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vote liis future life to his service. Believing,
from the silence and apparent alienation of
Ella, that she was by this time the bride of
another, he had come, a filial pilgrim, to the
domestic altar, to offer there the incense of
chastened and purified affections.
The young Secretary, who had absconded,
was overtaken on the confines of Mexico,
and among the papers found in his possession,
were the letters of Claude, which he had
withheld and secreted, probably from the
hope of one day filling the place the ban
ished heir.
Joy is a great physician. Leaning on the
arm and heart of his son, Mr. Percy slowly
measured back bis steps to that world, from
which he believed himself divorced forever.
His voice was once more heard in the coun
cils of the nation, and it was listened to with
deeper reverence—for it uttered lessons of
wisdom beyond the learning of this world —
a wisdom born of suffering, baptized by tears,
and sanctified by the Spirit of God.
Claude, once more a Percy, resumed bis
place in the halls of his ancestors. He had
told Elia all liis story, and the name of Mary
became sacred to her, as a holy, household
divinity.
“Mary,” said Claude to his now betrothed
Ella, “Mary was the bride of my soul : hut
you, Ella—the object of my youth’s first pas
sion—you only are the wife of my heart.”
[Meharis’ Gazelle.
I From Pickett’s History of Alabama.]
GOVERNOR TROUP,
Or the 3lvlntosh Family—lncidents in the
Mississippi Territory.
At the close of our last chapter, it was
stated that the first American court held in
Alabama, was at Mclntosh Bluff, which is
situated upon the western bank of the Tom
liigbv, between its confluence with the Ala
bama and tl:e town of St. Stephens. Con
nected with this bluff, there is, to us, a pleas
ing historical reminiscence. Alabama has
the honor of being the birth-place of George
M. Troup, late Governor of Georgia, and
who is one of the most vigorous and expres
sive political and epistolary writers of the
age. His grandfather, Capt. John Mclntosh,
the Chief of the Mclntosh clan, was long at
tached to the army of West Florida, and
his valuable services were rewarded, by the
King of England, with the grant of Mcln
tosh Bluff, and extensive tracts of land upon
the Mississippi. He had a son, who was al
so a British officer, and a daughter, a native
of Georgia. The latter, while on a visit to
England, married an ollicer of the royal ar
my, named Troup. She sailed from England
to Mobile, and, arriving at the latter place,
entered a barge, and went up the Tombigby
river to the residence of her father, at Mc-
Intosh Bluff,-where, in the wilds of Ala
bama, Governor Troup was born, in Sep
tember, 17S0. She had an uncle, named
Roderick Mclntosh, or “Old Rory,” as he
was familiarly called—a most extraordinary
character—a kind of Don Quixote, old Arab
Chief. Scottish and Irish Chieftain, the Sala
. din and Cceur de Leon of chivalry. He was
lo|jg an officer of his majesty’s army’, in
Georgia, mid East Florida. Thus the father,
brother, uucje and husband of this lady, the
mother of George M. Troup, were all British
officers, before, the commencement of the
revolution. Being removed from the scenes
of that revolution, none of them may be said
to have taken sides against it, except “Old
Rory,” who, during the war, was frequently
in Georgia and East Florida, and, although
far advanced in years, was, at all times, ready
to storm any whig fortress that might present
itself. Before he came to America, he had
been the champion of his native glen, in Scot
land, and was strongly attached to the Stu
art family. In 1777, he was over sixty-five
years of age. He was tall. His form was
admirably proportioned for strength and ac
tivity. His complexion was ruddy, and his
hair was white, frizzled and bushy. In walk
ing, or rather striding, his step ordinarily em
braced the space of four feet. He was
not rich, but lived in ease and comfort, when
not engaged in the actual service of the King.
He cared nothing for money. During the
Spanish occupation of East Florida, he sold
a drove of cattle in St. Augustine, and. re
ceiving payment in specie, placed it in a bag.
on his horse, and rode towards home. On the
route, the canvas gave way, and many of
the dollars fell upoq the path. He secured
those which were left, ana pursued his jour
ney, go ing himself no concern about those
upon the ground. Some years afterwards,
being in want of money, he recollected his
loss, went to the place, picked up as many
dollars as he warned, and returned home.
He was fond of dogs. He once laid a con
siderable bet that he could hide a doubloon,
at three miles distance, and that his setter,
which he had taught to take his back track,
would find it. Liiath presently went off on
his trail, was gone some time, and returned
panting; with his tongue out, but came with
out the doubloon. “ Treason!” vociferated
Rory, and he walked rapidly to the place
where he had hidden the money. He turned
over the log, and found that Loath had torn
up tiie earth in search of it. A man was
seenf some distance off, engaged in the split
ting of rails. Without ceremony, Rory
his dirk, advanced upon him, and swore
h<s would put him to death if he did not give
u|> the doubloon. The man, very much alarm
ed, immediately handed him the coin, observ
ing that, having seen Mclntosh put something
under the log, he had gone to the place, and
found the gold. Rory, tossing him back
the money, said, “take it, vile caitiff; it was
not the pelf, but the honor of my dog, I
cared for.” 9
‘ r In 1778, a portion of the garrison of St.
-♦Augustine, under General Provost, marched,
by land, to join a force from New York, to
attack Savannah, then in the occupation of
the whigs. Rory was a captain of light
kinfantry, upon this expedition. On the march,
they passed near a small whig fort, command- j
ed bv Captain, afterwards Colonel, John Mc-
Intosh. Early one morning, when Rory
had made rather free with the morning glass,
he insisted on sallying out to summon the
fort to surrender. His friends were unable
to restrain him, and he presently advanced,
with claymore in hand, followed by his faith
ful negro, Jim. Approaching the gate of the
fort, he said, in an audible and commanding
tone, “Surrender, you miscreants ! how dare
you presume to resist his majesty’s arms!”
Captain Mclntosh knew him, and forbidding
any of his men to fire, threw open the gate,
and said, “Walk in, cousin, and take pos
session.” “No!” said Rory, with great in
dignation, “I will not trust myself with such
vermin, but 1 order you to surrender.” A
rifle was fired at him, the ball of which pass
ed through bis face. He fell, but immedi
ately’ recovered, lie retreated backwards,
flourishing his sword. Ilis servant, seeing
his face covered with blood, and hearing the
shot falling around him, implored his master
to face about, and run for liis life. He re
plied, “Run yourself, poor slave, hut I am of
a race that never runs.” In this manner, he
hacked safely into the lines, flourishing his
sword in defiance, and keeping his face to
the enemy.
Upon a certain occasion, Rory rode
from St. Augustine to Savannah, and applied
to his friend, Cooper, for money to defray
his expenses from that place to Charleston.
Couper saw that something of an extraordi
nary character agitated him, and with diffi
culty’ learned the cause of his excitement.
“That reptile in Charleston, Gadsden, has in
sulted my country, and I will put him to
death.” “What has he done ?” said Couper.
“Why,” said Rory, “on being asked how he
meant to fill up his wharf, in Charleston, lie
replied, ‘by importing Scotchmen, who were
fit for nothing better.’ ” With great difficul
ty, the friends of Rory prevailed on him to
return home.
It would be an endless task to enumerate
all the anecdotes in our possession, in rela
tion to this remarkable Highlander, the grand
uncle of Governor Troup. He was often in
the Creek nation, and was the father of Col.
William Mclntosh,a half-breed Muscogee, of
high character, whom the Upper Creeks kill
ed, for his friendship to the Georgians. Ro
ry always dressed in the Highland costume.
He was perfectly fearless in spirit, while his
broadsword, wielded by one of the most
powerful arms, caused streams of human
blood to flow in many desperate engage
ments. Although engaged in the rebellion of
’45, King George was nevertheless much at
tached to him, and Rory was ready to die
for that monarch, at any moment.
There was another branch of the Mcln
tosh family—all, however, close connections
of Governor Troup, by consanguinity—who
were conspicuous whigs in the revolution,
citizens of Georgia, and men who occupied
high ranks in the army. One of these was
General Lachlan, who came out to Georgia
with Oglethorpe, when a little bov, and the
other, Colonel John Mclntosh, who also
fought for liberty throughout the war. In
later times, Col. John S. Mclntosh, one of
the same family’, became a distinguished
American officer, was in the wars o! ISI3
and 1814, and recently, in the Mexican war,
was wounded at Resaca de la Palma, and af
terwards at Molino del Rev, and died in the
city of Mexico. The Mclntosh family was
composed of people of marked character, all
of whom were horn to command. The
blood always exhibited itself, even when
mixed with that of the Indian. After the
revolution, the father of Governor Troup es
tablished himself in Georgia, became an
American citizen, and was much esteemed
and respected, to the day of his death. His
body is interred at Belleville, Mclntosh
county, and that of his wife in the family
vault of General Lachlan Mclntosh, at Sa
vannah.
MARRIAGE.
Marriage is a change of existence—a
death-birth, as our German friends would say
—an Exodus—a transit from one life to an
other—and with as impenetrable a veil of
doubt and uncertainty spread over that other
life, as is over that life to whose dominions
death is the portal. “Where wo are we
know,” may’ a man about to be married well
exclaim ; “where we have been we also know;
whither we are going no man knoweth, nor
can know, till the going has merged into the
gone.” Charles V. said no man could be said
to be truly brave until he had snuffed a can
dle with his fingers ; but my idea is, that no
man can be so severely’ tested as by enter
ing into the holy’ state of matrimony, provi
ded always that the man be of a contempla
tive, reflective nature. This courage is more
required on the woman’s part than on the
man’s. She must infallibly know less of him
than he of her, as he beholds her ever in the
world she moves in; whereas he, when he
leaves her, mingles and is lost in the crowd
of outer life. Whether he keeps himself
apart among the virtuous, or has his haunts
among the vicious, she can only hear by re
port, and report is not a witness to be trust
ed ; and female etiquette denies her the
searching inquiries necessary’ for complete
satisfaction. Then, again, he has more re
sources than she, if the home ho made un
happy by the ill-assorted union. The tavern,
the theatre, the meeting, the mart, are all open
for him. He can be away from home when
he likes ; and when from home, to all intents
and purposes, he is a bachelor again. Not
so she, poor lady! Once a wife, a wife for
ever. She may not, cannot, would not, dare
not leave him. The laws, her children, her
womanly instinct, alike forbid it. She can
never lay down her wifehood and become a
maid again. And even if she do separate
from him, and return once more to her fa
ther’s house, the gay heart, the unspeakable
palpitations of maidenly desires and hopes,
the budding promises of coming life—these
are no longer; the butterfly is freed, but its
wings are torn and unfeathered—it can fly
no more. Hence there is no one thing more
lovely’, than when a maiden leans her fair
cheek upon her lover’s breast, and whispers—
“ Dear heart! I cannot see, but 1 believe—the
past was beautiful, but the future I can trust
—with thee !”
Southern Sentinel.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA:
THURSDAY MORNING,.. SEPT. 0.1852.
The Fate Flood.
The late flood of rain has extended from New
England to the Gulf. Great damage was done in
New-York to the heavy grain crops and fruit or
chards. The Tennessee river rose from seven to
eight feet, and much damage was done by the over
flow on the river bottoms. The .Tames River was
twelve feet above the ordinary level. A number of
streets were flooded at Richmond, Aa. It is esti
mated that one half of the entire crop of Anderson
District, S. Carolina, has been destroyed. The
damage was very great on the Etowah, Ga. Near
ly all the rice plantations above Savannah were en
tirely covered with water, and it is estimated that
several hundred thousand bushels of rice will be lost
on the Savannah river.
Tlie Hoi I Worm.
This destructive insect is still continuing its rava
ges on the cotton crop. The late rains have had no
tendency to stop them. They have now been en
gaged in their work for four weeks, and will probably
continue it until frost. The damage to the cotton
crop is very great, but it is impossible to estimate it
accurately.
M. S. Latham.
This talented and estimable gentleman, who resi
ded some time in an adjoining county, has been nom
inated by the Democracy of California, for Con
gress. lie will unquestionably be elected. He will
make an able Representative.
Scott Meeting.
We learn that a small meeting of the Scott par
ty was held in Temperance Hall, on Tuesday night.
The zeal of this party far exceeds its numbers.—
One of the Speakers, we are informed, announced
his determination never to vote for a Whig who re
fused to give his hearty support to the nominee of
the paity.
The Slavery Question —The Platform of
Parties in Georgia.
The eighth resolution of the third candidate Con
| vention, and also that of the Whig National Con
vention, are in these words:
The series of arts of the thirty-first Congress, com
monly known as the compromise or adjustment, (the
; act for the recovery of fugitives from labor in
cluded,) wo receive and acquiesce in, as a final settle
ment, in principle and substance, of the subjects to
which then relate; and so far as these acts are concern
ed, we will maintain them and insist on their strict en
t’orcement, until time and experience shall demonstrate
1 the necessity of further legislation to guard against the
evasion of the laws on the one hand, and the abuse of
their power on the other —not impairing their present
efficacy to carry out the requirements of the constitu
tion ; and we deprecate all further agitation of the ques
tions thus settled , as dangerous to our peace—and will
I discountenance all efforts to continue or renew such
agitation, whenever, wherever, or however made—and
we will maintain the settlement as essential to the na
tionality of our party and the integrity of the Union.
The words italicized are evidently used in order
to restrict and limit the scope of the resolution. It
is generally understood that the resolution as it was
originally drafted and presented by the Southern dele
gates to the Convention was much broader, fuller
and more explicit. Instead of announcing that the
Compromise was “a final settlement, in principle and
substance, of the subjects to which they relate,” it
took the bold ground that the Compromise acts
were ‘ a final settlement, in principle and substance,
of the slavery question.’' 1 Instead of announcing
that “we deprecate all further agitation of the ques
tions thus settled ,” it denounced, in the most unquali
fied terms, “the agitation of the slavery question,
under whatever shape or color the attempt may be
made.” It is furthermore understood that the orig
innl t esolution was emasculated and restricted in its
scope to suit the taste, or prejudices, or exigencies
f Northern men. However this may be, it is evi
dent that the resolution as it passed the Whig Na
tional Convention, and as it passed the third party
Convention in Georgia, is a most lame and impotent
resolution, and utterly unsuited to the exigencies if
the country, as we will proceed to show. Our r< ad
ds are aware that the Compromise acts admitted
California as a free State into the Union ; provided
Territorial Governments for Utah and New Mexico;
dismembered Texas at the cost of $10,000,000 ;
abolished the slave trade in tdie District of Colum
bia; and gave the South anew edition of the Fugi
tive slave law.- These are “the subjects” to which
the Compromise “relates,” and these alone. Beyond
and above them are subjects of great pith and mo
ment to the South, to wit : abolition petitions—slave
ry in the District of Columbia, and in tiie dock
yards, forts, and ships of the United States—the
slave trade between the several States—the right of
a territory to come intoalie Union with a constitu
tion tolerating slavt ry. All these questions are
given the go-by, by the National Whig Convention,
and the members of the third party Convention in
Georgia, have servilely followed in the wake of
their Northern masters. There may be reason in this
silence. It is known that Daniel Webster is
doubly committed by his votes in Congress and by
his speeches all through the Northern States,
against the further extension of slavery, and against
the admission of new slaveliolding States into the
Union, and has always been the foremost man in
New England in the advocacy of the reception and
reference of abolition petitions. The great mass of
Scott’s supporters at the North, are committed to
the same views.
In order therefore to bolster up their candidates,
and to inveigle into their support the free soilers and
abolitionists, Southern men have consented to abate
the just demands of the South, and have even made
the “Finality,” of which they have boasted so much,
a ridiculous farce. And yet they have the hardi
hood to challenge the support of Southern men to
their candidates, and still profess to be zealous sup
porters of the rights of the South.
Very different are the resolutions of the Demo
cratic National Convention. They are in these
words:
4. Resolved, That the foregoing proposition covers,
and was intended to embrace, the whole subject of slave- j
ry agitation in Congress, tyc.
5. Resolved, That the Democratic party will resist i
all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the 1
agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape i
or color the attempt may be made.
These resolutions are plain, full, and ample—they ‘
cover “the whole subject of slavery and no demo
crat who is true to his party creed can open his
mouth in or out of Congress on the subject of slave
ry’ ; consequently, he must vote in and out of Con
gress upon all questions as if there existed no such
thing as slavery. Tiie subject is placed beyond the
jurisdiction of Congress. This all the South has
evev demanded. This is all we demand to-day. i
We again repeat, however, that we place but lit- I
tie reliance upon National platforms. When they j
declare in our favor they are usually violated. But I
they are not to be countenanced when they limit our
rights, as we have shown that the Whig platform
does. The South accepted the compromise on the
assurance that it was to be an end of slavery agita
tion—a finality. They are now taught by the Web
ster and Scott W’higs, North and Sou>h, that that
charmed word has a restricted signification. That
it only refers to the subjects embraced in the com
promise acts, and has no reference to other phases of
abolition. While therefore our hearts revolt at the
quibbling resolution of the Whig Conventions, and
we scorn the party which has so basely surrendered
Southern Rights, in order to preserve its party rela- ;
tions, we are free to confess that we would place no j
reliance upon the specious pretensions of the National j
Democracy, if their candidate were not perfectly
reliable. But Mr. Fierce has nobly placed himself j
upon this platform, and pledges to us not only the :
honor of a soldier, but his whole public life as a states
man, as a guarantee of his fidelity to our interests j
and our institutions. In bis letter of acceptance he
uses the following emphatic language :
I accept the nomination, upon the platform adopted
by the Convention, not because this is expected oi me as
a candidate, but because the principles it embraces com
mand the approbation of my judgment; and with them,
I believe I can saU-ly say, there has been no word or act
of my life in conflict.
One of these principles is opposition to the death
“to the renewing, in Congress < r out of it, of the agi
tation of the slavery question.” It is distinctly and
unequivocally asserted in three of the resolutions of
the Platform. This principle Franklin Pierce as
serts commands the approbation of his judgment;
and with it, that there has been no word or act of
his life in conflict. He furthermore asserts in his
letter to DeLeon, that his action and language in
New Hampshire touching this matter have been at
all times, and under all circumstances the same.
These strong declarations from a candidate North
of Mason and Dixon’s line, are even more full and
: explicit than we had expected. General Pierce
I evidently repudiates abolition votes; and if they
come to him, they come without invitation. We
are amazed, therefore, that Southern men will still
dare to question General Pierce's soundness on this
vital question, on the authority of the declarations
i of avowed abolitionists, and of documents under
i the frank of Truman Smith, the Free-soiler. A
! discriminating public will scout such evidence as
unworthy of credit, and give their suffrages to
Franklin Pierce.
ITEMS OF NEWS.
Arrival oi the Steamships America and
Washin ton.
Baltimore, Sept. 1, 1552.
Tiie Liverpool Market. —The quotations were;
| Fair Orleans t‘> 3-Sd. ; Middling Orleans 5 5-Bd.;
! Fair Uplands 6d.; Middling Uplands 5 5-8.1.;
: Fair Mobile 0.1.; and Middling Mobile 5 5-Bd.
The stock at Liverpool, exclusive of what was on
shipboard, comprised 040,000 bales, of which 503,-
000 were American.
The weather had been favorable in England for
agricultural purposes. The market for Breadstuff’s,
however, was dull, and prices were a shade lower.
France. —The President is said to be danger
ously ill.
It is rumored that another conspiracy to assassin
ate him, had been detected.
The grand fetes of the 15th ult., passed off quiet
ly in Paris.
The pro’e ted matrimonial alliance of Louis Na
poleon with the Princess Caroline’of Wasa, it is be
lieved, has been broken off', and that lady, it is said,
| has returned to Austria.
The State of Trade in the Provinces was satisfac
tory, and at Manchester business had considerably
improved.
Yellow Fever in Charleston. — The papers
announce that Yellow Fever is prevailing to an alarm
[ ing extent in Charleston, S. Carolina. It is said,
I however, to be confined to the lower classes. Ru
mor reports that some eases have occured at Savan
nah, but we see no confirmation of it in the city
papers.
Ho-. llu. A. Haralson has written a letter, in
which he advises a reconstruction of the Pierce and
King Electoral Ticket.
lion. A. 11. Stephens is actively engaged in
canvassing the State, in favor of Webster for the
Presidency.
Mayor of Charleston. —T. L. Hutchinson was
re-elected Mayor of Charleston at the election on
the Ist inst. The vote stood for Hutchinson 1541,
for Sehnierle 1415.
Crist was hung in Mobile on Tlim'l’hiy, the 2d
inst., after having made a full confession of Ids guilt.
The city of Santiago de Cuba was visited, on the
20th, by a terrific Earthquake, unequalled for its dis
astrous ravages, in the recollection of the oldest in
habitants.
Sack Corn is advertised for sale in Flo
rence, Ala., at 30 cents a bushel.
Political Items.
Governor of Arkansas. —lt appears, from the
Van Buren Intelligencer , that Gen. Smithson, the
Independent Democrat, is probably elected Gover
nor of Arkansas, over Conway, the Democratic
nominee. The western counties have given him a
majority of 2,638. The Whigs run no candidate.
New York Democratic State Convention.—
Iu the Syracuse New York Convention, on the 3d
inst., the old Hunkers completely triumphed. John
Van Bnren’s pretensi )ns were disregarded, and on
the 2d ballot Horatio Seymour was nominated as the
Democratic candidate for Governor.
Massachusetts Whig State Convention.— The
Whig State Convention assembled on Wednesday,
and every part of the State was fully represented.—
The city of Boston alone sent 1,000 delegates. J.
M. Clifford, of New Bedford, who was nominated
for Governor, received 900 out of 910 votes. Eli
sha Huntington, of Lowe!!, was nominate and for Lieu
tenant Governor. The following gentlemen were
chosen electors: Robt. C. Winthrop and Geo. Bliss,
for the State at large ; J. 11. W. Page, Geo. A.
Crocker, John Gardiner, Amos Lawrence, Robert
G. Shaw, Daniel C. Baker, George Nogs well, Ja
cob Coggins, 11. E. Torrey, Rufus Bullock, Ezekiel
Curt, for the districts.
Resolutions were adopted applauding Fillmore's
administration, and declaring that as Gen. Scott
was fairly nominated, the Whig party were bound
to sustain the nomination.
Col. Miller Grieve, one of the editors of the
Milledgeville Recorder , has been appointed Charge
de Affairs to Copenhagen.
Late and Important from Havana.— We learn
by telegraph that the steamship Empire City arri
ved at New York on Friday with nine days’ later
news from Havana. The small pox and cholera had
considerably abated ; but the yellow fever was ra
ging with violence.
The revolutionary spirit was active, and the Gov
ernment unusually vigilant. Arrests were being
made daily. The paper called The Voice of the
People , had been suppressed, and its editors incar
cerated.
llon. A. 11. Stephens.— The Intelligencer says :
Hon. A. 11. Stephens addressed a large concourse
of people at Parr’s Hall, in this city, on Tuesday .
night last, on the political questions of the day, ta
king occasion to define very explicitly his own posi
tion on the Presidential issues. He declared his
opinion, in strong terms, that Gen. Scott ought to
be defeated—Gen. Pierce ought not to be elected—
Daniel Webster ought to be elected.
The strength of his speech was directed mainly
against the Whig and Democratic nominating con
ventions, and he declared his unceasing hostility to j
all national conventions in which northern free-soil
ers are allowed to take a part. He was in favor of ;
running an independent candidate, and organizing an ;
independent party, from which the abolition and free
soil element should be excluded.
Against Gen. Franklin Pierce or his opinions, he ;
said he had nothing to object—he had no objection
to make against Mr. Pierce’s votes in Congress
on the slavery question. He believed him to be em
inently conservative on the Southern question, and
said he placed no confidence whatever in the aboli
tion newspaper reports of Mr. Pierce’s New Boston
Speech. He declared the Democratic nominee to
be a strong friend of t’.e Compromise measures.—
“While I,” continued Mr. Stephens, “was stumping :
the State of Georgia, in ISSO, in favor of the Union
and Compromise, Mr. Pierce was stumping the State j
of New Hampshire in favor of the same principles.” I
Washington Correspondence of the Sentinel.
Washington, Aug. 27, 1852.
This has been a stirring week and an interesting
one in both Houses of Congress, the members of
which now have no play time—protracted sessions,
extending far into the night, now being the order.
It is always so, and at the last hour, the members
pay the penalty of previous idleness. One great and
growing evil, is absenteeism. The real legislation is
done during the last two weeks, when scarcely a quo
-1 rum of either House is left in the city. A reference to
’ any of the recent test votes will show this. The
i consequence is, that those most interested in log
rolling, stick it out, and tr.ek all kind of schemes on
to the appropriation bills, during the noise and con
: fusion that prevail previous to the breaking up.—
Thus you will observe that the entire vote east this
evening in the House for public printer, was IST, out
j of a House consisting of 233 members, of which
Gen. Armstrong, the successful candidate, received
107 —not one half. In the Senate, on a test vote on
. the passage of this bill, a similar result was shown.
1 cite this instance, because it is a matter which lias
been hotly contested, and in which a general inter
est was felt. It shows how things are done when
people have managing friends. The ostensible bu
siness in both Houses this week has been the ar
rangement of the details of the various Appropriation
Bills, Civil and Diplomatic, Military and Naval.
The River and Harbor Bill has also been fiercely con
tested in the Senate, but in vain, although it has ser
ved to define positions more distinctly, and exhibit a
direct antagonism of future policy between the Old
Stager and the Young Giant, of the North West
—that predominating portion of this Confederacy.
Since his <k kat at Baltimore, through the agency of
the Southern Rights Democrats, as he well knows,
Gen. Cass has been edging off from the South, and
shown a decided Northern inclination. This Inter
nal Improvement question has always been a very
vital one with the Calhoun school of the Democracy,
and up to this hour, Hunter, the South Carolina Sen
ators, and both of yours, have fought it out to the
bitter end. Gen. Pierce’s ultraism on this point
| is well understood, for he voted with Mr. Calhoun
| against bills which even Gen. Jackson approved.
| The platform of the Baltimore Convention made
j this one of the few distinctive articles of its creed,
j Yet. in despite of all this, headed by Gen. Cass, a
i portion of the Democracy combined with the Whigs
j and pushed the bill through—a bill more objection
j able than that which Mr. Polk vetoed. When this
i was suggested to Gen. Cass, he got tip and boasted
j that lie had expostulated with Mr. Polk against ve
toing that bill, which he (Gen. C.) approved of —a
\ piece of secret history never before made public.
The vote by wlveh the bill passed was as follows.
| (Whigs in Italic :)
j Yeas—Messrs. Badger, Bayard, Bell, Borland, Cass,
Chase, Clarke, Cooper, Dodge, of Wisconsin, Dodge,
of lowa, Douglas, Felrh, Fish, Foot, Geyer, Hale,
James, Jones, of Term.. Jones, of lowa, Maugum, A ld
ler, Morton, Pearce, Pratt, Rusk, Seward, Shields,
Smith. Spruance. Stoeliton, Sumner, Underwood, Up
| ham, Wade, \Vatker—3s.
j Nays—Messrs. Adams, Atchison, Bradbury, Blight,
j Brodhead, Brooke, Butler, Charlton, Clemens, Dawson,
De Saussuiv, Downs, Ga in, Hamlin, Houston, Hunter,
i .Mallory, Mason, Meriwether, Norris, Soule, Toueey.
| Weller—23,
Mr. Norris, of N. 11., the fast friend of General
1 Pierce, voting against it. Mr. Douglas attempted
| to overslaugh the bill, by proposing a system of ton
nage duties as a substitute. Under the circumstan-
Ices, lie could not vote against this bill, from the exi
j gencics of bis position. He iiiii4i a most powerful
speech in favor of bis own ition, which would
I have spared the of spitting
upon their platform in this
It was supposed that the River and Harbor bill
; might have been staved off until the end of the ses
; sion. But the friends of the m asuiv pushed it
forward in advance of the appropriation bills, and
| after fighting it off as long as they could, a vote was
| forc'd and the measure passed. Know ng Ce ier. 1
i Pierce’s record, it was well understood that now ir
: never—during this administration—the work was to
I be done. lienee the energy and the urgency with
which it was pressed. The Land Distribution bills
are tabled as yet, but as they are parts of the grand
; project, desperate efforts will be made to get the
Homestead humbug through.
On Saturday last Mr. Bright reported from the
committee in favor of Mr. Mallory’s right to retain
his seat, which Mr. Yulee had contested. Mr. Y.
appealed to the Senate to be heard, and was heard
to-day. lie made a lengthy argument before the
| Senate, but failed to convince any one, the Senate
confirming the report of the committee. The vote
| stood 41 to 0. The lot of the Southern Rights Sen
, ators is almost ns hard as that of their Editors. Jeff.
Davis, Turney, Berrien, Y ulee—have already gone
; by the board—while Benton lias been resuscitated
and risen upon the other House, where he threatens
to make himself generally detestable as usual. The
j controversy on the cod-fish question, lias cooled off
! almost as suddenly as it rose, though the last ru
i mor in relation to tile sending of Mr. Baring to this
; country as a special negotiator, proves to be un
| Grinded. Mr. Mason, who first called on the Presi
! dent, lias intimated bis intention net to press the
matter at present. The Guano controversy has
amounted to nothing serious. Mr. Fillmore has
sent in a message on the subject, and Mr. Webster
published some paper about it. The speculating ge
nius of the North is not to be cabined or confined
> by geographical limits.
A liberal and proper thing has been done in the
increase of the salaries of the Clerks in the Depart
ments, the increased expenses of living here, render
ing the pittance they receive inadequate to their sup
port. The tenure of such places is precarious
i enough, without adding the incumbents with the ad-
I ditional clog of debt. “Wretched the man that
hangs on Princes’ favors,” says the moralist. Still
more wretched the deluded enthusiast who puts
faith, or reposes his confidence on the professions of
politicians, North or South. Os all the forms of hu
man treachery, there are none so cold-blooded and
! cruel as those perpetrated by these “most honorable
men”—politicians. Better far for a father to plunge
bis aspiring son in a vessel of boiling pitch, than
make a politician of him ; for the filth and the pain
will not be much greater in the majority of instances. !
Many of these holders of petty offices, were original- I
]y men of high aspirations and promise, baffled and
betrayed, and driven to dependence of the most j
galling kind —pecuniary.
The increase of the pay is 20 per cent, on the |
small salaries, and 10 per cent, on the higher.
The discussions in both Houses have taken a wide
range, and smack of the stump. Truman Smith
and Douglas got at loggerheads in the Senate,
about a secret circular that the Whigs have been
sending out, and which he charged Truman with
being privy to. Hereupon rose hot debate, and fi- j
nally a perfect clapper-clawing, in which very un
parliamentary language was made use of. The two ,
Senators expressed their personal opinion of each j
other, with much more candor than courtesy, and ;
revived the recollection of the days of Foote and ■
Benton.
In the tactics of abuse they proved Arcades Am- j
bo, but Douglas got rather the best of it. The Con
necticut coolness of the Ancient Smith, entirely for- ]
sook him on this occasion. lie was in a towering
rage. He is a very largo, clumsy man. while the
personal appearance of the “little giant” is well
known. The contest between them reminded one •;
irresistibly, of a battle between an awkward malay
and a fiery little game-cock, making the feathers i
fly every flutter. Mr. Clemens also illustrated the
same license of speech, in rising immediately after
Sumner had sat down, and likening the utterances
of that Senator to the barking of a puppy, for which
nobody cared. Mr. S. seemed surprised, but did
not deny the soft impeachment. In the House tlio j
same spirit showed itself still more strikingly. Mr.
Polk, of Tennessee, not content with abusing Gen.
Scott, but going on to test the fighting qualities of
his Southern supporters, by giving the lie direct, to
two of them—Mr, White, of Ky., and Mr. Collum,
of Tennessee —both of whom, becoming enraged,
reciprocated similar sentiments. The House was a
scene of great confusion while this was going on, I
and it seemed that the “discord reign forever”
times were returning. Enclosed you will find a
sketch of this passage of tongues. The difficulty be
tween Mr. Polk and Mr. White, has been adjusted.
That with Mr. Collum, apparently has not been. lie
is a high-spirited and high-toned man. These diffi
j eultk-8, to use the mildest terms, are in bad taste, i
| but both the House and the public seem to relish
| them, and there is no cheaper way of getting noto
| riety. Mr. Sumner's speech is the othei event of
i the week. The Senate bad much better have heard
i him at first, for the effort to stifle discussion always
recoils, llis speech would not have created half the
| excitement, or produced half the impression, had it I
j not been heralded and advertised in that way. lie
: took occasion of an item in the appropriation bill to
I fire off bis speech, and for about three hours, he
1 kept a crowded audience attentive to him. There
j was in the speech ability and eloquence, though both
| somewhat marred by a parade of learning. But
! the animus of the speech was hostile to the South.
! as the insolent tirades of the negro Douglass, the
j subtle sophistries of Seward, or the ravings of that
’ American Marat, Biddings. It proclaimed war to
the knife, on the part of the North, to slavery and
ito slaveholders, now and forever. He declared that
agitation could not, should not, and would not cease,
and gave the reasons why. It was a warning not to
be disregarded, coining from a highly educated and
cultivated specimen of a New England Senator,
from the very heart and hot bed of New England
society—a man whose only motive for playing the
I demagogue must be ambition, for iie lots social posi
j tion, literary reputation, and all the gifts of fortune.
So long as this agitation was confined to a class of
| vulgar fanatics or course knaves, like Biddings and
! bis crew, there was no ilnnger, but contempt was
; inspired by it. But when men of the type of Sew
ard, and Sumner, and Chase, and Hale, move in
ihe van of the Abolition army, wlio can doubt the
depth and power of the sen'iaient that can invoke
1 such champions? Viewed in connection with the
Pittsburg Convention, the letters of llale and Chase,
j and the half apologetic reply of B nj. T. Butler to
: the latter, as well as the rapid increase of the subscri
| bers to the National Fra. the Free Soil organ here,
i which boasts in its last issue of numbering 12,000,
j well may every Southern man that thinks, ponder
j upon the issue of these tilings. At the moment
j when the Southern Press sets in disastrous eclipse,
I the National Era, (the Abortion organ,) makes this
I announcement:
i We are gratified to state that we now print over nine
| teen thousand copies ot the Era. ‘1 he demand for it
| has been such that we are unable to furai-h back fiuni
! bers. New subscribers continue to come in, and we
| hope ere long, to be able to number twenty thousand
j subscribers to the Era.
The official proceedings of the Pitt-birg Convention
will be foui.d in this number of the Era. We have
! printed several hundred extra copies, so that new sub
! scrihers may begin with this number,
j Friends, do not weary in well doing. Circulate the
documents, and let the people have light.
| And thus announces its purpose of carrying on
the war :
Campaign Cores —At the earnest solicitation of nu
| merous friends, and hoping to enlarge still more rapid
j ly the circle of anti-slavery readers, and that they may
| be kept tally advised ot the political doings during the
| present campaign, we have concluded to offer the Era
I to clubs for four months, which will embrace marly
the whole period of the campaign, and the time during
which official results will Le made public, on the fol
lowing terms:
Ten copies will be sent from the Ist of September to
i ihe Ist of January, for Fire Dollars— the person ma
king i p the club being entitled to an extra copy.
| An l while the enemy is thus brandishing the
sword, where is the Shield, or where the Sentinel of
the South !
All that the Union has to say of this most atro
i eious speech, which kindled a flame of excitement in
side and outside of the Senate chamber—which was
thronged almost to suffocation —is comprised in this
meagre and business like notice :
j The civil and diplomatic bill was taken up ; and Mr
; Sunnier, having offered an amendment to p ovide for
the repeal of the fugitive-slave law, spoke nearly four
horns thereon.
The amendment was further debated by Messrs. Bad
ger, Druglas, Weller, Chase, Toueey, Bright, Cass,
j and others ; and was finally rejected—yeas 4, nays 47
j The Senate then proceeded with the consideration of
j other amendments.
Now who would suppose that any thing unusual
had taken place from this ? The four who voted
; for the repeal, were Chase, Hale, Sumner and Wade
i —Seward, Hamlin, Smith, and other notorious Free
i Soilers, not supporting the movement, for obvious
political reasons, just at present. It was intended
i for capital for the third party of Hale, which the po
litical Free Soilers are shy of in Congress. Hence
the smallness of the vote. The necessity which im
pelled Mr. Sumner, shows the force from behind,
urging him on to liis unpleasant duty, for it i-t evi
dently such to him, from his instincts and training.
J Hale and Chase, and the Ohio Senator, Wade, stood
j up to him strongly. The latter is understood to be
! a Scott man, as the mass of the political Aboiition
j ists now are, on the openly avowed principle of sus
! tabling him “as a friend of freedom.” The state of
part’es in Georgia, still continues to perplex every
: body here. It is- believed that a eKar position of
parties is not understood even on the spot.
In the course of the discussion introduced by Sum
ner’s speech, Gen. Cass stated that he “hud not vo
ted for the Fugitive Slave Law, because the right
\ of trial by jury to the slave in the State to which
|he icas remanded, was not granted.' I'’ 1 '’ What will
1 the Georgia Platform ists of the Cabell school, who
| have sworn by the General, say to this ?
“Call you that backing your friends,” or backing
j out from them? Answer that, ye “Union Demo
| crats 1” disunited from every body—even from each
: other, as the last accounts tell us—making darker
i the palpable obscure of Georgia politics.
I reserve for a separate letter, which shall be a
; short but a full one, some suggestions and facts, con
; nected with your position and tiiat of the party in
Georgia, and especially in Alabama and South Car
, oiina, which now presents the last semblance of a
separate organization. Os this more
ANON.
[ FOR THE SENTINEL. ]
The Democratic Platform.
I notice ?. statement which is being extensively cir
culated by the Southern Whig Press, and paraded
by the Federal orators in their speeches, to the effect,
that our platform was submitted at Baltimore, amid
much noise and confusion, not audibly read, and that
it was voted upon while a majority of the delegate?
knew not what was going on. or for what they were
voting. The reverse is the case, and the facts these :
From the known Ability of the gentlemen composing
the committee on resolutions, the length of time they
had occupied in arranging their draft, and the care
with which it was announced the resolutions had
been drawn, much anxiety naturally existed to hear
the purport of them, and at no time during the pro
ceedings of the Convention, was as much silence
observed as when the resolutions were being read.
Tiiis continued to their close, being only interrupted
by the bursts of applause, which the truly admirable
tenets of our party, as expounded by the committee,
elicited. In fact, the resolutions were twice read.
One of the Secretaries commenced their reading,
but his voice proving insufficient to fill the immense
hall, a gentleman from New York, the Hon. Mr.
Wright, volunteered for the service, and they were
read from the desk, in theoenire of the Hall, first to
the members of the Convention, who were situated
to the East of the Chair, and then to those on the
West. I may ventui tlio assertion, that not a del
egate present, possessing unimpaired the sense of
hearing, failed to hear them read. The only haste
manifested, was in their passage. They not only
passed without debate or a division being called for—
without sixty-six delegates voting dead against them,
as was the case in the Whig Convention —but they
passed amid enthusiastic cheering fro.tn the house
and galleries. This arose from the platform proving j
national and constitutional in its character. Such a
platform as Democrats, everywhere, can and will
support. ONE WIIO KNOWS.
[written for the sentinel.]
The Principles off the Webster ana Scott
Parties, not the Principles off the old Geor
gia State Rights and Whig Party.
To the Editor s’of the Southern Sentinel •
Gentlemen—ln my communications to yotl. I
I have assumed the signature of “One of the Old
Guard,’’ because it best describes my past and pre
sent position. Having been an humble, but a eon
-1 stantly Working rneriib rof the Whig party from
boyhood, up to its dissolution two years since and
having acted with it as a Union party, amidst all
, the changing and tergiversations of members of both
; parties, the writer has never failed to present prom
inently, and on all proper occasions, the principles—■
the old Republican principles—upon which that par
ty was formed. They have been his “text.” And
though it suited the taste of others, professing to
belong to that party, not to say much of those
principles—but to assail our opponents upon other
j minor and evanescent ground—it was the delight of
the writer to bold them up, and to advocate and
maintain them with all the ability he possessed.—
! And if he has ever assaulted with bitterness or
an uncompromising spirit, one professing to be a
Democrat, it was when it appeared that lie had at
some time opposed, and bad not openly acknowledg
ed the correctness of those principles. This much
the writer thinks all will accord him, who knows
any tiling about bis course for many years past, or
whi have read bis productions—and particularly his
at ticks signed “T.” in the Columbus Enquirer of
last year. And as he lias not now changed, and
does not expect to change his principles—as he is
content still to tread in that state old Republican
track he was directed to travel when young, and
which, since manhood, his judgment lias taught hiai
contained the true principles of our Government,
and the best for its prosperity and its perpetuity—
and as the writer cannot and will not imitate the lar
ger portion of his old party associates, in their now
abandoning those old principles —in now “dropping
their arms,” surrendering to the enetn,” and
‘ right about face,” make war upon those princi
ples, and those who defend them, rather than sup
port a man who has always m lintaiued them, or la
ther than be called a Democrat, by others; as the
conscience of the writer, and the love he bears to
his own native South, and the preservation and per
: petuity of the blessings of a Constitutional Union,
will.not permit him thus to imitate a large portion
of bis old party associates, tints to denounce princi
pies which he and they have all their lives deemed
so important to the prosperity of the South ! Or, on
the other hand, OPENLY PROCLAIM, ADVO
CATE and DEFEND, PRINCIPLES WHICH
THEY HAVE WARRED AGAINST ALL
TIUTI LIVES, AS DESTRUCTIVE TO OUR
CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT, AND
THE INDEPENDENCE AND PROSPERITY
OF THE SOUTH 1 And although, for the s.-.ke
of variety, or from policy, the writer might now as
sume another signature—yet so many hard fights
lias lie had, so many sacrifices lias be made in de
fence of those principles, and while acting with this
party called the “Georgia Whig party”—that even
now, though it may seem that since the two Con
ventions at Ma .on, be, too, may be likened to “the
last rose of summer, left blooming alone,” so far as
bis old party associates are concerned—neverthe
less, be will, for awhile longer, sign himself as “One
of the Old Guard.” At least the writer does not
care to drop this designation, until he has brought
the past actings, and doings, and declarations, of his
old associates to their view, and shown them and the
country how false they now are to those glorious old
principles they once so manfully and patriotically
maintained, and how false they now are to the Con
stitution of their country, according to their own
previous admissions! And with these remarks,
Messrs. Editors, I will, now proceed to present to
your view, and to the view of your readers, the
principles upon which the old Slate Rights or Geor
gia Whig party was formed.
The fundamental principles upon which the State
Rights or Georgia Whig party was formed, were—
a strict construction of the Constitution —a denial of
the exercise of all doubtful powers on the part of
the General Government —and the recognition of tlio
sovereignty of the States. Those principles most
prominently presented to the people, and dwelt upon
from time to time—and indeed upon which the
members of the party were last called together, to
act upon principles —were, Ist. Opposition to a Pro
tective Tariff; opposition to the principle of Pro
tection, because it was held to be unconstitutional,
and unequal and unjust in its operation. Its object
being to give advantage, by an action of the General
Government, to one class of citizens, over another
class, and for which no authority can be found in
the Constitution. It creates a monopoly for one
class, to the injury of others—and in the language
of the Protest of the State of Georgia, it assumes to
“consider the people as incapable of wisely directing
their own enterprise, and sets up the servants of the
people, in Congress, as the exclusive judges of what
pursuits arc most advantageous and suitable for
those by whom they were elected,” &c. 2nd.
Opposition to a general system of Internal Im
provements by the General Government, because
not only unconstitutional , but corrupting in its in
fluence, as opening the door unlimitedly, to extrava
gance and wastefulness, and rendering high tariff*
necessary—and because the free exercise of these
two powers bv Congress, goes fartln r to change our
prtstiff limited Government —a Government of cone
ft derated States—into a great consolidated Empire,
than all other powers ever claimed by the old Fed
eral party. And the 3d most prominent question
vas— Opposition to a United States Bank —both
on ncc nn! of its unconstitutionality ar.d inexpedi
ency. Are. Arc. But as this last subject is now an
obsolete one, and not made an issue with those other
two questions by the National Whig party, and the
Scott and Webster parties, in my allusion to this
p st, Messrs. I will only allude to the posi
tion of my old comrade's in relation to tins.-two,
questions, viz. : a Tariff for Protection, and Internal
Improvements by the General Government—subjects
upon which an issue is now attempted to be made by
the Webster and Scott parties in Georgia.
The reader has seen the position above assumed in,
relation to the foundation of the Georgia IV big party.
An I for the truth and correctness of vvliat is above
asserted, among others. 1 now call upon the following
gentlemen to bear testimony : Messrs. G Dougherty,
Charles J. Jenkins, George R. Gilmer, Lott War
ren. Eli Warren, Joel Crawford, Wm. Law, Ilities
Holt, Miller Grieve, Eugenios A. Nish t,, Joseph
j Henry Lumpkin, Wm. G. Dawson, A. 11. Stephens,
Robert Toombs. These gentlemen we especially
referred to, because they present themselves first to
the mind, in this hastily written article, as intelli
gent and honorable gentlemen, who are informed
upon the subject. But I call upon all inteiligent
and honest men—members of the Whig party —to
boar testimony to the truthfulness and correctness
of my assertions.
Then, what are the facts on “the Record ’ tq
sustain these assertions, Messrs. E iitors ? 1 have
not all of them bv me, but they can be founa in the
Georgia Journal, and Southern Here r, and the
journals of the Senate and House of Representatives
since the foundation of the party, up to the time of
its dissolution. But I have a portion of the “Re
cord” before me, which I propose, in iny next, to of
fer to your readers,
ONE OF THE OLD GUARD.
The State vs. Holland. —The trial of tins
case, in Russell co. Circuit Court, Ala., (says the so
licitor of that circuit,) is set by consent of coun
sel, for Thursday, the second week of next term. •
I'he large number of witnesses in tills ease makes
this arrangement for a day certain a very desirable
one