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SOUTHERN SENTINEL.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA:
THURSDAY MORNING, AUG. 8, 1850.
Acknowledgement. —We thank the Editor of:
the Macon Telegraph , for his kind attention in for- !
warding us telegraphic intelligence.
The Wynxton Schools. —We take gr-at plea
urc in inviting public attention to the Wynnton Male
and Female Academics. The former, under the
superintendence of Mr. Wm. Y. Plane,waa opened last
Thursday. Mr. Plane is a graduate of one of our
own colleges, a gentleman of character, fine attain
ments and considerable experience. The patrons of
his school have been greatly pleased at his eminent
success heretofore. The Female Academy is under
the care of Mr. R. W. E. Munro, who from his long
residence in our midst, and extended reputation,
needs no other introduction to the public. We haz
ard nothing in saying that Mr. Munro is not sur
passed as a teacher, in Georgia, or any where else.
Ilia school will commence about the first of October.
lie Savannah Meeting—Chatham Erect 1
The friends of the Clay Compromise in Savannah,
attempted to get up a meeting which should express
their sentiments, and in accordance with the call
published in the city papers, “a very large and res
pectable number of the citizens assembled at the Ex
change on Monday evening, the 29th ult., for the
purpose of considering and giving expression to their
opinions upon the important questions which now en
gage the public attention.” So reads the published
proceedings of the meeting. Clay compromise offi
cers were appointed, and a Clay compromise commit
tee was sent out, which shortly returned, of course,
with a set of Clay Compromise Resolutions. No
sooner were they read, however, than Dr. Scriven
rose and offered to the meeting, as a substitute, the
Resolutions which had been adopted at a previous
meeting of the friends of 30-30, strongly ratifying
the Nashville Convention platform. After some con
siderable discussion, the question was called for, and.
says the Secretary, “a division was ordered, when,
without a count, the chair declared the substitute car
ried, an overwhelming majority voting for the substi
tute.” This was, indeed, a triumph, the more glori
ous, bocause it was a triumph of the people , without a
leader, and in spite of the leaders. The result of
this meeting lias already been most fruitful of good to
the cause of the South, and it is but the first mani
festations of a spirit which will yet array on the side
of southern rights, the entire masses of the people,
despite the dictation of self-constituted leaders.
Crawford Meeting.—The proceedings of thi
meeting will attract attention. Jt was said to have
been one of the largest meetings ever held in Rus
sell county, and the resolutions, which it will be seen
arc of the. right stamp, were passed with only three
dissenting voices. If Russell is not sound, the day
is not far distant when she will be.
Declination of Mr. Bates.— Mr. Bates, the
newly appointed Secretary of War, on account of
private business, has declined the post, and rumor at
Washington, makes Judge Sharkey, of Mississippi,
his successor.
!LC lion. Robert C. Winthrop, has been ap
pointed Senator in the place of Mr. Webster, by the
Governor and Council of Massachusetts.
The Benton and Foote Difficulty. —The com
mittee appointed to investigate the difficulty between
these two worthies, reported on the 29th ult. After
recapitulating the circumstances of the ease, the com
mittee express the opinion that Benton’s intention
was to make an assault on Foote, or that his man
ner very reasonably excited such an apprehension.
The Report concludes as follows: “Jn the present
ease, under all the circumstances, the committee for
bear to recommend any action to the Senate. Thev
liope that the strong condemnation of the personali
ties which led to threatened violence, their censure
<>i the attempt, by a member, to avenge himself in
the presence of the Senate, and of the practice of car
rying arms in the Senate chamber, will be a suffi
cient rebuke, and a warning not unheeded in future.
Should this hope prove vain, and similar scenes of
violence again occur, they cannot doubt that the Sen
ate will enforce prompt, sUrn, and effectual punish
ment.”
CP The New York papers announce the arrival in
that city, on the 30th ult., ol’ Gen. Garibaldi, the
distinguished Italian patriot.
I ire. An extensive conflagration occurred in
Oswego, A. Y., on the 30tli ult., destroying property !
to the value of hall a million, and killing several per
sons.
Revived.—lt is said that the Compromise Bill, as
originally reported by the committee of thirteen in
the Senate, will be introduced into the House on
Monday next.
(IT We publish in another column the proceedings
of the Senate, fully confirming the Telegraphic intel
ligence received here several days since, of the defeat
of the Clay Compromise. We congratulate the j
Sooth on what we regard a signal triumph to her
cawe. We rejoice, not because we have been vic
torious, but because of the defeat of a measure, ■
which, in our opinion, was fraught with iucalculable
evil to the South, and ultimate ruin to the Union, j
The Compromise Bill could not have restored perma
nent quiet to the country, even had it escaped the
immediate opposition of the South. Northern exac
tion, and Southern submission may quell the storm
1 1 the moment, but tne groat ques ions beta e n the
North and South can never be settled in that way.
The time would come when forbearance would cease
to be a virtue, and then the dissolution which had
been so long postponed, would be the inevitable con
sequence of the sudden outbreak of long pent indig
nation. Our grievances can only be permanently
redressed by prompt and complete justice.
The question on the lips of friends and foes to the
defeated measure, is, What next ? We need not
flatter ourselves with the hope that this result is at
tributable to Southern strength or Northern generos
ty. The storm god has but for a moment stilled the
itompest; it is to be soon revived, and it may be,
in a still fiercer blast. The questions which have be
tore been blended in one general compromise, may
now be taken up and passed separately. Even upon
such a supposition, the South is nothing injured by
the defeat of the general scheme of compromise. We
are at a loss to perceive how the South is to suffer
more by these wrongs singly inflicted, than she
would by their wholesale imposition. If Congress j
can pass, one by one, the different measures of the i
omnibus bill, we are no worse off; and, on the other
hand, if it cannot pass them all singly, we are so
much bettered. But the South has triumphed in
the defeat of that scheme, for the reason,"that there
by the probability of harmony in Southern councils is
greatly increased. Many men at the South, blinded
by devotion to the Union, have fondly clung to the
Clay Compromise as a general scheme of adjustment I
for all our sectional difficulties. That great political
doctor, whose words have always beet* revered as ora
cles, had concocted a panacea for all the ills of the
body politic, and many admirers of the man liad, by !
the magic of his name, been deluded into the support
of his measure. That charm now is lost, and many a ;
Southern man will revolt at tlu? admission of Califor
nia, who was ready to take it as a part of the gener
al compromise. If its defeat ensures us other good
results, therefore, it is enough if the South is brought
to rally under a sense of its common danger.
But it is by no means certain that the odious sea- i
tures of the bill can be forced over the head of South- !
era opposition in Congress. The bill for the im
mediate admission of California may pass the Senate;
if it does, it must triumph under the lead of a champ
ion of insignificant power, compared with that of the
leader who straggled in vain for the Compromise.
California is Benton's thunder, and he does not in
tend that it shall be stolen from him. Mr. Clay may
v te for it, but he cannot work for it, and speak for it,
so long as Mr. Benton presides over its destinies.
8h uldit struggle through the Senate, however, tliere
is hope that a determined Southern minority may de
feat it in the other end of the Capitol. But even
should we be disappointed there, we are yet assured
that California will never be a member of this Con
federacy. When the President affixes his official
signature to the bill admitting California into the
■ Union, he signs the death warrant of this Confederacy.
The argument will then be exhausted ; the outrage
: will be consummated, the legislative guarantees of
Southern rights will have been trodden under foot,
and Southern men must look to the South alone for
protection. The friends of the Union need not de
ceive themselves. This Union cannot survive the
admission of California, and for one, we have no desire
that it should.
The Clayton Compromise and the Clay Ad
justment.
The question has been asked, how can any man
who favored the Clayton Compromise, now oppose
the plan of adjustment presented by the committee of
thirteen ? We find no difficulty in giving a satisfac
tory answer to this query ; but had itbeen reversed,
and the question put to us, how can any man who
opposed the Clayton Compromise, now favor the
committee’s plan, we confess we should have been at
a loss. We speak, of course, of Southern men,
for wo can very readily understand how an abolition
ist might with perfect consistency oppose the former
and embrace the latter. The opposition of Southern
men to the Clayton Compromise was predicated of
the idea that the ant-slavery laws of Mexico were
still in force in the territories acquired by the treaty
of peace, and hence that that measure did not secure
the righto of the South, because it did not repeal
those laws. This was the ground upon which Mr.
Stephens, who killed that bill in the House, vindica
ted his course before his constituents, and this, in
fact, was the only objection which we ever recollect to
have heard to that measure from a Southern man.
The Senate plan is equally obnoxious to this objec
tion, and, of course, not more entiiled to the vote of
Southern men. But, on the other hand, it is equally
clear, that the South might have with propriety ac
cepted the Clayton Compromise, and yet with perfect
consistency spurn, as an outrage upon her righto, the
scheme of adjustment presented by the committee.
And, in the first place, there are very material differ
ences between the two bills themselves, and, in the
second place, equally material differences in the cir
cumstances under which they are presented to us.—
Among the important differences between the two bills,
we notice, first, the fact, that in the Clayton Compro
mise, California, Utah and New Mexico are p’aced
upon the same territorial platform, the question of
slavery being left in each to the decision of the peo
ple when they come to be admitted as States, territo
rial governments having been first provided in which
the legislatures were bound to protect slave property
equally with property of any other description. The
Clay Compromise proposes to admit California as a
State, in which the question of slavery is already decid
ed against us, and to provide territorial governments for
Utah and New Mexico. We presume it will not be
questioned tin t there is an important difference be
tween the two in this respect, and a difference, too,
altogether against the South. In the next place, the
plan of the committee proposes to take 120,000 square
miles of territory now belonging to Texas, and to
convert it into free soil, paying therefor to the State
of Texas $15,000,000 of Southern money. The
Clayton Compromise did no such thing. Thirdly, the
Clay Compromise proposes to abolish the slave trade
in the District of Columbia by making all slaves free
who are brought there for purposes of trade. The
Clayton Compromise Bill perpetrated no such insult
to the South. These are the important features of
difference between the two compromises, and, in our
opinion, of themselves constitute a sufficient reason
why a Southern man may have supported the one, and
denounce the other. Looking again at the t i Terence
in the circumstances under which they are presented,
i we are equally sustained in this view of the question.
Had territorial governments been formed for our
Pacific possessions, without the Wilmot Proviso, in
| 1547, as the Clayton Compromise proposed, there is
scarcely a shadow of doubt that California at least
! would have been a slave State, for the reason that
there is no country on the globe so finely adapted to
slave labor, and the almost unanimous opinion enter
tained at the South, at that time, was that there was
no barrier there to its introduction in the way of
| Mexican law or otherwise. Slave holders then
would have poured in there by thousands and oon-
trolled the legislation of the country. Now, however,
the bugbear of existing Mexican laws, and the opin
ion that slavery is dependent upon municipal law, would
operate to the almost entire exclusion of slavery, even
though territorial governments were provided without
the Wilniot Proviso. What slave holder would be
| willing to carry his slaves to California and subject
his right to hold them to the adjudication of a court
|in which his cause would be prejudged. In 1847
the people had no such fears. Messrs. Stephens and
| Toombs were noted not only throughout Georgia,
but throughout all the Southern States, for the sin
gularity of their views on the question of the exist
i enee of the anti-slavery laws of Mexico, and had the
| Clayton Compromise Bill become a law, the people
; themselves would have established the question be
-1 fore it ever could have been carried into courts. So
powerfully does this cause operate to the prejudice
, of the South, that were the Clayton Compromise Bill
itself before the country to-day. we should oppose it,
much as we favored it once. llow much less, then,
can we give our assent to a measure winch differs
from it so vastly, and so vitally against the South ?
The South did not ask in 1847 that Congress
should protect her rights in the territories, because
she regarded the simple extension of the Constitution
over that country, as sufficient protection. Indi
vidually, we are not less satisfied now than we ever
have been, that slavery requires no municipal law for
its establishment, and that the anti-slavery laws of
Mexico are not in force ; but a contrary opinion is en
tertained by others, and those, too, whom the people
look to for authority, and the effect of the prevalence
of this opinion is to exclude slavery as completely as
the Proviso would do it. Such being the case, have
we not the right to require that Congress should
quiet those apprehensions by removing whatever
cause may exist in those territories, to our equal par
tieipation in them ? In view’ of these facts, any set
tlement of this question which does not expressly re-
I cognise the rights of the Southern people to go there
with their slave property, is practically worthless.
North Carolina Election.
An election for Governor and members of the
Legislature of this State, took place on Thursday
last. We are indebted to the editor of the Green
borough Telegraph for an extra, dated the 3d inst.
from which we gather the following results tor
Governor:
In Wayne,Reid, (Dem.) 1093; Manly, (Whig)
264.
In Hanover, Reid, (Dem.) 1021 ; Manly,
(Whig) 275. 3
In Johnston, Reid, (Dem.) 894; Manly, (Whig)
641.
In Wake, the whole Democratic ticket elected.
In Green, Reid’s majority is 25.
In Pitt, a Democratic gain is reported.
In Lenoir, a larger vote was given than was
ever cast before, in which it stated Reid, (Dem.)
will have 223 majority.
In Craven, it is said, Manly, (Whig.) will gain
largely upon his last vote.
Progress of Free Soil Sentiment.
The Hon. R. M. T. Hunter, in his recent able
speech in the U. S. Senate, depicts, in a striking light,
the advances which have been made by the abolition
sentiment during the last thirty years. A most for
cible illustration of this truth is furnished in the his
tory of the Missouri Compromise. In 1821, when
the peace of the country was not less seriously threat
ened by this slavery agitation, than it is now, the
Missouri compromise was tendered to the South, and
became a law over the heads of Southern Repre
sentatives. It was acquiesced in, however, by the
South, as an extreme concession for the sake of the
Union. To-day, the South offers to settle our differ
ences on the principle of the concessions then made,
and those who advocate it are denounced as ultras. —
The North was then ready to hang ns if we did not
accept the Missouri Compromise ; now it is ready to
hang us if we demand it. To-day we are denounced for
not accepting Clay’s Compromise, which deprives us
of still greater rights, and if we aeeept it, in ten
years we shall be equally denounced if we insist even
upon its feeble guarantees.
But the history even of tliissession of Congress, is
not without proof on this point. At an early day of
the session, Mr. Clay introduced in the Senate, a series
of resolutions, which were intended as a basis of com
promise for our troubles. Those resolutions met with
almost universal denunciation at the South, and even
the warmest admirers of that Senator dared not utter
one word in approval of them. Mr. Clay himself
was unhesitatingly denounced as a traitor to the South,
and his former mouth-pieces did not venture even a
vindication of him. Well, what were those resolu
tions ? One was to abolish the slave trade in the Dis
trict of Columbia, and prohibiting a deposite of slaves
therein for purposes of sale. Another was to admit
California with suitable boundaries. Another Was
to form territorial governments for Utah and New
Mexico, and another was to enact a law for the more
effectual recovery of fugitive slaves. Later in the
session the committee of thirteen introduced a com
promise, which is now known as the Clay Compro
mise, and, as we shall see, very properly so called.—
This compromise embraces several features, which
are, Ist, the abolition of the slave trade in the Dis
trict, prohibiting a deposite of slaves therein for pur
poses of sale, and also prohibiting their deposite
therefor transportation; 2d, to admit California
with her present boundaries ; 3d, to provide territo
rial governments for Utah and New Mexico, and 4th,
to provide more effectually for the recovery of fugi
ira slaves. How has this compromise been received
at the South ? We venture the assertion, that not one
of the papers in this State which now cordially em
braces this bill, (perhaps the Augusta Chronicle &
Sentinel excepted) said one word in commendation
of it, in the first issue after it was known what that
compromise was. It met with the unqualified exe
cration of some, and the favor of not one, public jour
nal in Georgia. Now, on the contrary, we find at
least four influential presses in this State, boldly ad
vocating its adoption. Let it be remembered that
this compromise differs but little from Mr. Clay’s res
olutions, and every one of those differences is against
the South, and that while no one in this latitude en
dorsed the latter, many are clamorously in favor of
the former, and some idea may be formed of the fear
ful progress which abolition sentiment is making even
at the South.
But we may come nearer home. In 1544 the
Methodist Church in this place absolutely dismissed
its pastor, confessedly one of the ablest men belong
ing to their connexion, because he manifested an un
due sympathy with the Northern branch of that
Church in the controversy which was then pending.
To-day, Mr. Curry, might Sunday after Sunday ut
ter such sentiments, and the only damage he would
do, would be to divide his congregation. He certain
ly would have a flock large enough to retain him
here. We have adverted to these things, not from
any improper motive, but simply as an illustration of
what we conceive to be an alarming advance of
Northern sentiment in our midst.
The Girard and Mobile Rail Road.
Maj. Hardaway, the President of this road, has
returned home after several months absence upon
the line.. The report he makes is cheering to the
friends of the enterprise, and, we think, promises a
speedy completion of the road. Ilis cash subscrip
tion, and subscription in work, is nearly sufficient to
complete the grading and superstructure of the whole
line. A bill has already passed the Senate, giving to
the company, the alternate sections of public lands
through which the road iuns. This bill is now be
fore the House, and an officer of the road, now in
Washington, writes that he entertains no doubt of its
passage through that body. It is estimated that this
will secure to the enterprise about $1,200,000. Be
sides this, the President of the company has assu
rances that he will be able to get a cash subscription
in New Orleans sufficient to iron the whole road.—
Flattering as these prospects are, it is not the inten
tion of the board of directors to commit the stock-
holders to the enterprise, until all means of success
have been so certainly commanded as to place a fail
ure out of the question. In other words, the first
step will not be taken until the way is clearly open
for taking the last. Under such auspices, no similar
enterprise in the country, ever held out greater in
ducements to capitalists. Unlike almost any other
rail road which has ever been built in the Union,
this will be conducted entirely upon the cash prin
ciple, and it is intended that when the road is com
pleted, it will not owe a dollar. Its first profits will
be distributed in the shape of dividends among the
stockholders. As to the size of those dividends, wc
have not now the time to speculate. Certainly, how- !
ever, estimated by all the ordinary rules of calcula
tion, they must exceed those of any other road in the !
South.
Mr. Clay’s Bill Ignored.
So, it appears that Mr. Clay's bill to give every
body every thing has been dished. The Senate have
thrown it out, voted it no bill, and determined that
for the “five bleeding wounds of the country” it was
no infallible plaster. Poor Mr. Clay ! Poor Compro
mise ! Poor Weeding wounds, all five of them 1
The telegraph states that New Mexico, and Texas,
and California, were all stricken out of the bill, leav
ing nothing in it but Utah, the land of the Salt Lake,
inhabited by Mormons and certain very wretched and
rascally tribes of Indians-—people that live mainly on
poke roots and snails, with now and then a very lean
rabbit. The magnificent scheme which was to
swathe in Mr. Clay’s imperial mantle the whole re
gion from the new boundary of dismembered Tex
as to the Pacific Ocean, dwindles down at last to a
pitiful territorial bill for settling the small affairs of the
aforsaid Mormons and Indians. What a falling off!
Now what was the secret of the fate of Mr. Clay’s
bill ? It was a cheat, a charlatan’s device for hiding
the diseases of the body politic momentarily, and
claiming the reward of curing them. So accustom
ed are our politicians to this small statesmanship of
expedients, that they have come to look upon spe
ciousness as a substitute for virtue in public measures,
and they expect people to revere even a transparent
veil to such an extent as to take no notice of the fraud
that glares through it. The two leading advocates of
the compromise could face each other in the Senate
and maintain directly opposite opinions of its force
and effect without feeling that an apology was needed
for playing off such a game of equivocation on a peo
ple who demanded the honest settlement of a dan
gerous controversy. We do not soy that this contro
versy can be settled in the Union at all. We doubt if
it can be. But if it can be closed by no measure
conceived in honesty, and bearing on its front its own
plain meaning, how idle is it to suppose it can be
controlled by paltry tricks and evasions—by a meas
ure wbieh Mr. Foote says means that the South may
carry their slaves into all the territories, and Mr.
Clay says leaves them no right to settle a foot of the
whole.
M e rejoice, then, in the defeat of Mr. Clay’s bill,
because it was a cheat—a deliberate attempt to palm
off a false coin for a genuine—a proposition to fill the
vawning chasm between the North and South, by
spreading a paper blanket over it. Such childish ex
pedients are not suited to the gravity of the times.
The South demands justice—substantial justice.
She will seek for it in the Union first, and if she find
it not, and can no longer find it there, she will seek
it elsewhere. And it is to a people thus roused to
the necessities of their position, thus forced to demand
the substance of right, that Mr. Clay and Mr. Foote
display the specious shadow and call upon them to ad- |
mire its glossy surface, that “goodly outside,” that is
the chosen aspect of falsehood and treachery.
But we must not suppose that the defeat of Mr.
Clay’s bill brings repose to the dissensions of the
country, or settles any question in favor of the South.
It is merely a negative decision. It merely disposes j
of one of the schemes for stripping the South of all
share in the territories. There are others in reserve,
which will be speedily brought forward and perse
veringly urged. The bill for the admission of Cali
fornia by itself will next be broached, and, by way of
securing its success, Mr. Douglass has given notice of
a proposition to abolish the rules of the Senate, so far
as they protect the minority in the right of full dis
cussion. The admission of California alone Mr. Clay
threateningly prophesied would be the consequence
of the defeat of his bill. He will do bis utmost now
to secure the fulfilment of bis own prophesy. But
there are others to be consulted, and whether on the
bill itself, or on the preliminary fraud of abrogating
the right of discussion, they will not weary in defend
ing the Constitution of the Confederacy from dese
cration, and the vital rights of their constituents from
the assaults of their enemies. We believe that the
admission of California will meet with a resistance
too strong and determined to overcome, and that the
true representatives of the South, backed by the
great tide of public opinion, will take a position from
which they can be neither lured by snares, nor driv
en by force.— Charleston Mercury.
The Ladies are with us.
Against the countermand of the fair authoress,
we publish below, copious extracts from a manu
script which had been sent to us by a lady of
this city. We are pleased to see, that while our
fellow men are not unmindful of their obliga
tions to their country, in these exciting times
their wives and daughters have not been inat
tentive to the contest which is going on. We
have no fears while the ladies are with us.
They are always right, and victory is sure to
crown the cause which is blessed with woman’s
smiles: QUERIES
TO BE ANSWERED BY EITHER TARTY.
Query Is/. —Did the Missouri Compromise
mean that the North made a demand upon the
South not to carry slaves north of 36 30, and
that she consented to relinquish her right to
all territory north of that line without any equiva
lent whatever, or any gaurantee that her rights
and institutions should be preserved south of it;
and that, at a time, too, when we are told that
the Southern party was the strongest in Con
gress? If these were the terms of the Com
promise, a most infamous transaction it was.
Or did the original Compromise stop at the
western boundary of Missi uri, aid was it left for
Mr. Polk to extend this line from Missouri to the
ocean, across slave territory, as in Oregon and
Texas, and thus relinquish the rights of the
South to enter with her property any Territory
of the Union whatever, without an equivalent;
and without a guarantee that her institutions
should be protected south of that line ? and this,
too, at a time when we had a Southern President,
and are told the South was the stronger party
in Congress. Or does the Missouri Compro
mise mean a compact between the North and
South, by which the South agreed not to form
slave States north of 36 30, provided the
North would agree to admit slave States
south of that line ? This last has some what the
appearance of Compromise.
Query 2d. —lf a slave holder has a right to
enter territory common to both sections, belong
ing as much to one as the other, with his slaves,
have the majority of any convention, meeting
for the purpose of forming a constitution for a
new State, a constitutional right, to deprive him
of his slaves, by setting them free ? Or do they
possess the power to make him leave territory
and land where he possessed the right to settle ?
Query 3 d. —lf majorities have the right to
send Southen men and their property out of the
Territory, when changing it into a State, or have
the right to deprive them of their inalienable
right of property, by freeing their slaves, do they
not also, as reasonably possess the power to de
prive them of their lands, their cattle, their liber
ty I Are minorities always to submit? Is there
no power in the Constitution to protect them?
Query 4lh. —What kind of legislation is that
in Territory or State, which will give free access
to any wandering vagabond from any part of
the known world, with any kind of property,
from a menagerie of wild beasts to plague-in
fected goods, and yet deprives the citizens of
fifteen Southern States from dwelling there with
their property ? The only people in the world,
prohibited by law, from carrying property to and
fro, in a confederacy which professes to be one
of union and brothers.
Query sth. —ls it not a most absurd spectacle
to see fifteen Southern States voluntarily de- ;
priving their citizens of the privilege of entering
any territory in the Union, when they have a
right to do so, and in doing so, interfere with the
j rights of no one, only offending the tender con
| sciences of a set of Northern fanatics?
Query 6th. —ls it not mortifying to see a South
ern man vote for the admission of anew State
into the Union, the principal feature in whose
Constitution is the unconstitutional declaration,
that what is considered as property in fifteen
States, shall not be property there, and shall not
be protected by law, at the same time that not
an inhabitant of the new State had any inherent
right to settle on the territory—and did so cn'y
by the permission of the old States, the same
fifteen, being half of the consenting party ?
Query Ith. —Must the South sit quietly and
see her territories, which were bequeathed by
her ancestors, or won by her sword, devoured
by the locusts of emigration, and her lands taken
possession of by the swarms from European
hives, and the abolitionists of the North, who, as
a return for the privilege of settling them, turn
about and pass laws prohibiting the citizens of
fifteen States from carrying their property there ?
[FOR THE SENTINEL.]
Female Education in Georgia.
Surely if any people ever had cause to be proud of
their native land, or tics to bind them to its soil,
Georgians have that cause and those ties. In all that
can make man what he ought to be, or that can in
vest his home with attractions, Georgians may not
fear a comparison with any State of the Union.—
Whether we look to her exhaustless resources of
wealth, the salubrity of her climate, or to the charac
ter of her population, she is equally worthy of the pride
of her people. We propose now, however, to speak of
her praises in a different sphere. We allude to what
she is doing in the way of educating her daughters.
The first female college in the United States, and we
believe the first in the world , was established in
Georgia. She has now seven chartered female in
stitutions within her limits, and we propose, if you
will give us a corner in your paper, Mr. Editor, to
call the attention of your readers to the respective
claims of each one of them. We will commence
with a notice of the “Episcopal Female Institute ,”
at Montpelier, in Monroe County. Speaking of this
school, the Rev. Mr. White, in his work on the “Sta
tistics of Georgia,” 6ays: “It is located in Monroe
county, about seventeen miles from Macon, fourteen
from Forsyth, and six from the Macon and Western
Rail Road. Its advantages are not surpassed by
those of any school in the United States. Until the
property was purchased by Mr. G. B. Lamar, (to
whose liberality the Episcopal Church is chiefly indebt
ed for this invaluable seminary) it was a favorite resort
for invalids, who were attracted by its medical springs,
healthful climate and delightful temperature. Its na
tural beauties, which are rarely equalled, have been
improved with the finest taste. The visitor needs
only to see its extensive lawn, majestic groves, shady
walks, beautiful gardens and spacious buildings to be
in love with the spot. In addition to this, it is the
permanent residence the Bishop of the Diocese, a
gentleman long distinguished for devoted piety and
extensive literary attjfinments. His large and well
selected librarv affords sn inexhaustible source of en
tertainment and knowle<W* to the pupil. The course
of instruction is thorov complete, embracing
every item that can contribute to fit a lady for the
first station in society. Its teachers are persons of
high character slid first rate abilities. They have
been procured at great expense in Europe and Amer
ica. It may be truly said that in this school true re
ligion, useful learning and polished refinement are
inseparably united.” This is a glowing repre
sentation, but no one who is acquainted with the
loveliness of the location, the character of the dis
tinguished divine at its head, and the excellence of
the board of instruction, would pronounce it in the
Hast overdrawn. From the last printed circular of
the institution, we gather the following additional
facts. The school is situated in the midst of a farm
of eight hundred acres, the property of the Institute,
thus affording grounds for the amusement and exer
cise o” the pupils free from all intrusion and annoy
ance. The buildings afford accommodations for eighty
six pupils, and contain ample school rooms, mu
sical and drawing rooms, philosophical and chemical
lecture rooms, with suitable apparatus, exhibition
rooms,, and green house, &c. The board of instruc
tion cons'sti of eleven efficient teachers in the various
departments, carefully selected from this country and
Europe. The whole is under the supervision of the
Right Reverend Stephen Ei.liott, Jr. Bishop of the
Diocese of Georgia, than whom the State does not
contain a man more celebrated for devoted piety and
extensive literary attainments. The course of study
embraces all such English branches as arc usually
taught in the highest female seminaries in the United
States, together with French, Italian, and Latin if de
sired, music, drawing, painting and embroidery. The
full course of instruction embraces four years, and
the cost per annum, embracing board, tuition and in
struction in every branch, is §250 per annum.
We have here stated nothing but facts, nor has
half been said that might be mentioned in recom
mendation of tl. s nstitutior. We shall trouble your
readers with no reflections of our own, not only be
cause none are necessary, but because we might
weary you and them, if we limited this communica
tion alone by our own disposition to dwell upon the
delightul picture. Your community has already
been adorned with some of the lovely proofs of the
■ usefulness of this school. There are now several
young ladies from your midst who are there prepar
ing themselves for the duties of future life.
ELIA.
[COMMUNICATED.]
To the Editor of the Southern Sentinel :
There is a solemn admonition in the awful sudden
n ss of the summons by which our late President, and
many other leading statesmen of this and other lands,
have been called off from the stage on which they
played their parts, to another and more enduring
w >rld. If the soldier who has to coif ont death on the
battkfield, or the sailor who lives in perpetual con
flict with the mighty elements, are removed at a
stroke, though we mourn for them, yet we feel no
surprise at the suddenness of their fate. It is in their
case no more than must be expected in the ordinary
course of events; we naturally suppose their minds
are ever familiar with the thought of death, fully pre
pared for encountering its dread reality. Not so
with the statesman. To his mind—unless his private
and personal mind be religiously attuned—no thought
is more unfamiliar than the thought of death. As
a statesman, lie lives in plans and projects for the
; future regulations if this present world ; in it all his
interests are concentrated; in it he seeks to realize
his dreams of power and greatness; to it he devotes
all his energies, his waking thoughts and his night
watches. As if this world was to endure forever, he
calculates and legislates for distant ages, in the effort
to gain stability and duration to the world of man.—
He forgets that he himself is but a man, and mortal.
May it not be, then, that the striking suddenness
with which statesman after statesman has been cut
down in the very midst of his career, lately, and
within the memory of those now living, is an antidote
mercifully provided against the worldly forgetfulness
of things eternal, which the constant occupation of
the mind with political measures, transactions and
conflicts, is apt to engender ; that the sharp admoni
tion conveyed by these startling exhibitions of the
uncertainty of life, and the vanity of all sublunary
things, is meant to counteract the inevitable tendency
of the political mind to burrow in the visible, and to
! lose sight of the paramount importance of the unseen
j world; that the sudden transfer of one and another
:of those with whom, or against whom, they have
I toiled and struggled with all the intensity of a mind
| undiverted, and a will unmoved, is graciously intend
’ ed to remind the survivors that there are other
scenes, and other realms, to which they too will be
called off sooner or later, and forcibly brings to
the mind the words of our Saviour, “Be ye also
ready it may not be for years to come, or it may
be to-morrow, scenes and realms in which far other
and lngher interests are pending than those on which
their thoughts are all intent. May we not go farther
and say that this providential discipline of mind, if
suffered to take effect upon those for whom it is in
tended, will not fail to produce a salutary influence
upon the very character of their statesmanship.—
There is too much in the political science, the political
aims and maxims of the present age, especially, that
savors of the mere earth, and the animal, man, the
production and distribution of food and raiment, of the
necessaries and the luxuries of life; the creation and
accommodation of that hollow abstraction, which, un
der the name of wealth, marks man with fallacious
visions of happiness. Most unreal is the purpose to
w'hich modern statesmanship is too exclusively direct
ed ; the very cultivation of the immaterial part of
man, so far as it is contemplated by modem states
manship, is made subservient to man's animal exist
ence. Instruction touching matters of this earth, and
the concerns of this earthly life, is the staple of the
education which politicians would provide; and if a
place is kept open for rligion in their educational
schemes, it is rather from a consideration of the ef
fect which religion has in restraining the passions,
and securing the order and well being of society, than
from a regard for its ulterior purposes, or from a
desire to secure an eternal gain to immortal souls ;
rather from a deference for public opinion, which in
sists on religion as a necessary part of education,
than from reverence for Him from whom religion
flows, and to whom it points.
All this downward, earthward tendency of the
views of modern statesmen, seems to call for a cor
rective ; something seems needed to remind them not
only that the education of the young, ought to be a
preparation for more than their brief span of life in
this world, but that all human existence here below
is but a schooling, and a discipline by which man is to
be fitted for another and an eternal state of being ; to
teach them that there are fixed principles of human
conduct laid down by Him who is the Supreme Ruler
of all human affairs, which are not to be suspended
by the fickle demands of the multitude, and the tran
sient shifts of expediency ; definite and unchange
able truths, revealed by Him who is truth, which are
not to be set aside by the vague and ever changing
opinions of man, and for the hollow argument of mu
| tual compromise ; to teach them that above all hu-
I man authority, and power—above nations, and princes,
there is One who requires to be honored in all that
is done by men on earth ; One who will not give I
his honor to another—the King of Kings and Lord of j
Lords. If these, and other like wholesome and j
much needed lessons, be collected by surviving states
men, from the sudden and melancholy events which
have lately occurred in this country and England, it
may be said not irreverently nor inappropriately of
those lamented statesmen on whom the tomb has
just closed, and removed abruptly from the scene of
their labors and ambition, that they being dead, yet
speak.
[new YORK correspondence.]
New York, July 30, 1850.
Dog-days—Visit to Rockland Lake—Celebration
of the President's Obsequies—The Free Acade
my—Further Particulars of the Wreck of the
Elizabeth—Long Island Wreckers—Arrivals
Expected—Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer—Atlantic
and Passengers —New Issues of the Press , <j-e.,
sc.
“Oh 1 for a lodge in some vast wilderness!
Some boundless contiguity of shade!”
I erv with perspiring pores, the sun prostrating
our energies w T ith his fiery beams, and the mercury
at 92 deg. Syrius is in the ascendant —tl.e dog
days have come. He who says we can’t get up hot
weather sometimes in New I ork, slanders us basely.
For a week past wc have been suffering intensely.
Unable any longer to resist the temptation of fleeing
from my brick-walled prison, on Friday last I took
my fishing tackle, and made for Rockland Lake.
This beautiful sheet of water is situated about thirty
miles from the city, nearly on the top of a high
bluff which overlooks the Hudson. It is about four
miles in circumference, and surrounded by scenery
of the most picturesque character; its greatest at
traction, however, is the abundance of fish which it
contains, of ;11 fresh water varieties. It is a favorite
resort for the followers of old Isaac Walton, who are
rarely disappointed in getting a good mess. It is
from this Lake that our city is principally supplied
with ice. The western shore is lined with ice hous
es, of a size and capacity almost incredible. The fill
ing of these in winter employs a great many hands,
and is an operation well worth seeing. In good sea
sons they lay up all they can, and I am informed that
some of the houses have remained unopened for
three or four years together, and that without their
contents being sensibly diminished. They are now,
however, almost entirely emptied, the weather last
winter having been so mild, that with the exception
of two days, no ice formed of sufficient thickness to
be laid up.
The obsequies in honor of our late President took
! place, as announced, on Tuesday, the 23d inst. The
procession, notwithstanding the numbers absent from
the city, was the longest, President Harrison's, per
haps, excepted, that I have ever seen in New York.
It was over five miles in length, and was an object of
interest to thousa .ds who were congregated in the
streets hrough which it passed. The funeral car
was beautifully got up. David Graham, Esq., our
celebrated criminal lawyer, delivered the eulogy,
which was eloquent and feeling.
Several years ago our city decided, by a popular
vote, to endow an institution for the free education of
boys in the higher branches, the pupils to be received
only from the public schools. The first literary anni
: versary of this Free Academy, was celebrated on the
25th inst. A large audience were gathered, who
seemed well satisfied with the proceedings. This in
■ stitution is s'tuated in t'le upper pa t of the city ; it
is a fine building capable of containing a thousand
pupils. Owing to the shameful want of preparation
in the public schools, only a very limited number
have as yet been able to pass the examination requir
ed before entering the Academy. More than half of
the candidates are not unfrequcntly rejected. This
has awakened the mind of the community to the
fact, that the instructions received in our public
schools ire almost a nullity, and sttong efforts are
now being made to raise their standard of scholar
ship. We trust that these may prove effectual.
I wrote you last week of the wreck of the “Eliz
abeth,” during the la’e disastrous storm which visited
us, and the loss therein of Margaret Fuller. A num
ber ot the fr ends of this lady have visited the scene
of the wreck for the purpose of saving, if possible,
her m;:n r cripts. Til's they have succeeded in do
ing, though it is feared that a portion of them have
been so injured by tl e water as to be illegible. Pow
er's statue of Cu.h mn wis on board this same vessel,
and has not yet been recovered, although Mr. Kel
logg, the artist, and several agents of the under
writers have been making every possible effort to
find it. The contents of the vessel which survived
the wreck, have been most villainously appropriated
by the Long Island land pirates, who have publicly
offered parts of her cargo for sale in Patehogue. It
is high time that severe measures were taken against
these heartless robbers, who thus live on the plunder
of the unfortunate. I ugh Maxwell, our energetic
! Collector, has visited the ground in person for the
| purpose ot bringing to justice those concerned in this
! worst species of robbe y.
Our citizens, partieu’arly the foreign portion of
I them, are on the qui ii e, for the arrival of two dis
tinguished strangers to whom the hospitalities of the
! city are to be rendered—Gen. Garibaldi, and Gen.
Paez. It was announced last week that the former
had reached quarantine, but Dame Rumor proved
herself, on this as on former occasions, quite unwor
thy of trust. There seems to be a tendency in Amer
ican character, to get up displays, a procession-loving,
sight-seeing, novelty-hankering element, which leads
us to make lions of all strangers who visit our shores,
while sometimes to our chagrin we find, as in the fa
ble, that asses are occasionally found in lions’ skins.
Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer, the English minister,
arrived in this city on Saturday last; the climate of
Washington does not agree with his health, and he
intends during the remainder of the summer, trying
the effect of the salubrious breezes of Staten Island,
lie has hired a beautiful cottage on the island.
A hard struggle is now going on between the Cu
nard and Collins lines of Atlantic steamers, as to
which is capable of mating the quickest trips. John
! Bull cannot bear to see Brother Jonathan take prece-
I dence of him in this respect, as he has in so many
! others, and the Cunards are doing their utmost.
Thus far, however, our Collins line has the advan
tage. The Atlantic saikd on Saturday with 120 pas
sengers, among them Rev. Dr. Bethune, Rev.
Dr. Potts, Geo. W. Kendall, of the New Orleans
Picayune, A. C. Bullitt, late of the Republic, and M.
De Lisle, French minister to Mexico.
The Harpers have pubihed a beautiful edition of
Dr. Beattie s “Life and Letters of Thomas Camp-
bell.” Beattie’s position, as executor of the poet, has
afforded him ample facilities for the compilation of
these volumes, which are possessed of much interest.
The same firm have issued the fourth volume of Mil
man’s edition of Gibbon's “Decline and Fall of tlie
Roman Empire.” This is uniform with Hume’s
History already issued, and is to be followed by Ma
caulay’s England in the same style. These works
are beautiful library editions, and being put at the low
price of fifty cents a volume, are within every one’s
reach. From Stringer & Tow nsend, we have Rey
nold’s new work, “The Seamstress,” which is one of
a series entitled the slaves of England. The last
number of the “Gallery of Illustrious Americans,”
a series containing portraits and sketches of our most
distinguished countrymen, was devoted to Audubon ;
the next will contain a likeness and biography 1 of
President Fillmore. Miss Cooper, a daughter of our
great American novelist, has made her literary debut
in a work entitled “Rural Hours,” originally pub
lished in London, and republished here by Putnam.
It consists mainly of reflections and observations on
Nature. Putnam has also issued Dr. Ungewitter’s
“Europe, past and present,” a comprehensive Manu
al of European Geography and History. Also,
‘‘Sleep Psychologically considered with reference to
Sensation and Memory,” by Dr. Foster, of Auburn.
Putnam publishes some good books, but his tremen
dous prices kept them out of general circulation.
Yours, &e., P. Q.
The Day we Celebrate. —May its mornings
continue to be ushered in with peals of joy by
unborn millions.
How unborn millions can shout, we dont know
—we should think they could shout better after
they were born than before.— Boston Post.
[YANKEE CORRESrONDENCE.]
Boston, July 28, 1850.
Senatorial Appointments—Obsequies of Gen. Tay
lor—A Hanging Case — Another—Census of
Massachusetts — Trans-atlantic Communication —
Countess Ossoli—Jenny Lind , dpc.
Mr. Webster being now Secretary of State, it Las
become the duty of Gov. Briggs to appoint a suc
cessor for the remainder of the Senatorial term. The
Governor, by and with the consent of the council,
has decided on making the appointment, and the
Hon. Edward Everett has been generally spoken of
as the man who will probably be chosen. A precept
has been issued for the election of a member to fill
the vacancy left by the death of the Hon. D.P. King,
representative for the second district.
We arc preparing to celebrate the obsequies of the
late President with much pomp and solemnity. The
ceremonies will take place on the 15th of August,
when all the societies of the community—Military,
masonic, literary, benevolent, scientific, &c., will
combine to do honor to the memory of the departed
veteran. It is expected to be a very imposing affair.
Last Friday a man named Pearson was hanged at
the gaol of Cambridge, for the murder of his wife
and two children, at Wilmington, last year. It was a
deliberate atrocity. He lived in Boston at the time, and
went down by railroad, on purpose to destroy them —
or at least, the woman—who, with her children, was
obliged to live apart from him, and who lived in a
somewhat isolated house. Havingreached Wilming
ton, he stole to the house, knocked at the door, was
let in by his wife, shook hands with her, sat down to
supper with her and the children, and in a little time
they went to bed together. After a sleep or doze of a
couple of hours, he got up and took the knife he had
brought from this city, and assailed his sleeping wife ;
after a struggle he overcame and slew her ; he then
cut the throats of the two terrified little girls ! lie
afterwards kindled a light, dressed himself, and ar
ranged the dead woman on the floor, her head on a
pillow, the knife in her hand, and on the table near
her a laudnum bottle, and a letter which he had ad
dressed to her, but had never sent to her, to the ef
fect that he would marry again and have nothing
more to say to her. All these things were intend* and
to give people the idea that the mother in a fit of dc
spair caused by this intelligence, had killed her chil
dren first and then herself! The evidence was close
and deadly against him, and he was found guilty.—
For some months after his conviction, he affected an
insane demeanor, and denied all knowledge of the
mu ‘der of his wife. The philanthropists made great
efforts to save his life, but ineffectually. As the day
for his execution drew near, he dropped his crazy dis
guise, and the Rev. Mr. Taylor at last induced him
to confess the murder and the manner of it. The
motive of it the wretch mystified to the last.
Webster seems resigned to his fate. It was thought,
and it may yet be so, that he would take a dose of
some poison from his waistcoat pocket and dismiss
himself quietly in his cell, the day before the fatal
30th of August. But people say he does not intend
such a thing, because he himself said he was too much
of a Christian to do so. A curious use people make
of Christianity ! He is allowed a knife and fork, and
glassware at dinner. The Professor, however, knows:
there are better and more comfoi table means of ma
king the quietus than a clumsy dinner knife. A
friend of himself and his family could be prevailed on
to bring him the needful thing in a little space—ay,
in his mouth, like a tobacco quid. lam not sure that
Professor Webster will die my means of a rope, and
publicly. He will not, at all events, speak in such a
pious and edifying manner as Pearson did. The Pro
fessor has not professed any particular form of re
ligion, and does not have many of Pearson’s ideas of
the other world. A professor of Chemistry’ general
ly thinks differently from a waiter of a hotel. Mr.
Littlefield, the janitor of the Medical College, whose
evidence chiefly condemned Webster, and whom
Webster tried to have hanged for the murder instead
of himself, came to see the prisoner the other day.—
There was an appearauce of great cordiality between
them, and they exchanged forgiveness ; but the Pro
fessor added that he really knew nothing about tl.e
sledge hammer , which Littlefield testified he h. and
brought into his laboratory the day before he killed
Parkman, and concerning which he said nothing in
his confession. The interview strikes me as Having
been an indelicate, hypocritical affair. There could
have been no real kind feeling between the two
men.
The census of our State has been completed, and
its population shown to be 973,715 —239,457 more
than in 1840. The apportionment gives our Senate
forty members, and the number of representatives
will be 299.
The citizens of Portland, in Maine, have petitioned
their legislature to ascertain the most practicable
route for a railroad from Bangor in the direction of S£
John, New Brunswick, to some good harbor in Nova
Scotia, most suitable for a terminus to a trans-atlantic
line of steamers. From Cape Canso, in N. S., to
Galway, in Ireland, tlie distance is said to be 2000
miles—6oo miles less than the distance to Boston.—
The projectors of the petition state that a speed of
seventeen miles an hour is possible ; and they, there
fore, estimate that news can thus cross the ocean
from Europe to America in the space of five days
—that is about half the time it now takes in transit.
There is no doubt some such plan must be shortly
adopted for bringing the European and American
people and their bus nessas closely as possible toget! •
cr. Poor Nova Scotia and poor Ireland would be
raised into some importance and benefitted by such
a thing. How the great geographical laws of nature
overbear and counteract the laws of human policy.—
When the necessity of the times shall have made
Galway a trans-atlantic port, commerce will flow
backward and forward through that island, which
will then be raised into importance. England may
repress the hopes and energies of Ireland, but Ameri
ca will electrify them and raise them, and pour her
own powerful spirit through the unhappy popula'ior.
Jonathan leans out, as it were, into the sea, to take
Paddy's hand across it. He will take John Bull's
hand, too, but Paddy's first ; and he will in time
teach these two quarrelsome insulars that they must
behave to one another like brothers. There is hope
for poor Ireland yet. It is not for nothing that she
has
Her back turned to Britain, her face to the We t f
The commercial civilization of our age, which has
its most energetic inspiration on this continent, shall*
yet include the shores and resources of one of tlie
most beautiful and fertile islands of the world, so long
and so basely impoverished. Yes; Ireland will be
liberated from America, after all!
The loss on Fire Island of the ship Elizabeth of Phil
adelphia, from Leghorn toNew York, was a sad affair.
Margaret Fuller, of New York, an authoress of note,,
and correspondent of the “Tribune,” was lost along”
with her husband, the Count Ossoli and their little
son, two years old. What hopes, and affection, sncß
mutual pride, went down with this interesting family,
almost in sight of that beloved shore which the moth
er longed so earnestly to see again ! The statue of
Calhoun, by Powers, sunk with the ship. Efforts are
being made to recover it.
Jenny Lind is to sing in Liverpool for three nights
before sailing to this country, on the 21st of August,
in the Atlantic. She is to get SSOOO for the three
nights.
The weather here is cool and pleasant.
YANKEE DOODLE.
Editorial Decencv. — The Cincinnati Commer
cial, in replying to a cotemporary, uses the following
courteous language :
“You are a cotcard, a liar , a scoundrel —and if
you have a spark of personal courage, you will not
take that quietly.”
Such language eould only be given or taken “ qui
etly,” in the land of “ everlastin’ sass.” There, epi
thets have no specific meaning, and blackguardism is
employed as a legitimate weapon of warfare.— Sav.
Nettie