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SOUTHERN SENTINEL.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA :
THURSDAY MORNING, DEC. 19, 1850.
To Our Subscribers.
We should be greatly obliged to those subscribers
who have not yet paid up for the current year, i:
they would forward the amount due us, without the
necessity of troubling then* with dons and agents.—
The first of January is near at hand, and as weliave
some bills to foot at that time, our patron.; would ob
lige us by helping us to the wherewith. \\ e shall
he most happy, if with this gentle hint, we are saved
the unpleasant necessity of recurring to the subject. {
Our Second Volume
Will commence on the first of nest month, and
we hope in our next, to furnish our readers with a
prospectus of what we intend to do in the way of
improvement. Our subscription list has largely in
creased. and, as we promised in the beginning, its
first fruits shail be in returned benefits to our pat
rons. We hope that we shall have the countenance
of our old friends through another year’s journey,
and that, through their influence, we may be able to
make many new acquaintances. If you are pleased
with your paper, there will be no .harm in telling
your neighbor so; on the contrary, we shall be your
debtor, and we think your friend will be also.
XT’ Hon. ITu. A. Hara'i.son has our thanks for
two very valuable public documents.
Gift Books.
Our Saviour, with Prophets and A rosTi.Es.”—
This is the title of one of the most splendid and valua
ble works we have ever seen. Appleton & Cos.
seem to have expended in its publication the utmost
of their skill and taste, and as a mere specimen of
the typographical art, it is a monument to these en
terprising publishers. Nor is the jewel unworthy
of the casket which contains it. The work contains
biographical sketches, accompanied by superb en
gravings of the following Scripture characters. The
sketches are from the pens of many able divines, and
the engravings by the best artists of the day. The
following are the subjects: Our Saviour ; John the
Baptist; ‘St. Matthew ; St. Mark; St. I.itke; St.
John tile Evangelist ; St. Peter : St. Paul; St.
Andrew ; St. Stephen ; St. Thomas : St. Barna
bas ; St. Simeon ; David ; Solomon ; Isaiah ; Eze
kiel ; Malaehi.
For sale by B. B. deGraffenried.
“Leaflets of Memory."—This is one of the
oldest and most popular annuals. The volume for
ISSI is the seventh of the series, and the most beau
tiful which has yet appeared. The finest talents of
the country have been commanded in the various de
partments of editing, engraving, printing and bind
ing. Altogether, it is one of the best gift books of
the season.
For sale by B. B. deGraffenried.
“ Poets’ Offering.”—Hero is indeed a treasure.
It contains the gems of all the poets of England and
America, ancient and modern, beautifully illustrated
and handsomely bound.
For sa’e by B. B. deGraffenried.
“Thf. iris” is another of the most beautiful
books of the season. It is edited by Prof. John S.
Hart, and its pages are filled w ith original articles
from the pens of our most popular writers. In its
ox ter n;d appearance, and in the beauty of its en
gravincrs. it is not inferior to either of the others. *
For stile by 15.15. deGraffenried.
To Farmers and Planters.
We invite your attention to the prospectus of “ The
Soil of the South,” which you will find in another
place. We presume it is scarcely necessary
to exhort you to patronize a periodical, published in
your midst, and devoted to the improvement of your
interests. Most of the agricultural works published
ia this country, are too far North for the great plant
ing interests of the South. In view of the necessity
thus created for a work of this character in the cot
ton growing region, the Muscogee and Russell Agri
cultural Society have determined on the publication
of “The Soil of the South.''’ Upon your pat
ronage and your exertion in its behalf, must depend
the fate of the enterprise, and regarding as we do,
agriculture the paramount interest ot the country,
wo most cheerfully make this appeal in its behalf. The
terms on which it is proposed to issue the work,
place it at the command of every planter in the
South, and when it is considered how important the
work may be to the agricultural interest , and how much
value it may be to each individual planter, it certainly
would be but little trouble for each to interest him
self so far as to induce his neighbors to become sub
scribers. Os the merits of the publication, we need
only* say, that the ability of the editors, and the char
acter of those who we understand are to be its prin
cipal contributors, give abundant assurances that
11 The Soil of the South” will be a most invaluable
handbook to the planters, gardeners, florists and
housekeepers of the South and South West.
ITT* Our city readers can not spend these long
evenings more pleasantly or profitably than in at
tending the course of free lectures which Dr. Conger
is now delivering in the large room over Mygatt's
Corner. His subjects are, the mental and physical
training of youth, the laws of health and happiness
in connection with Physiology and Phrenology. To
the parents and the youth of the community, his lec
tures are of special interest, and, characterized by
sound practical wisdom, they are calculated to do
much good.
The Campbells.—The lovers of good music
among us will be pleased to learn that this unrivalled
corps of vocalists intend paying us another visit
about the first of January next.
Murder. —Two dead bodies, a man and woman,
in a decomposed state, were discovered in a wagon,
near Thomasville, (Ga.) on the Till inst. Appear
ances were clear that they had been murdered by
blows from an axe. The name of the man. from pa
pers found on him, was believed to be Durent or
Duren Moore, and the woman Charity Gove. It
is supposed that they were on their way from North-
Carolina to Florida.
The supposed murderer, a man named J as. \\ il
liams, was pursued by two public spirited citizens of
Thomas county, and overtaken at Hamburg, S. C.
He was taken over to Augusta on Saturday morning,
and, after an examination of the evidence in the
case, was fully committed to jail, where he is now
6afely lodged. —Charleston Courier.
The Great Ship and the World's Fair.—
The Portsmouth (Ya.) Pilot, of Monday, says :
“ Orders were received at this navy yard, on Satur
day morning, from the Navy Department, to ascer
tain the cost and time required for preparing the big
ship Pennsylvania for the world’s fair, and we under
stand that Com. Sloat. with that systematic prompt
ness which ever characterizes him, made up esti
mates, with the aid of Constructor Hart, and sent
them to Washington by the return mail of the after
noon. It will, as we stated in our letter from Wash
ington, require an expenditure of between three and
four hundred thousand dollars ; and, while the time
is too short for her to be in readiness to transport our
American portion of the world’s fair, at the period
designated for the reception of articles, (sth March.)
it is probable that she can appear on the Thames as a
man-of-war. Let this gigantic ship go, on this occa
sion, with a picked crew ; let them be volunteers
specially for the big ship, but, of course, uuder the
strictest naval discipline, and let them all be Ameri
cans—Cape Coders and Cherapeak? Bay men.”
The State Convention.
This body assembled in the State House ou Tues
day the ] Oih instant, and at 11 A. M. was organ
ized by electing Hon. Tin s. Spaulding of Mclntosh,
‘President; Hon. A. J. Miller of Richmond, and
Hon. W. B. Wofford of Habersham, Vice Presi
dents: and It. S. Lanier, Esq. of Bibb, Secretary.
Oil motion of lion. Char. ,T. Jenkins of Richmond,
a committee of three from each judicial district was
appointed to prepare business for tile action of the
Convention. That committee was & mposed as fol- ,
; lows:
Middle District —Jenkins, Lawton, Flournoy.
Eastern District — Bartow, Coupe r. Smith.
Southern District —Black shear, GEor.CE Wil
: cox, Gatlin.
South- Western District —Crawford, Taylor.
Irvine.
Chattahoochee District —McDougai.d, Clarke,
Bivins.
Coweta District — E. Y. Hill, Murphy, Slaugij
! TER.
’ Cherokee District —Ti mlin, Lawhon, Chastain ;
j of Gihre r.
j Western District — Hull, W. J. Hill, ICnox.
Northern District —Gilmer, Baxter, Long.
Oanulgee District —Kenan, Sanford, Mkri- I
WETHER.
Flint District —King, Williamson, Collins.
The Convention then proceeded to the election of
Doorkeeper and Messenger, which resulted in the
| election of Moses N. Davenport of Clark,Door
i keeper; and Jesse Oslin of Cobb, Messenger,
i Mr. Calhoun of DeKalb offered a resolution provid
i ing for the call of counties alphabetically to allow the
j introduction of resolutions, the same to be read and
j referred to the Committee of 33. After some dis
| eussion, the resolution was adopted, and the roll be
ing called, resolutions were introduced by delegates
i from Chatham, Elbert, and Pike.
On the 1-ltli, the Committee of 33 made its Re
. port, which, after several amendments, was adopted,
j We have not room in to-day's paper for the preamble
! of the report—the following are the Resolutions:
Be it resolved by the People, of Georgia in Can
't vent'wn assembled , Ist. That we hold the Arneri
| can Union, secondary in importance only to the
rights and principles it was designed to perpetu-
I ate. That past associations, present fruition,
| and future prospects, will bind us to it so long as
I it continues to be the safeguard of those rights
! and principle's.
| 2d. That if the thirteen original parties to the
j contract bordering the Atlantic in a harrow belt,
j while their separate interests were in embryo,
| their peculiar tend nicies scarcely developed,
| their revolutionary trials and triumphs stiil green
| in memory, found Union impossible without i
j Compromise, the thirty-one of this day may well
yield somewhat, in the conflict of opinion and
policy, to preserve that Union which has e.xten
| ded the sway of republican government over a
j vast wilderness, to another ocean, and propor
j tionally advanced their civilization and national
greatness.
3d. That in this spirit, the State of Georgia
i has maturely considered the action ot Congress
| embracing a series of measures for the admis
| sion of California into the Union, the organiza
j lion of territorial governments for Utah and
j New Mexico, the establishment of a boundary
between the latter and the State of Texas, the
suppression of the slave trade in the District of
Columbia, and the extradition of fugitive slaves,
and (and connected with them) the rejection of
propositions to exclude slavery from the Mexi
can territories and to abolish it in the District of
Columbia; and whilst she does not wholly ap
prove, will abide by it, as a permanent adjust
ment of this sectional controversy.
4th. That the State of Georgia, in the judg
ment of this Convention, will and ought to resist,
oven {as a last resort ) to a disruption of every tie
which binds her to the Union, any action of
Congress upon the subject of slavery in the
District of Columbia, or in places subject to the
jurisdiction of Congress, incompatible with the
! safety, domestic tranquility, the rights and honor
i of the slaveholding States; or in any act sup
j pressing the slave trade between slaveholding
States; or in any refusal to admit as a State any
territory hereafter applying, because of the exis
tence of slavery therein ; or in any act prohibit
ing the introduction of slaves into the territories
of Utah and New Mexico ; or in any act repeal
ing or materially modifying the laws now in
force for the recovery of fugitive slaves.
sth.'That it is the deliberate opinion of this
Convention, that upon the faithful execution of
; the Fugitive Slave Bill by the proper authorities,
I depends the preservation of our much loved
1 Union.
The Convention—its Labors and its Fruits.
The Convention has met, deliberated and ad
journed. Its proceedings arc now a part of Geor
gia’s history, and identified as wo are by birth, edu
cation and devotion to her soil, we blush in the ac
j knowledgment that they will constitute no very
bright chapter in that hitherto untarnished record.
Standing as her sons will, in future generations, aloof
from the turmoils of the times in which it was enact
ed, how must they wonder at the blindness, or be
amazed at the recklessness of their forefathers, in
committing themselves and tlieir country to a policy
so short-sighted, so suicidal. When they read that
the Legislature of Ihe State gravely and deliberately
resolved that the consummation of certain events by
tlie general government would be regarded by
j Georgia as an outrage upon her rights, and ns such
: resisted “at all hazards and to the last extremity,”
j they will commend the wisdom and applaud the
; spirit c>f our law-makers ; but when, upon a subso
: quent page, they will learn these anticipated evils
I were actually inflicted, and that we shrank from the
•! execution of our purpose, their cheeks must tinge
l with shame and mortification.
We publish in another place, a brief sketch of tlie
proceedings of the Convention, together with the
resolutions which were adopted, and we submit it to
j tlie silent judgment of every candid mind, are they
! worthy of the crisis? do they meet the necessity I
which originated the call of tlie Convention, and j
i which exists in unabated force to this clay ? Indeed, j
; we may well ask, what are even the boldest or most 1
j stringent resolutions worth ? Who regards them ; j
I wh ;|f foe is intimidated ; what friend is encouraged j
by them ? Georgia lias already resolved with all !
the solemnity of legislation—and yet, what has Geor- |
! gia done ? We resolved once that the admission of j
California was a wrong, and when that wrong was
completed, wo failed to apply the remedy. What
avails it, then, that we have now resolved that the re
peal of the Fugitive Act, or the abolition of slavery
in the District of Columbia, would be in violation of
our right.- ? If those who resolved meant to act, i
why not have turned their resolutions into an ordi- j
nance, declaring that upon the happening of certain j
events, our connection with the Union was at an !
end, without the luecssity of again convening the!
people for that purpose ?
But even the Resolutions do not go far enough. I
Look at the equivocations, the ifs and the ands , the
i soft places for tender consciences, and the gaps !
i which cunning politicians have left open for their es- :
cape when the evil day comes. Why so many quali
fications and provisions and reservations, if we are
honestly to toe the mark which is chalked out for
our future action? We confess that we doubt;
aud although we expect to stand shoulder to shoulder
with those who have adopted this platform, yet we
shall do so with the constant expectation of being de
serted when ihe test comes. There are exceptions,
of coarse, but we have no idea that the federal Un
j ionists as a body, either intend, or ever will dare, to
stand by even these resolutions in all the length and
breadth of their import. If they are honest in their
professions of devotion to the Union, and we do not
doubt that most of them are, they will never sacri
fice it for some of the causes which are enumerated
in their catalogue of mala prohibits. Take, for in
stance. the abolition of slavery in the District of Co
lumbia : they are ready for battle;*should this be done
in opposition to the wishes of tlie slaveholders there;
I but with their consent, they will not object to its
being done. Well, now, in the name of reason. v.-Jiat
have the wishes of the slaveholders of Columbia to
do,either with the rights of the South, or the powers
of Congress ? If we have rights in the District, the
will of all the slaveholders there can uot divest us of
them ; and if Congress has the power to legislate as
contemplated, that power can not depend upon the j
whims of a few property holders ; or, if Congress has |
not this power, all the slaveholders in the universe i
etui not create it. No; our delegates were either !
deceiving themselves or deceiving others. They do
not mean to dissolve the Union when Congress does
thus and so : they only mean to make a platform for
the Constitutional Union Party,” aiul if that
platform helps them to elect their own men to all the
offices, it will have answered .the end of its creation,
and may be laid away as thunder, fund us officio —
till the next races.
Centralization.
We can but regard with apprehension the indi
cations too numerously afford el in the legislation of
this day, of the truth, that our government is rapidly
being changed from one of confederated sovereign
ties to a grand consolidated power. The national
legislature is daily in the exercise of powers of
which its originators never dreamed. The whole
genius of our constitution has been changed, and
though the transition has been so gradual, and it
may be, so imperceptible, as to have marked no par
ticular epoch in our history with the traces of revolu
tion, yet, when we compare the operations of our
government of to-day with its earlier history, and the
manifest intentions of those who framed it, we are
struck with the progress which federalism has made
in so short a time. N<>r is the legislature in advance
of the co-ordinate departments of the government.
The vast increase of executive patronage, which is be
ing augmented at almost every session of Congress, is
rapidly investing that office with a degree of influence
which is altogether incompatible with the framework
of our institutions. The Judiciary has arrogated to
itself power, which is to be measured alone by its
own decrees. Even the laws of the Union exist by
virtue of its sanction, and states’ rights are proper
subjects for its adjudication. Thus, in every depart
ment of the government, consolidation is steadily and
rapidly gaining strength.
The most alarming of those indications is furnished
in the idea which is now becoming quite fashionable,
even in the South, that a State can not secede from
; the Union. That tlie general government may force
’ a sovereign State to remain in the Union is the most
j monstrous pretension of Federalism ; and that it
i finds countenance at all, argues, certainly, a remark
i able tendency to consolidation. What is the general
| government more than the agent of tlie States, crea
| ted for certain purposes, and invested with certain
i powers? VYbo has ever maintained before that this
i creature of the States possessed any powers beyond
those which were delegated in its creation ? And
who gave to it, pray, the power to whip Georgia into
line when she chooses to leave it ? Is it credible that
Georgia would have conferred such a power upon the
general government ? and if she did not, who did ?
Had South Carolina, or Virginia, or Massachusetts,
either singly or together, any right to invest the
central government with authority to coerce a State
to remain in the Union ? Twenty-five years ago,
there was not a man in the State who questioned
that secession was perfectly within the discretion of
any member of the Confederacy. We hope there
are but few who doubt it now ; but that there are
even a few, is enough to open our eyes to the progress
of federalism.
Men talk now of their allegiance to the general
government, and deny that they owe any to the
State in which they live. So reasons Henry Clay,
and it is a legitimate deduction from his federal con
struction of tlie government. It is of all doctrines
yet avowed, the most hostile to states’ rights. In tlie
language of Mr. Soule, “ our first, our second, and
our last allegiance” is due to our State,and in a con
test therefore between Georgia and the Federal Gov
ernment, no matter whether right or wrong, we are
Georgians. This doctrine is denounced as seditious
and unfriendly to the Union. So far from it, it is on-
I ly when the principles of State sovereignty have
been invaded hy the central government that the
Union has ever been endangered. Tlie govern
ment might, last forever, and grow stronger as it
grew older, if State and Federal authority moved in
their prescribed orbits—but, once array the powers
of the two in hostile position, by the attempt to -ex
tend the jurisdiction of either over unauthorized
ground, and tlie inevitable result is a collision which
must end either in the dismemberment or consolida
tion of the republic.
Slavery in the District.
The recent Convention at Milledgeville has placed
this subject oil an improper basis, in that, it recog
nizes in Congress the right to abolish slavery in tlie
District upon the petition of the slaveholders to that
effect. This position is as untenable as another
which we have sometimes seen assumed, that Con
gress may abolish slavery in the District with the
permission of Maryland. and Virginia. We hold
that Congress has no authority to do any such
thing, and that it would be an outrage upon the
rights of the South, though every slaveholder in
the District, in Maryland and Virginia, should ask
for such legislation. That district is sacred for gov
ernment purposes, and no power may with impunity
interfere, to make it less a home for Southern than
Northern Representatives. If the people of the
District arc tired of their slaves, let them manumit
them and employ white servants, if they choose.
Nobody will gainsay their right to do so—but they
can not say, nor can Congress say in obedience to
their wishes, to the slaveholding Representative
when he goes to Washington with his family : you
shall not bring your servants with you. We place
it on another footing. Congress has no power to
degrade the South by condemning her institutions,
and this is certainly done when they arc excluded
from a District alike the property, aud designed
equally for the use, of all the States. If those who
reside within the limits of that territory are unwil
ling to bo subject to the rights thus attaching to the
States, they know their remedy ; they can seek
homes elsewhere. This, then, is one article in the
creed of the “ Constitutional Union party” to
which we can not subscribe. And we dissent in no
spirit of determined opposition. We wish to see the
people of Georgia united, but on no such rickety
platforms.
P. S.—The foregoing was written immediately up
on the receipt of the Report of the Committee of
33, as it was originally introduced. Subsequently,
the Resolution relating to the District of Columbia
was so amended as to obviate the objections to which
we have alluded.
O’ Gen. J. 11. Means has been elected Governor
of South Carolina.
Virginia Senator. —Hon. James M. Mason has
been re-elected United States Senator by the Legis
lature of Virginia, by the overwhelming majority of
112 to 42. Thus has the Old Dominion honored
herself in the triumphant vindication of the course
which her Senator pursued in supporting the rights
of the South.
Private California Accounts. —The New York
correspondent of the Philadelphia Pennsylvanian
says :
“ I have seen private letters from responsible par
ties in California, which give any thing but a flatter
ing picture of the condition of things there, which is
not at all enlivened, I assure you, by the verbal ac
counts of the passengers, on board the Europa, who
have come direct from San Francisco and the ‘ dig
gins.’ The cholera was prevailing to a great extent,
but it was the opinion that its ravages had hardly yet
begun. Tales of privation and suffering are related
of the most terrible character, and sufficiently shock
ing to make one’s hairs stand straight up.”
FitF.E Negroes in Kentucky.—A select com
mittee of the Kentucky Legislature have reported a
bill prohibiting slaves emancipated in the State from j
remaining there, under a penalty for the first offence j
of five years’ imprisonment in the penitentiary, and !
for tile second, confinement for life. It was referred i
to the committee on the Judiciary, and it, or a simi- j
lar bill, will, it is said, be enacted into a law under
tlie requirements of the Constitution.
• [communicated.]
To the Editor of the Columbus Enquirer :
In looking over your paper a few days ago, I
was struck with surprise to find the following
paragraph:
‘•We are told by our cotemporaries that they j
have nailed the secession flag to the mast. Be j
it so. That flag might wave in triumph over;
oilier heads, but in this good old commonwealth ;
it will stand, like the Missouri Senator when he j
put his ba!l*in motion, solitary and alone. But j
we, too, have nailed our flag to the mast. Not j
the b'aek piratical looking ensign of disunion, not j
the blank and trouserless looking image of se
cession—but the glorious old flag that has float
ed over every battle-field of the country from
the days of the revolution until now. Arnold
attempted to pull it down—Aaron Burr, like
others that have come after him, finding the
country too large for his dimensions, made the
same effort, and failed. The failure in Georgia
is now complete, and we have the'consolation
of knowing that, so far as she is concerned, that
flag will continue to wave, over the land
of the free and the home of the brave.”
I am one of those who have felt, that the
South has been wronged and insulted—griev
ously wronged and insulted. I had felt, too, that
the only way to escape wrong and injury and
insult for the future, was to raise the flag of se
cession. When I read that paragraph I was
startled—yea, startled at the idea that I and
.those with whom I think and act should occupy,
in the opinion of any of our country men, the po
sition of Benedict Arnold. 1 shuddered at the
thought that my name, humble as it is, should
go down to posterity linked with all that could
make it hateful. Ido not desire for it an im
mortality of infamy. It would be painful to
leave to my children such an inheritance. But
a man to whose opinions many of our fellow
citizens look for their estimation of men and
measures—a man occupying a position re
quiring of all others the most intelligence, hones
j ty ami truth—has spread broadcast over the land
the imputation upon a large, or, (if it suit you
better,) a small portion of his fellow citizens,
that they are like Benedict Arnold. Surely,
Mr. Editor, you did not consider well the import
of your words. Are you prepared to say to
your readers that we have, like Arnold, be
trayed, or desiri and to betray, our country into the
hands of her enemies? Are you prepared to
hold up to the hatred and detestation of the
country, those who feel that safety for the
South is to be found only in a separation from
the North ? Are you prepared to say that those
who favor that measure deserve at the hands of
! the South, and of every good man, that execra
tion and that punishment which all admit that
Arnold deserved at the hands of the colonies?
If you are, then it becomes your duty, as a good
citizen, and particularly as a faithful sentinel
upon the watchtower of liberty, to have every
one of them hung—either with or without a
trial.
But you are mistaken in your history, Mr.
Flournoy. It was the flag of secession that
Arnold attempted to pull down—it was the spirit
of resistance that he attempted to crush. Let
us examine the facts. Arnold had been for
some time engaged in resisting what was claimed
by Great Britain, and believed by many of the
colonies, to be the rightful and legitimate author
ity of the government. He had declared for se
cession—there were then in this country, ns
well as in England, many who thought aud said
that for this he was a traitor, and deserved to
be hung. There were then many who said
that Great Britain had done nothing but what
she had a right to do, and to which tlie colonies
were in duty bound to submit. There were
then many who said that though the colonies
had not received at the hands of the mother
country that full measure of justice to which
they were entitled, yet there was no cause for re
sistance. There were then thousands who said
that they were living under the best and purest
government in the world, and that under it they
were the most prosperous and the most happy
people that the sun shone upon ; and that a
separation from Great Britain would bring upon
them ruin and desoktion ; and so strong were
these feelings and opinions that when the resist
ance men and secessionists did take up arms to
resist the aggressions of the mother country,
multitudes were found joining the government
against their countrymen, and aiding i( in tlie at
tempt to coerce their fellow-citizens into submis
sion, or, as they perhaps said in those days, into
“acquie; mice.” But Arnold went on for a
season supporting the flag of resistance and se
cession, and though denounced by the govern
ment and the “acquiescents” as a traitor, he con
tinued to rise higher in the estimation of his
countrymen and the world. But the tempter
came. Ilis virtue was not strong enough to
sustain him in fighting and suffering in the cause
of liberty and right. The glitter of wealth and
the patronage of power Held out to him allure’
merits too strong for tiis virtue to resist; and in
an evil hour for his fame, he joined the gov
ernment and the “acquiescents,” He attempted to
pull down the flag of secession, and as you say,
Mr. Editor, he failed. Then, and not till then,
the world felt disposed to exclaim—
‘‘Oh for a tongue to curse the slave,
Whose treason, like a deadly blight,
Comes o'er the councils of the brave,
And blasts them in their hour of night!
May life’s unblessed cup for him
Be drugg’d with treachery to the bjfnn,
With hopes that but allure to fly,
With joys that vanish while he sips.
Like Dead-sea fruits that tempt the eye,
But turn to ashes on the lips !
Ilis country’s curse, his children’s shame,
Outcast of virtue, peace and fame,
May he at last with lips of flame,
On the parch’d desert thirsting die,
While lakes that shone in mod ory nigh
Are fading off untoueh’d, untasted,
Like the once glorious hopes he blasted ;
And, when from earth his spirit flies,
Just Prophet, let the damn'd one dwell
Full in the sight of Paradise,
Beholding Heaven, but feeling Hell.”
Who would have ever dreamed of applying j
this curse to Arnold while he was sustaining the j
’ flag of resistance and of secession ? Who does !
i not feel the justice of the join
• at
b to fl'ig^^^^^P
There is, sir. something the
history of traitors, which has ad- j
dressed itself to your notice. It is a sublimely
beautiful trait in the human character, that in
every age and every country, the heart instinc
tively draws the distinction between the traitor
against power, oppression and wrong, and the
traitor against liberty, justice and right. To
the one, the power and the rage of tyranny can
bring no ignominy—to the other, its power and
i its wealth can bring no honor—nay, they cannot
; shield him from infamy. Emmett suffered as a
traitor against the government—yea, as a traitor
against the Union; and venal editors were
found who denounced him as a traitor for at
; tempting to tear down the “glorious flag of the
I glorious Union.” They have passed into obliv
ion, but human nature has vindicated his name j
and embalmed his memory as a champion of lib
erty ; and when all else of her history shall have,
passed into oblivion, the name of Ireland will
be remembered to mark the land where Emmett
raised the “flag of secession” in defence of the
liberties of his country.
Arnold lived and was rewarded as the traitor
against liberty and right, but of all the traitors
against liberty that the world has produced, the
deepest and most damning infamy rests upon
the name of him who joined the government
and the acquiescents, and attempted to tear
down the flag of secession. And the power
and the wealth and the honor of the mightiest
nation of the earth, were not able to save him
from ail infamy leas deep, dark, and damning,
than that only of hint whose name has, by com
mon consent, passed into a tefm to express the
superlative degree of all that is base in the hu
man heart. It may be an instructive lesson to
j you, Mr. Editor, to learn that the name which
! will go down the tide of time next in honor to
j the Saviour of the world, is die name of the
traitor against the government; not one of the
law and order party, but the man who raised
and sustained the flag of secession, and dissolv
j ed the glorious Union-, now known as the father j
1 and savior of his country: and that the man
| who joined the acquiescents and attempted to
j betray him, and to tear down his flag of seces
| sion. goes down to posteritv second in infamy
J to him only who betrayed the Saviour of man
j kind. Both of these traitors were only aiding
the-'legitimate authority,” and both of themre
! eeived their reward.
Kossuth and Bern, and hosts of the gallant j
j sons of Hungary, though denounced and huh?*
ed as traitors and “exiles from homo,” And a
! place in every heart that loves liberty and right
: through this wide world. But Georgev! where
’ is he ?
And the acquiescents of the revolution!—
Those patriots who worshipped at the shrine ot
power, and denounced resistance to the mother
country as treason; the law and order party
i who loved the Union, and branded as traitors all
| the advocates of resistance and secession !
i Where are they ? Where is the man who boasts j
j of his descent from them I Who tells of their !
1 deeds of daring, and of their sacrifices and suf- |
i ferings and privations in the cause of their conn- ■
: try? They are looked upon at best as mis-|
! guided men, wanting in a due appreciation oi i
| right and justice, as blinded by their reverence
! for power. A century has not passed away—
| they have escaped infamy only by finding obliv
j ion.’ But when will the memory of those rebels
i and traitors be forgotten or cease to be remem
bered with veneration ? Who is there in this
country that is not found to trace back his an
cestry to one of them ? Who would not rather
trace his pedigree in the history which tells him
that his ancestor was hung by the British and
the acquiescents as a traitor to the government,
than to hunt it in the statute book which tells |
him that though his ancestor died not a death i
of violence, yet his name is preserved in the j
confiscation act as a traitor to liberty and to |
right ?
But let us examine a little farther thi3 parallel \
between us and Arnold.
Suppose that the conflict between the North
and the South should come. Suppose that you
should join with the North to coerce into submis
sion those whom you have said a thousand and
thousand times had suffered wrong, insult and
injury. Suppose you and your Northern allies
should succeed in crushing the resistance.—
What would be our fate? We should have no
! country to which to flee for protection, like Ar
nold. We might say, like the Exile of Erin—
j 5
“A home and a country remain not for me.’’
And where would you be? You and your
. j Northern Allies might scatter us as exiles and
] fugitives into the four quarters of the globe, you
! might write us down in vour newspapers as trai-
I tors, and your government by its Statute Books
! might so declare us, you might receive your re
ward, but all coming time would mark your
government as a tyranny, you as its pliant to.)!,
and usas the victims of your treachery.
But let us reverse the picture. Suppose that
in that conflict we should succeed, that we
should be able successfully to resist the North
and their Southern allies, and to establish our
independence, you could flee to the North and
find refuge and protection as Arnold did in En
gland. It is the policy of governments which
i seek to trample down the liberties of others to
i reward, but not to trust traitors, and even the
! power of despotism cannot command further the
j esteem of the most vile—the vilest man in En
j gland considered himself better than Arnold.
I You might then flee to (lie North and receive
rewards at the hands of the government, but
even the fugitive slave and the free negro would
make you a'by-word of reproach and contempt.
I write these things not because I believe you
will ever place yourself in that situation, for I be
lieve that when the conflict does come, you will
be with'the South; but I have written them to
show you how much more your course, will lead
you to a resemblance to Arnold than ours—and
i that resemblance will be in no wise diminished
| by the remembrance that the time has been
I when you were numbered amongst those who
felt there was no treason either moral or legal in
resisting the aggressions of the North, even to a
dissolution of the Union.
I do not charge against you as a wrong, that
you have changed your opinions—you no
doubt thought you were right then—that you
have changed your opinions does not prove that
j you were wrong, but it does prove that having
j been satisfied you were wrong once, you ought
S to feel that you might possibly be wrong again.
| You ought at least to pay the compliment to
| your own intellect, to suppose that weaker minds
without corruption entertain opinions sufficient
ly plausible and attractive to have for years mis
led his stronger intellect. A man ought to be
cautious about charging with corruption, those
who entertain opinions which he has abandon
ed. Such a charge is an admission of his own
i corruption, or of their superiority of intellect.—
Men are corrupt when they advocate opinions
which they have sense enough to know are
wrong—a weak man may honestly advocate
them because he has no better sense. If then
i you have advocated these opinions, knowing
i they were wrong, you are not to be trusted, for
want of truth—if because you knew no better,
you are an unsafe guide, for want ot intellect.
But again, when men change their opinions
from conviction they are prompt to announce
tiiat change and to show to others the lights which
have led them into the path of truth. I have
never heard that you have announced any such
change, or that you gave any reasons why you
were wrong then, and right now. On the contra
ry, so far as I have been cognizant ot your course,
you have addressed yourseli to the task ot de
nouncing as the deserters of party those who
have adhered to the principles you have practi
cally abandoned, but dared not denounce—a
course which certainly paid a high compliment
to the principles, but a very poor one to your own
honesty and fair dealing, and to the intelligence
of your readers.
But even ifyou had announced your change
it would, by no means, prove that you are right.
Unfortunately every change of opinion and of
action is not from wrong to right—increase of
years does not always bring increase of wisdom,
nor are the selfish suggestions of age, always,
j more pure than the generous impulses of our
I younger days : your own observation has perhaps
| furnished you with abundant evidence of the
truth of this remark. History furnishes us not
a few examples of the transformation of the
! youthful Christian into the gravheaded debau
j chee, and there have been those who have spent
i their old age, in deriding as the thralls of weak
and superstitious minds, those pure and beauti
ful precepts of Christianity, which had warmed
I and purified their own youthful minds, and in
i the preaching of which to their fellow men their
j early lives had been spent.
These things ought to impress upon your
: mind the justice at least of being charitable.—
[ Although you have not so far as I know ever
; admitted it in words, yet your present course
! admits that you have been wrong once, or that
you <tre dishonest now. May you not be
j wrong now ? May not others differ with
j you in opinion, or pursue a course of ac
tion different from yours, without being guilty
of the treachery of Arnold ? If you feel that
i we are wrong, it is your duty as an Editor to give
; us arguments and facts to show 11s our error.—
But if you believe us such traitors as Arnold
i was, it is your duty to continue to denounce us
and have us all hung. Surely there is patriot- i
} ism enough in this country to hang every such j
I man. I will conclude by calling to vour attention j
| and recommending to your consideration some
j remarks said to have been made by a young
British officer to a voung American who was an
acquiescent, one of the law and order party who
j loved the Union, who thought that resistance ;
was treason and who had joined the government i
I to aid in tearing down the flag ofsecession and
j in forcing his fellow countrymen to submission, 1
and who for Ins loyalty received a colonel’s
commission.
A&?r some remarks upon the war, he says : !
“ Great Britain is destined to lose her colonies.
Her ministers would have abandoned the cause
before this, but for the encouragement held out
by the native loyalists. . . • Mv% own loy
alty, I trust, will always be unimpeachable ; but,
my friend, the regard which I lee! for you,
prompts me to wish for your own sake that you
tiad drawn the sword with vour own people
rather than against them; The American loy
alists must and will he abandoned to their fate.
They will be the greatest losers in the contest.
They will forfeit their homes,and their mem
ories will be stained with to the most
distant periods. It is. perhaps, fortunate for
them, as tending to Irssett this reproach, in the
minds of all just persons, that the greater num
ber ofthem. particularly in these Southern col- j
onies, are native Britons. It was natural that j
they should side with their natural sovereign, j
j But for the wines of the soil, there can he no |
such excuse. Abandoned by Great Britain, they j
will be doomed to an exile which will lack the :
consolation of those who can plead tor their
course, all the affinities ot birth, and all the obli
gations of subjects born within the shadow ot
the throne. 1 would to God. for your sake, that
you had been a foreigner, of had never drawn
weapon against your people. True loyalty is
to the soil, or rather to the race. lam persua*
ded that one is never more safe in his principles
j than when he takes sides with his kindred.
| There is a A'irtuein the race which strengthens
■ and secures his own ; and he is nevermore in
: danger of proving in the wrong tiiaft when he
| takes sides with those who wrong his own peo
ple. At all events, one may reasonably distrust
the virtue in his principle, when lie finds him
| self called upon to sustain it by actually drawing
the sword against his kindred.”
[Reported for the Charleston Courier.]
Neio-York Cotton Market, December 11.
Cotton has declined one quarter to three
eighths, since the receipt of the steamer’s news.
The sales of the day amounted to SCO bales—
middling Uplands quoted at 13 cefits. The to
tal sales for the week were 7000 bales. Rice—
-400 bids, sold during the week. Prime Carolina
brought 3E Naval stores are improving. Flour
j has advanced six cents per barrel.
From Texas.—The steamship Palmetto, at
I New Orleans, brought Galveston papers to the
j 29th ult., with the important fact that the Legis
i lature had accepted the Pearce boundary bill.
The Houston Telegraph states that claims to
: a large amount against the State have been pre-
I sented at Austin since the passage of theboun
| dary bill, and hundreds of them that have here
j tofore lain dormant will be placed before the
i next Legislature. The Telegraph entertains the
! opinion that the whole of the ten millions will
I be required to pay the debt.
‘Plie sugar crop this year will not yield so
j much as last, owing to the drought, hut the
I quality of the new is much better, and will
j command a price sufficiently higher to recoin
-1 pense the planter.
Arrival ot the Empire City.
Ne-w York, Dec. 8.
The. steamer Empire City arrived here to-day.
; She brings three millions of gold dust, and over
three hundred passengers.
She also brings dates from Jamaica to No
vember 20th.
The cholera is raging at a terrible rate at
Kingston and Port Royal, five thousand persons
having died of that disease. It is also raging
fatally in the uplands.
California.
The Pacific News gives the result of the State
election in this new State as follows:
Senate —Democrats 9, Whigs 7 ; Democratic
majority 2.
Assembly —Democrats 18, Whigs 14, Indepen
dent 1, Doubtful 3; Democratic plurality 4.
Joint ballot —Democrats 27, Whigs 21, doubt
ful and Independent 4; Democratic majority 2.
The friend we conversed with yesterday says
there is no chance for Fremont’s re-election to
the Senate, as he and Butler King are the two
most unpopular men in California, in conse
-1 \ queues oftheir outrageous misrepresentations
j about the quantity of gold to be found in quartz
rock, &c., m the State. He also added that the
! report about Fremont’s immense wealth is all
humbug—that his immensely valuable gold mine
1 is all moonshine—all told for effect.
1 The. “First Public School in California,” un
der the charge of JVIr. arid Mrs. Pelton, is highly
commended in the News. The number of pu
pils was 140, and it seems in the land of gold the
1 schoolmaster is poorly paid.
Col. John B. Weller and J. M. Crane, Esq.,
were promising candidates for United States
Senator in opposition to Col. Fremont.— Mobile.
A dxerliser.
’ 7 DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE.
ARRIVAL OF THE AMERICA.
. New York, Dec. 11, 1850.
; The Steamer America arrived this morning,
. bringing Liverpool dates to the3oth lilt.
1 Liverpool Cotton Market.
Brown and Shipley’s circular reports the Cot
; ton Market depressed throughout the week, and
; a decline of 1-8 to l-4d. The sales of the week
have amounted to 20,000 bales. Fair Orleans
1 are quoted at 7 7-Bd. Mobile 7 3-4d. Uplands
7 5-Bd. Middling 7 1-8 to 7 3-Bd.
Advices from Havre to the2Bih ult., report the
, Cotton market dull—prices unchanged.
Provisions are dull. Coffee heavy in Liver
c pool and London, previous prices barely main
> tained. Sugars is in limited demand, prices are
1 six pe.nce lower.
New York, Dec. 13.
Warlike News from Europe.
Advices received from Boston this morning,
state that intelligence from Europe by the Ameri
ca, one day later than before published, announ
, ; ces that continental affairs wore a warlike as
pect and open hostilities appeared inevitable.—
It was asserted that the Austrian Government
had demanded the evacuation of Hesse Cassel
, in 24 hours
Arrival of the America—European News.
Our telegraphic commut'd cations from Halifax,
which have.been interrupted by a serious con
flagration at that place, furnish the outlines of
news one week later than that received by the
Asia. Cotton has declined one-eighth of a pen
> nt on the pound, caused, unquestionably, by the
j very well grounded apprehensions of serious po
; j litical troubles throughout Europe.
The synopsis of news is exceedingly clear,
though brief, and presents an interesting intro
duction to those details of the intelligence which
we shall publish on the arrival of the mails. In
England.it appears that the anti-papal feeling
has grown into a feverish national excitement.
The country appears to be deeply agitated by
the question, which animates not only the peo
ple at large, but Parliament itself. The posi
| tion of that Catholic gentleman, Lord Beaumont,,
is significant of the. feelings of a large propor
tion of the nobility, while the riot at Birkenhead
demonstrates the character of the antagonism
among the people. While the agitation is going
j on, the power at Rome hears of the opposi
tion to its will with an assumed or philosophical
; calmness, that translates the adverse feeling of
England as the offspring of wounded etiquette.
The ‘Times newspaper, the organ of the popular
will and of constitutional order, takes sides
against the movements of the Pope, and thus ex
hibits by its position an index of what may be
expected from the people generally. The pow
er of the crown will probably be called into r
; quisition to banish the papa! power, in the new
! form by which it has been introduced on Pro
testant ground. What eise may result from this
action, on the part of England, time alone can
determine. The affairs of Europe generally, if
they grow into hostilities, have some effect upon
this curiosity in politico-polemic history.
The position of the great States of Europe,
; however, is the most remarkable consideration j
at the present time. By the arrival of the Asia,
we announced that the King of Prussia, on the !
! 21st ultimo, had made a speech which was be
lieved to have favored the war party. Further
; intelligence confirms this as a fact, while it as- I
! sures us, also, that all parties concur in the be- 1
lief that the chances so? the’ maintenance of
peace are exceedingly slender. The dUturJi
arttes between the soldiery of the conflicting
powers is less important, than the fact that
Prussia has a large force under arms—has ne
gotiated a loan,through Rothschilds, often mil
lions pounds sterling, and that France has been
notified by tier official and special agent, who
has returned to Paris, that Prussia can make no
more concessions. Hen , then, we have, also,
Russia declaring that Prussia, at war with Aus
tria, is at war with her likewise —leaving Eng
land and France to take up such positions as
maybe most conducive incase of hostilities,
to their respective interests.
France, distracted by internal ambitions of a
! peculiar kind, and uncertain ot its own lutiiie,at
I this juncture is bound hand and toot, b\ those,
| who, in checking the possibilities oi L. Napoleon s
j cnreer s check her wholly and entirely. hen
■ she refuses to supply an army, she refuses to en-
I ter upon a contest, defensive or offensive. Vet
I the busy Palmerston has views—when did he
have them not !—and the French ambass'n-r.of
has been impressed with the belief that they are
of vast importance. Russia and England have
both contrived to interfere with the reforms in
stituted by the Sultan of Turkey—and both, in
the event ofa general war in Europe, would be’
very happy to keep one eye on Turkey in Eu
rope, and one on Turkey in Asia, solely for the’
ultimate purpose of doing something national
and grand in India. Russia, by a war, can ei
fect its purpose in the East, tar better than she
can in time of peace; and thus the whole game
appears to be as pretty a one as diplomacy has
Contrived in modem fiinea. Prussia is patriot
ic for united Germany—Russia will be patriotic
for herself—Austria may be patriotic on Russian
account, and England would tain be patriotic
for Franco. France stands alone, without a
motive. Should the disturbances of die twenty -
fiflii ultimo, or the position ot the forces m Hes
se, lead to an outbreak more premature that] po
litic, it is not unreasonable to.suppose that the
general conflagration has commenced in earnest.
Much will depend upon the action of England in
case events are not precipitated; and as she >ia*<
much to lose by a war of such a nature, it
not to be doubled that she will make a se\ei>
struggle.to maintain peace. Ihe neutrality ot
France mav aid her —but the actixe coalition o.
the two powers will be necesirry to bring about
so desirable a result.— N. Y. Herald.
CO M M E RC I A L.
GOTTON MARKET.
COLUMBUS, (GA.) Dec. 18.
Cotton.—Our market, like all others, is still de
-1 pressed in prices, under the had appearance of the
I news from Europe—but at our present quotations,
!10 1-2 to 11 1-2, all is freely taken. Holders are
I offering but little, and much of the receipts are stored
on planters’ account.
COLUMBUS COTTON “STATEMENT.
COIll!KITUD I$V lll’Mi:,. I’ATTKX & ISUXCK.
For the Week ending Salurday, Dec. Id,
Stock „on hand Oct. 1 033
Received this week 1143
Received previous] v 21943
30,024
Shipped this week 2577
Shipped previously 5352
Stock on hand 22,095
Columbus Prices Current.
CORRECTED WEEKLY BY BUTT & BANKS.
” ~~ $ cts~ Q cts.
’ Bacon —Hams, per pound, 00 © 121
Shoulders, “ 1 8 © 10
Sides, “ 1 10 © 11
> Bagging—lndia, per yard, 00 © 18
Kentucky, “ 00 © 1C
Bale Rorr, per pound 00 © 9
’ Butter —Goshen,jper pound, 00 © 25
Country, “ 1 13 © 23
. Candles—Sperm, “ 45 © 50
Adamantine,” 33 © ‘ 40
Castings, per pound, 00 © 5
’ Cheese, “ 121 © 15
• ! Coffee —Rio,per pound, 13 © It
) ■ Java, “ 16 © 17
. 1 Feathers, “ ! 35 © 40
Fish—Mackerel, No. 1. per barrel.... 14 00 ©l6 00
“ No. 2, “ ... 9 00 ©l2, 00
; “ No. 3, “ ... 00 ©9 00
i Flour —Northern, “ ... GOO © 700
1 Western, “ ... 6 00 © 700
City Mills, “ ... 5 25 © 6 25
Country, per cwt., 2 50 © 3*oo
Fodder—per cwt., 100 © 00
’ Grain —Corn, per bushel 75 © 85
Wheat, “ 118 ©1 40
. . Oats, “ 43 © 55
f Gunpowder—per keg, .. 5 00 © 7 00
Hides —per pound 8 © 9
Iron —Swedes, per pound, 5 © 6
1 Hoop, “ 7 © 9
s Nail Rods,” 6 © 7
, Lard —per pound, 10 © 121
Le^| — “ G © 8
LimP—per barrel, 2 50 © 3 001
Molasses —Cuba, per gallon, 30 © 33
New Orleans, per gallon, 35 © 40
Nails—per keg, 500 © OO
Oils—Sperm, per gallon, 1 00 © 2 00
Linseed, “ 100 ©J 25
Train, “ 00 © 75
Paints—per keg, 200 ©72~50
’ Potatoes—Sweet, per bushel, 50 © 75
Irish “ 00 © 2 OO
Raisins—per box 400 © 00
- Rice—per pound, 61 © 00
j Salt—per sack, 150 © 00
. Shot-—per bag, 175 © 00
’ Soap—-per pound, 6 © 8
s Spirits—Brandy, French, per gallon., 1 00 © 400
? Gin,Holland, “ “,1 150 © 00
Gin, American, “ “ I 45 © Go
, Rum, Jamaica, “ “ 250 © 00
Rum.N.E., “ “ 45 © GO
Whiskey—lrish, “ “ 300 ©3 50
Monongabeta, “ “ i1 25 ©1 50
Western, “ “ i 30 © 32
, Steel, Cast—per pound ; 23 © 00
German, per pound,... 16 © 00
American, “ ... 121 © 00
Tallow—per pound, 8 © 10
Teas—Green, per pound, 1 00 © 1 25
Black, “ “ 50 © 75
Tobacco—per pound, 121 © 75
[ Twine—per pound 20 © 25
Vinegar—per gallon, 40 © 50
’ Wines— Madeira, per gallon, 1 50 © ICO
Sherry, “ “ 250 ©3 00
Champagne, per basket,.... 12 00 ©lB 00
j Malaga, per gallon, 50’ © 75
, Port. “ “ 2 59 © 3 50
1 Claret, “ “ 350 ©5 00
MARRIED,
■ In Wynnton. on the 11th inst., by Rev. Dr L Pierce,
Maj. Daniel B. Biro, of Jefferson County, (Fla.,) to.
Miss Mary V. Butt, of the former place.
At Chunncnuggee, Macon county, Ala., on.. Tuesday
morning, 26th ult., by Rev. James Heard, Dr: uv M-.
Hunter, of Mobile, to Mrs. Mary F. Williams, of
the former place.
On the 12th inst., by the Rev. John Star, Dr. John
Green, ta Miss Frances Gibson, of Russell eountv,
Ala. ■
1 At the same time and place, by Rev. John Star, Mr.
Henry K. Garrett, of Muscogee county, Ga., to Miss
Mary S. Gibson.
DIED,
In Vincville, (Ga.,) on the sth inst., Garten Sr irks,.
son of Jane and Thomas Hardeman, Jr., aged fifteen
months.
OBITUARY.
“Leaves have their time to full,
And flowers to wither at the north wind’s breath,
And stars to set —but all,
Thou hast all seasons for thine own, O Death.”
Died, in Wynnton, Ga., on the 23th of November►
Mrs. Mary A. B. Pierce, wife. 01 Dr. H. R. Pierce,
in the 22d year of her age. Seldom in the dispensations
of Providence are we called upon to chronicle the
. death of one whose loss is so deeply felt. This be
reavement has thrown the veil of sadness over many
1 hearts ; where but a few days ago was the smile of joy,
1 the tear of sorrow may be seen. She had but few
equals and no superiors. Her character was cast in the
finest mould of female excellence. Asa wife, she was
devoted—her husband's will was hers ; his sighs found
a response in her bosom, and his comfort washer happi
ness. Asa friend, her attachments were strong and
deep. She was above deception ; benevolent—:n her
the poor found sympathy ; a heart always open, a hand
always ready to help. But she is gone. A little while
ago, her husband rejoiced in her companionship. How
sad the change ! Sorrow fills his heart, and with sol
emn tread he goes a “mourner about the streets.”
Though she never made any public profession'of re
ligion by uniting herself to the Church, yet her habits
were decidedly pious.
Her love for ner Bible was manifested by its constant
I perusal. Its promises were precious to her ; she found
! comfort and peace in them ; her faith in them lighted
! up her wav, and she resigned herself to the will of her
i Maker. She expressed herself willing to die. Thank
; God! though grief has settled upon the heart, yet,
| through it nil, the consolation con es to the bereaved and
: stricken—That sue is at rest. May Godin his mercy
j sanctify this affliction to the saivatipa ot ail. and bring
I them to the homo of the good ! < T. F. P.
Augueta papers will copy.