight the other. The public in
terest will be best promoted, if the sever
al States will provide adequate protec
tion and remedies for the freedmen. Un
til this is in some way accomplished, their
labor, and the blame of ill-success will
not rest on them.
I know that sincere philanthropy is
earnest for the immediate realization of
its remotest aims: but time is always an
element in reform. It is one of the great
est acts on record to have brought four
millions of people into freedom. The ca
reer of free industry must be fairly open
ed to the hi, and. then their future pros
perity and condition must, after all, rest
mainly on themselves. If they fail, and
so perish away) let us be careful that the
failure shall not be attributable to any
denial of justice. In all that relates to
the destiny of Ihe freedmen, we need not
be too anxious to read the future; many
incidents which, from a speculative point J
of view, might »aisfe alarm, will quietly
settle themselves.
Now that slavery is at an end or near
its end, the greatest of its evil, in the
point of view of pnblic economy, becomes
more and more apparent. Slavery was
essentially a monopoly of labor, and as
such locked the States where it prevailed
agaihst the incoming of free industry.—
Where labor was tbe property or the cap
italist, the white man was excluded from
or had but the second best
f and the foreign emi-
from the region where
rjuld be so precarious.—
With the destruction of the monopoly,
freb labor will hasten from all parts of
the civilized world to assist in developing
ing various and immeasurable resoilrfces
which have hitherto lain dormant.
The eight or nine States nearest the
Gulf of Mexico have a soil of exhuberant
fertility, a climate friendly to long life,
and can sustain a denser population than
is found as yet in any part of our country
And the future influ* of population to
them will be fciaiiily from the North, or
from the most cultivated portions of Eu
rope. From the sufferings that Lave at
tended them during otlr late struggle, let
ns look away to the future, which is sure
to be laden for them with greater pros
perity than has ever before been known.
The removal of the monopoly of labor is a
pledge that those regions will be peopled
by a numerous and enterprising pollu
tion, which will vie with any in the Un
ion in compactness, inventive genius,
Wealth and industry.
Our Government springs from and was
made for the people—hot the people for
the Government. To them it owes allegi*
ance; from them it must derive its courage,
strength, and wisdom. But, while the
Government is thus bound to defer to the
people, from whom it derives its existence,
it should, froru the very consideration of
its origin, be strong in its power of re
sistance to the establishment of inequali
ties, Monopolies, perpetuities, aud class
legislation, are contrary to the genius of
free government, and ought not to he al
lowed. Here, there is no room for favor
ed classes or monopolies; the principles
of our Government is that of equal laws
and freedom of industry.
Wherever monopoly attains a foothold,
it is sure to be a source of danger, dis
cord, and trouble. We shall but fulfill
our duties as legislators by according
“equal and exact justice to all men,” spe
cial privileges to none. This Government
is subordinate to the people, but, as tbe
agent and the representative of the peo
ple it must be held superior to monopo
lies, which, in themselves, ought never to
be granted, and which, where they exist,
must be subordinate and yield to the Gov
ernment.
The Constitution confers on Congress
the right to regulate commerce among the
several States. It'is of the first necessi
ty, for the maintenance of the Union, that
that commerce should be free and unob
structed. No State can be justified in
any device to tax the transit of travel
and commerce between States. The po
sition of many States is such, that if they
were allowed to take advantage of it for
purposes of local revenue, the commerce
between States might be injuriously bur
dened, or even virtually prohibited. It is
best, while the country is still young, and
while the tendency to dangerous monopo
lies of the kind is still feeble, to use the
power of Congress so as to prevent any
selfish impediment to the free circulation
of men and merchandise.
A tax on travel and merchandise, in
their transit, constitutes one of the'worst
forms of monopoly, and the evils is in
creased if coupled with a denial of the
choice of route. When the vast extent
of our country is considered, it is plain
that every obstacle to the free circulation
of commerce between the States ought to
be sternly guarded against by appropri
ate legislation, within the limits of the
Constitution.
The report of the Secretary of the Inte
rior explains the condition of the public
lands, the transaction of the Patent Office
and the Pension Bureau; the management
of our Indian affairs, the progress made
in the construction of the Pacific railroad,
and furnishes information in reference to
matters of local interest in the District of
Columbia. It also presents evidence of
the successful operation of the Homestead
Act, under the provisions of which 1,160,-
533 acres of the public lands were enter
ed during the last fiscal year—more than
onc-fourth of the whole number of acres
sold or otherwise disposed of during that
period. It is estimated that the receipts
derived from this source are sufficient to
cover, the expenses incident to the survey
and disposal of the lands entered under
this Act, and that payments in cash to
the extent of from forty to fifty per cent,
will be made by settlers, who may thns
at any time acquire title before the expi
ration of the period at which it would
otherwise vest. The homestead policy
was established only after long and earn
est resistance; experience proves its wis
dom. The lands, in the bands of indus
trious settlers, whose labor creates wealth
and contribute to the public resources,
are worth more to the United States than
if they had been reserved as a solitude
for future purchasers.
Tbe lementable events of the last four
years and the sacrifices made by the gal
lant men of the army and navy have swell
ed the records of the Pension Bureau to
an unprecedented extent. On the 30th
day of June last the iotal number of pen-
s oilers was 85,986, requiring for their an
nual pay, exclusive of expenses, the sum
of $8,023,445- The number of applica
tions that have been allowed since that
date will require a large increase of this
amount for the next fiscal year. The
means for the payment of the stipends
due, under existing law?; to our disa
bled soldiers and sailors, and to the fami
lies of such as have perished in the service
of the country will, no doubt, be cheer
fully and promptly granted: A grateful
people will not hesitate to sanction any
measure having fur their object tbe relief
of soldiers mutilated and families made
fatherless iti the efforts to preserve our
national existance.
The report of the Postmaster General
presents ati encouraging exhibit of the
operations of tbe Post Office department
during the year. The revenues of tbe
past year from the loyal States alone ex
ceeded the maximum annual receipst from
all the States previous to the rebf llion, id
the sum of $6,038,091; and the annual
average increase of revenue during tbe
last four years, cohipared with the reven
ues of the four years immediately preced
ing the rebellion, was $3,533,845. The
revenues of the last fiscal yeer amouiited
to $14,556,158, and the expenditures to
$13,694,128; leaving a surplus of receipts
over expenditures of $861,430. Ptogre6S
has been niade in restoring the postil ser
vice in the Southern States. Ihe views
preSehted by the Postmaster General
against the policy of granting subsidies
to the ocean mail steamship lines upon
established routes, and in faVor of continu
ing the present system, which limits the
cohipkhs&tion for ocean service to the
postage earnings* are recommended to the
careful consideration of Congress.
It appears, from the report of the Secre
tary of the Navy, that while, at the com
mencement of the present 3’car, there were
In commission 550 vessels of all classes
and descriptions, armed with 3,000 guns
and manned by 61,000 men, the number
of vessels at present in commission Is
117, with 830 gtius and 12,128 men. By
this prompt reduction of the naval forces
tbe expenses of the Government have
largely diminished, and a number of ves
sels, purchased for naval purposes from
the merchant marine, have been returned
to the peacelul pursuits of commerce.—
SiuCc the suppression of active hostilities
our foreign squadrohs have been re-es
tablished, and consist of Vessels much
more efficient than those employed ou
similar service previous to the rebellion.
The suggestion for the enlargement of
the navy yards, and especially for the
establishment of one in fresh water for
iron-clad vessels, is deserving of consid
eration, as is also the recommendation for
a different location and more ample
grounds fur the Naval Academy.
In the report of the Secretary of War,
a general summary is given of the mili
tary campaigns of 1864 and 1805, ending
in the suppression of armed resistance to
the National authority in the insurgent
States. The operations of the general
administrative Bureaus of the War De
partment during the past year are detail
ed, and an estimate made of the appro
priations that will be required for milita
ry purposes in the fiscal year commencing
the 30th day of June, 1866. The National
military force on the 1st of May, 1865,
numbered 1,000,516 men. It is proposed
to reduce the military establishment to a
peace tooting, comprehending fifty thous
and troops of all arms, organized so as to
admit of an enlargement by filling up the
ranks to eighty-two thousand six hundred,
if the circumstances of the country should
require an augmentation pf the army.—
The volunteer force .has already been
reduced by the discharge from service of
over eight hundred thousand troops, and
the Department is proceeding rapidly iu
the work of further reduction. The war
estimates are reduced from $51G,240,141
to $33,814,461, which amount, in the opin
ion of the Department, is adequate for a
peace establishment. The measures of
retrenchment in each Bureau and branch
of the service exhibit a diligent cconohiy
worthy of commendation. ' Reference is
also made in the report to the necessity
of providing fora uniform militia system,
and to the propriety of making suitable
provision for the wounded and disabled
officers and soldiers.
The revenue system of the country Is a
subject of vital interest to its honor and
prosperity, and should command the cam
est consideration of Congress. The Sec
retary of the Treasury will lay before
you a full and detailed report bf the re
ceipts and disbursements of the last fiscal
3’car, of the first quarter of the present
fiscal 3'ear, of the probable receipts and
expenditures for the other three quarters,
and the estimates for the 3’ear following
the 30th of June, 1666. I might content
myself with a reference to that report, in
which you will find all the information
required for your deliberations and decis
ion. But the paramount importance of
the subject so presses itac’.f oh my own
mind, that I cannot but Idy before yoti my
views of the measures ftbibb arc rbquired
for the good character, and, I might al
most say, for the existence of this people
The life of a republic lies certainly in the
energy, virtoe, and intelligence of its
citizens; but it is equally true that dgood
revenue system is tbe life of an organized
government. I meet you at a time when
the nation has voluntarily burdened - itself
with a debt unprecedented in our annals.
Vast as is its amount, it fade& away into
nothing when compared with the countless
blessings that will be conferred upon our
country and man by the preservation of
the nation’s life. Now, ou the first occa
sion of the meeting ot Cbngress since the
return of peace, it is of tbe utmost im
portance to inaugurate a just policy,
which shall at once be put in motion, and
which shall commend itself to those who
come after tls for its continuance. We
must aim at nothing less than the com
plete cffacement of the financial evils that
necessarily followed a state of civil war.
We must endeavor to apply the earliest
remedy to the deranged state of the cur
rency, and not shrink from devising a
policy which, without being oppressive
to the people, shall immediately begin to
effect a reduction of the debt, and, if per
sisted in, discharge it fully within a defi
nitely fixed number of years.
It is our first duty’ to prepare in earnest
for oar recovery from the ever-increasing
evils of an irredeemable curfehc3’j with
out a sudden revultion, and yet without
untimely procrastination. For that end,
we must, each in our respective positions,
prepare the way. I hold it the duty of
the Executive to insist upon frugality in
the expenditures; and a sparing economy
is itself a great national resource. Of
the banks to which authority has been
given to issue notes secured by bonds of
the United. States, we may require tbe
greatest moderation and prudence, and
the law must be rigidly enforced when its
limits are exceeded. We tnayj each one
of us, counsel our active and enterprising
con u try men to be constantly on tbeir
guard, to liquidate debts contracted in a
paper currency, and, by conducting busi
ness as nearly as possible on a aydtem of
cash payments or short credits, to hold
themselves prepared to return to tho
standard of gold and silver. To aid our
fellow-citizens in the prudent management
of their monetary affairs, tbe duty de
volves on us to diminish by law the
amount of paper money now in circula
tion. Five years ago tbe bank-note cir
culation of the country amounted to not
more than two millions; now the circula-
tibto, bank and national, exceeds seven
hundred millions. The simple statemept
of the fact recommends more strongly
than any words of mine conld do, tbe
necessity of bur restraining thiS expan
sion. The gradual reduction of the cur
rency is the only measure that t«n aa*o
the business of the Country
trniis caiattiilivsj ant *
v fro to diius-
cah ba almost
impciccptibl}- accomplished by gradually
fading ihe national Circulation in seciin*
tics thni ffiay be redeemable at the pteai* ■
ure of the Government.
Otfr debt is donbiy'sechre—first in tbp
hbtiial health and still greater undevel
oped resources of the cotintVy; and npit
in the character of our itistitutions. The
most intelligent observers among politi
cal economists have not failed to remark;
that the public debt of a country is sale
iti proportion as its people arc free; that
the debt of a republic is the safest of all.
Our history Confirms and establishes the
theory, arid is, I firmly believe, destined
to give it a still more signal illustcatipu, >
The secret or this superiority 6pringanui«
merely from the fact that iu a republic thb .
national obligations are distributed more-
widely through countless numbers in all
classes of society; it has its root in the
character of otlr- laws. Here all men cop-.,
tribute to the. public welfare, and beAfc ,
their fair share of the public burdens.—r-
During the war, under the impulses tu .
patriotism, the men of the great body of .
the peolc, without regard to their owri .
comparative want of wealth, thronged to
onr atlnics anil filled our fleets of war,
and held themselves ready to offer theiC
lives fbr the public good. Now, in thrift
turn, the property and income of thb
country should bear their Just proportion
of the burden of taxation, while iii riiit
impost system, through means of whfbh
increased vitality is incidental!}’ Imparted'"
to all tho industrial interests of the na
tion, the duties should be so adjusted a8
to fall most heavily oh articles of luxury;
leaving the necessaries of life as free
from taxation as the absolute wants of
the Government, -economically adminis
tered, will justify. No favored clasS
should demand freedom from assessment,
and the taxes sliorild be so distributed as
not to fall unduly on the poor* bttt rather
on the accumulated wealth of the country.
Wc should look at the national debt as it
is—not as a national blessing, but as a
heavy burden on the industry of thecouo-
tr}*, to he discharged without unnecessary
iiela}\ t
It is estimated by the Secretary of thri
Treasury that the expenditures for tho
fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 1866;
will exceed the receipts $112,004,947. It
is gratifying, however, to slate that it iti
also estimated that the revenue for the
year eliding the 1 Oth of June* 1867, will
exceed the expenditures in thri! snm of
$111,682,818. This amount, or so much
as may be deemed sufficient for the pur
pose, may be applied to the reduction of
the public debt, which, on the 3lst day of
October, 1865, was $2,740,854,750. Every
reduction wil! diminish the total amouni
of interest to be paid, and so enlarge tho
means of still further reductions, until
the whole shall be liquidated; and this;
as will be seen from the estimates of the
Secretary of the Treasury, may be accom
plished by aunual payments even wilbitj
a period not exceeding thirty years. 1
have faith that wc shall do all this withiti
a reasonable time; that, as wc havd
amazed the world by the suppression of
a civil war which was thought to be be
yond the control of any government, so
we shall equally show the superiority of
our institutions by the prompt and faith
ful discharge of our national obligations.
The Department of Agriculture, under
its present direction, is accomplishing
much in developing and utilizing the vast
agricullural capabilities of the country;
and for information respecting the details
of it» management reference is made td
the annual report of the Commisionera.
I have dwelt thus fully on our domestic
affairs because of their transcendent im
portance. Under any circumstances; oftf
great extent of territory and variety of
climate, producing almost every thing
that is Deccssary for tbe wants, and even
the comforts of man, makes us singular]*
independent of the varying policy of for
eign powers, and protect ns against etery
temptation to " entangling alliances.”
while at the present moment the re-fcStab*
lishment of harmony, and the strehgtfi
that comes from harmony, will be out?
best security against "nations wbff feet
power and forget right.” For myself, ft
lias been and it will be my constant aim td
promote peace and amity with all foreigil
nations and powers; and I have everjl
reason to believe that they all; without
exception, are animated with
disposition. Our relations witb’tfi^ Em-'
peror of China, so recent in their tfffgiti;
are most friendly. Our commerce With
his dominions is receiving new develop^
ments; and it is very pleasing to find that'
the Government of that gredt Emplrti
manifests satisfaction with our policy;
and reposes just confidence ib the faftfteeri
which makes our intercourse;
The unbroken harmony between the U:
States and the Emperor of Russia is re
ceiving a new support from an ehterpfisb
designed to carry telegraphic lines across
the' continent of Asia, through hi* doftpte
ions, and so to bonheCt its with all Eu
rope by a new channel of intercourse.—
Our commerce with South America is
about to receive encouragemeiii by * dD
rcct line of mail steamship td the rising
Empire of Brazil. Tbe distinguished par
ty of men of science tj bo bairn recently
left out country to make a scientific ex- 1
ploration of tbe natural bistory and river*
and mountain range* of tb»t region, have
received from tbe Empefor .that gefierou*
welcome which was to haVe been expeto*
fed frotti hi* constant friendship for th*
States; snd bi* well-known zeal iri profnofc-
ing. A hope is entertained that oar com*
merce with tbe rich and populebi Coun
tries that border the Mediterranean Sea
may be largely increased. Nothing will
be wabtihg, on tbfe part of tlito ,Qt»*erl»*
meat, to extend the protection of oar Pag
over tbe enterprise of our fellbW-citraet*.
We receive from tbe Powcrri.-m that re*
gion assurances of gotid *^, 5 ’
worty of bote that a upcCm eu*cy Has
brought us messages of condolence oo tbd-
death ot our late Chief Magutret* from
tbe Bey of TsniS, whose rule includes tba
did dominions of Cartbfege; on the Afnsn
““or
ed, has left some trices ritor
with dhe st least of t^gr^ msrstwax
Powers.
ereut right* to *bferWtogehtStogwM
unprecedented and
by the issue. Botre U*
