Newspaper Page Text
2
T it k coutUiSEL
Tl ,n V ,<J_ his Papnr is published every MONDAY, l
W I»NSS»»A and FRIDAY afternoon, at>6 per an
navable in advance. !
JSSwf PAPER-Published every FRID Y afternoon
at fg per annum, in advance, or $4 at the expiration of .
t||o yglT* ,
jpr No Subscriptions received for less time |
than dx months. i
j3T ADVERTISEMENT*. not exceeding a square will
be inserted the first time nt 75 cts. per square and 37
for each continuance.
Advertisements of one square, published Weekly, nt*
cents for the first insei liou, and 50 cents, for each coi
fo™>n "advertising » ha year will bo charged M
including suoscnptkm and will be entitled to one i
When MC per«nis have standing advertisements of several
squares, special contracts may be ‘“““S’ f rorn these
ID- No deducticns will be made in future trom
officers, will have
25 per cent.deductedin their favor.
~GOV. TROUP’S LETTER.
Washington, 26m Dec. 1835.
Dear Sißt—What could have induced
our people to think of holding a General
Convention of the States? Have they
resolved to enter the Liou i den from
which no returning fooi-steps-can ever be
seen? la not the Constitutien good-* e
nougli for them; or is it so bad, that they
would commit it to the hands of their o
nemies to fashion it as they will? The
power to make ameudmenis was give* to
answer no such exigency as the present
—ii was given to make that instrument
more perfect, when by the workings of the
government, experience having detected’
effects to be cured and evils to be re- |
medied, the-application of it could be
made by general concurrence, and with
out hazatd to the public peace—hence it
was, that so soon aa- it was seen that a
Stale might, by construction, be sued by
an individual, an amendment was propo
sed and carried, to correct the evil—so
too, when it became apparent that the
designation of the Elector I vote for Pie
sident and Vice-Presideut was necessary
to preserve the harmony of the States,
the States concurred in an amendment
accordingly—and so too, when a young
Prince was boro of an American alliance
with tbe Ronaparte family, the States
concurred-’ in an amendment, excluding
from office, any citizen who should accept
a tide of nobility or honor from any Em-
peror, King, Prince, or Foreign Power.
These seveial amendments were made in
the true Spirit of 'he Constitution. At.
this moment, public sentiment is favoring,
two proposed amendments, which I think
Would be an improvement of that instru
ment: one to limit the President to a sin
gle term,the other to proh.bit the appoint
ment of members of Congress to office,
during the period for which they shall
have been elected.
Now by a sudden and very s'range af
ter-thought, as it seems to me, this pro
vision of the Constitution is to be made
applicable, in times of excitement, to
•great and extraordinary so
that whenever five or six Sta'es shall she
en <ne dissatisfied with the Constitution,!
they may command the rest to assemble
in Convention to alter, new model, or-a
meud it. As I do not read any thing
like this in that instrument, and as our
old Republican doctrine rejects every pow
er, but that derived from its stiicl letter,
opposed to ail construction, I cannot* u
nite with our fellow citizens in the calf of
a General Convention, If the power is
granted, it must be an efficient, not a n*
gatory power. The minority States must
command the majority S ates to atsem
ble, and it must be the duty of the major
ity States to obev—they cannot by silence
or evasion , or direct negation , escape—if
jthey refuse, if they evade, if they are si
lent, it must be shewn, how according to
the letter of the Constitution, that silence
Oi evasion, or negation is to be taken. Is
a Sovereign State compellable at the
point of the bayonet to answer yea or no?
And how is silence to be construed? It
is easy to see how a maj >rity, claiming
a given power, may ask the minority to
concur in making that powor mure.expli
citlv a part of the Constitution; but it is
difficult to understand how a minority,
protesting against the exerci.e of the pow
er, can constrain the majority, either to
make it a part of the Constitution, or to
abandon it, unless it can be shewn that
the Constitution has so expressly provi
ded, &c.
i’be Congress of the Uuiied Slates
supported by public sentiment has fur a
long lime, by abuses and usurpations, so
disfigured the'Constitution,that if all hope
of iis restoration were abandoned, ii
would be matter of grave consideration,
whither that instrument was out u teily
des i uved, and had, in every legal and
moral contempt* ion of the subject, cea*
sod to be binding on the parties to it.; It
is inconceivable h«w, in the eye of jus
tice, a compact between two or more
parties could be so coustructed. as that
the one party should be bound and the o
thei free —Nevertheless; a majority of
Congress, whether considered as a mere
agent to carry the powers expressly del
egated into effect, or not, have assumed
*he right to interpret the Cons'ituiion at
pleasure and have so interpreted it, that
win ever is resolvable into common de
fence and general welfare, has been clai
,med as a fair and leg'll iroiie power to be
exorcised by the General Government,
until at last, instead of a'limited govern
ment f w defined purposes, we have had
•one either actually engrossing, or claim
ing <o engross all the powers belonging to
flttv government, and even sump which
ought not to belong to any. N>»w it is
uojer such circumstances, my good Sir,
that yon propose to go into a Convention
of the Stares, either general special—if
into a General Convention, then you
ypist bo p v»red to receive at the bauds
of the majority a consolidated govern
ment, ono and indivisible, a denial to he
States (if pm mi, ted to exist at all) of e
ven the shadow of sovereignty, and of
course a formal reclamation of all those
rights and privileges which, in exeitango
of equivalents, you had expressly reser
ved as attaching essentially to your pecu
liar position and condition**-!/ 1,1,0 H
special then you must t»e
prepared tor a prompt rejection <> y ,ll j r
amendatory, propositions (if these u" 11
a further secutitv for your ng ts an it -
teiesis) and eventually f ,,r I,e re-issur
ion and inex.rpora.ion into the Constitu
tion, of the verypoweis'so long an*. stre
! nuously denied bv some and so long clan
med and exercised by them. The indi
cations of public sentiment at this mo
ment ate unerring, that an overwhelming
majority favors a- consolidated govern
ment; and it may behoove you in all wis
; dom, to. prepare not for an improvement
iof your condition, but for a Caesar and
the purple. If lhereforev.it be t*t»e,-that
you arw to come out of a Convention
shorn and despoiled, it may be well to
think of some other and bettor course,by
which the perils of the d.iy ate tt> he tur
ned aside. Can you think of any better,
than the old Republican lund-maiks, by
which, se- far * . although «e have not
escaped f«om storms, we'have from ship
wreck! You want no better Constitution,
if the government bo administered accor
ding to i 4-letter —no body asksmtore than
justice; and justice'h secures, as far as
written instruments carr secure it. F.or
all external relations, the government is
stronger than the-strongest in the world
—its strength depends not less on the in
tegrity of the States,that on that common
consent and enlightened opinion on which
all our institutions are founded and by
which-they must be liteld 1 together;, and
what after all is the foundation of these
but Justice, Justice, Xustico—-all ilnn .the
right of representation can‘give, it secu
res.- Within the pule and letter: of the
Constitution the mtiiof Massachusetts is,
to be sure, as much our tepresentative in
Congress as tho man of Georgia—beyond
that p"ale and letter,- however, Ire is as
much a stranger as the representative of
Scethind or Ireland in the British Parlia'
men'; and'this is all -in this respect »ts
could ask. Are there n» nieansthen, by
which Congress can bo held to the letter
of the Constitution? I answer, no con
stitutional means but the ballot box , un
less the power of amendment, in the sense
I have interpreted it, be so considered.
The right of petition, of remonstrance, of
discus .ion, ate only auxiliaries by which
(hi one or the other may be supported.
But if these fail? If that power which de
cree* ifs ®wn supremacy,, perseveres to
enforce it, must every thing yield to force?
Force may banish every thing—reason,
i ight, truth,, justice; and it is because
force may do so, that we have erected
barriers to defecufreasen, right, truth and
justice. These barriers aro the sover
eign S ates es this Union, which, whate
ver the old federalists and monarchy men
may say of then*', were absolute sover
eigns on the Declaration of Independence,
are sovereigns now, and will remain so,
until by the voluntary surrender- of their
sovereignty, they p'ease to - make- them
selves slaves— but I test, ofnlf wlio shaft';
make thut surrender,. Georgia will. be<'be*
las*.
But you Will askj how is this doctrine
to worn? I jt*e no more difficulty than
is inseparable from the management of
all human affairs. You- have the pas
sions arid interests »t turn t<> encounter at
.A-very step; and these must be so met, as
to make them woik rather for good-than
for evil. For ordiuary grievances,, we
hnve said" i tlrfcreis~no constitutional reme
dy but the ballot-box—for extraordinary.
and extreme ones, 'here is no remedy but
die sovereign power of the Stages; and
iu extreme cases, you repose yourself up
on the sovereign power, fur the'very rea
son, that the constitutional remedy fads.
This sovereign power at last, is in coin*
meniiies, little more than the right of self
defence and self preservation—of the ex
ercise of which, it is the sole judge, be
cause, in this respect, it is independent
as well'as-severergrr. It, acknowledges
no law but the law of nature and nations,
which, in the settlement of controversies
between Slates, acknowledges: no means
but negotiation and force. Shall w<r stop
here to enquire which will serve us best
in tho long run, the doctrine which ac
knowledges the sovereignty of the States,
which lecognizes, in extreme cases, the
right of this sovei eignty to defend -itsolfj
to negotiate, to rank* treaties-, which, in
a spirit of amity that consigns 'lie past
to oblivion,will re-unite disseveted stages,
who being geoerous enemies, are once
more, and on that* account* cordial, .and
tnaliap, .inseparable friends; or that which
admits the absolute supremacy of ‘he Fe
deral Government,; its right to whip a
State into the Union, and to hold it there
forever by brute force? I knnw.it is said
that this power in tho States is inconsis
tent with the power confided tmthe Fed
eral Government, That for light Rnd
trivial causes, States may, and will have
recourse to it, by which the Union will
be constantly agitated, and finally dissol
ved. Lot us see if this apprehension is
well founded. A state has the undoub
ted right (undoubted even yet) to ex
change its own government at pleasure,
consulting only its interests and happiness
regulating all its internal concerns, with
i:s right of soil and jurisdiction so abso
lute that the Federal Government cannot
alaim to erect au arsenal or fort, or dock
yard, within its limits, without its expres*
consent. Here then is a community, bv
the power of self government, made free
apd happy at home> wanting for the con
summation of that happiness, scarcely anv
thing but protection against powers strong
ger than itself. Will these be put to ha
*ard for light and trivial causes? Reason
says no—the public law says no. The
punlic law forbids the presumption, that
communities will act imprudently— it pre
sumes them to be governed by a sound
discretion—not that they are always so
governed, but that their acts alone shall
speak fur them—experience justifies the
public law Fifty vears of union without
convulsion, is no trifling evidence of in
lelligence, of prudence, 1 of subordination,
„f contentment. How many‘guarantee'
besides, are to be fouud against hasty and
inconsiderate action, by which grew*
blessings are to be lost. An insulated
State may for a moment, rescue liberty;
but liberty is not lobe maintained with
out independence, and independence can
not long be maintained by an insulaw.o
State. A solitary State rtttitrg-ou it* own
limited resources, with great wants for
inter on! and external objects, surrounded
by other Smites (united for common de
fence,) must bo exposed to evil, and an
noyances, fr«*m-wl*ich the wisest coun
cils cannot exempt her. Possessing so
vereign righ+sdterself, she must so exer
cise- those l rights* as not i<v interfere with
the sovereign rights of otlieis. The tigh'
of way. and of free passage the regula
(ions of trade and commerce , so apt to
conflict with those of others, (ranted in a
different spirit—these, and many of Um
died'character, would be sources of end
less embarrassment and vexation. I would
rather say upon the whole, that the States
would not secede for light and trivial
causes—that grave and weighty conside
rations alone ceuld influence- them—that
only some grievous oppression or fright
ful tyranny, driving them to despair,could
divide then* from the Union.
AVe there not some reasons for this be
lief!—We Hearths cry of Union, Union,
from all quarters,as if there was ndthiug
left in the world w*.rih preserving bu;
Union s« that the friends of Liberty and
Union may well doubt whether thepeopie
love libmty least or Union most. See
whal has been gubmited to f-.r many years
With a degree of patience anti forbearance
which might be conUtied imo something
net to be named. Unnecessary taxes, to
make a splendid, of what was designed
to be a simple awf economical' g<*vem
ment —the taxes levied on the many to
promote the inteies-'s of the few—the re
eenue disturbed far objects of internal
miprovemeiH, where tbe taxes were not
levied—every scheme and device for the
extravigant expenditure of public monies
—dormant claims on be go vet nroent re
vived,; and' pension systems established
on principles so loose, as to offer the
strongest temptation to fraud and pet jury
—As if it were not enough f-»r the Fed
eral Government to regulate commerce,
which it is authorized to do, it assumes
the cate and tegulaiioii of manufactures;
and then the transition is easy te the care
and regulation- of agriculture—so is the
tiansition sometimes- from grave to the
ridiculous. Who of the Convention who
framed the Constitution, would have be
leivt and it possible. that eveu jn our time,
committees of AgMtuUure would have
been organized in both Houses f Con
gress, to instruct our people- tfoW- to sow
audio reap, to weave <md tu spin, (**
milk aud to churn. It is becausa 'hey
employ themselves vvith-all these follie-*
abuse* and usurpations,dial the Congress
which sltmild in ordinary and peaceful
iwnes, dispa><di its coosr-irud'in il buxines
in three sh >ri m-nths, i* occuoied throne
five, six and seven: and a portion, and
adargo portion too, of this this time t
voted to the maticeov.es of factious, \»h<
seem to have been congregated here f •
the single purpose of making President*,
to make the leaders of those factions Pit
sidents in turn Are not these thing;,
good Sir, enough to distuib the harnmu
of the State? If a single State fratirJ
and tortured oy such abominations shal
bv any unwise and hasty movement, re
solve to shake the n off, is she to be bouuc
neck and heels,and cous goed to he cave
of'-Trephoneueus or the Cyclops? The
aliTKist universal answer is, yes,yes! down
wtth*<berebels,down with the trai or Stale.
But whose iurn comes' next?' If the
Federal-Government is nor. s'ou.iud in
tis career of encroachment- by s -me
coumrracttv* agent, what, re.iS-uiing fr- nr
whai has been done,to ivhai may be dune,
will it not do? It gives cuunienairce to
colonization and other voluntary associa
tions,which keep in fehnent large soctioo'
of country, which by a single false move
ment would be excited to the nr>st de
peraie resistance* It may, for any thing
we know, pass acts of attainder and prus
cription, by. winch masses of society may
be cut off.\ It has, ,«n occasions, stop
ped the lihei ty «f -speech and of ".lie- prefcs.»
It m«y otdain a State religion or deciee
a universal omoocipuion. Its supreme
judicial tribunal, which it contends is, in
the last resort, to pass on the constitution
ality of all laws, may send its warrants
iu'o the States, commanding its marshals
to-hnng.up by-ahe lamp.posis. A. B.‘ A
C. These you will s ;iy are extreme cas
es. Se they are. It may pronounce
null and void charters, bv which States
claim their rights of soil, jurisdiction and
sovereignty. It tgay erect one sovereign
ty w uhin anwher. It, may decide that
«ne portion ofthe communi/y within the
chartered limits of a State is sovereign
and ii»dependen>,and entitled to the right
ofsolf'gnvernment. iTmav control the
criminal jurisdiction and arrest the crim
inal laws ofa State by writs of error and
appeal; -' A*re these, too, extreme cases ?
I‘they are.extreme cases require extreme
remedies; and if these are to be sought in
the power of the States, because the
Slates are sovereign and may protect
aud defend themselves.''- Blit does this
consist wi«h- that unity, one and
indivisible, claimed for the United States
as a nation ? Certaiuly not. But then
it becomes those who make that claim, ai
the same time t*» make it g,md. For
ourselves we protest against if, as most
wild, extiavagant aud fallacious, The
Stales formed the government of the U
nited States—the Sums ratified it. Froth
that day to this, it exists and b eashes bat
r»y permission of the Sint-es.- Though
three fourths of the States are, necessary
to amend or alter it, a majority, or less
than a majority, may dissolve it. If the
States refuse Electors of President, it is
prostrate-- If they refuse their Senators,
it stops. If they withhold their repre
sentatives, it is the same thing. There
is indeed no one act required of .tbe-peo
pie of tltVU ufte<] States as orte people,
either to begift'rt, to conduct iV;Nbr to eud
it it would be just as rational Vo make
■he Congress of'Viennaa nation deriving
its authority frortt the.people of all Eu
rope. The old confederation must have
been a confederation of States for I have
never yei heard of a confederation of the
people. Th* confederation was aban
doned for the new government, because
tt had no power to coerce the Stales.
But was the new government adopted
Ao coerce the jS-aitTs! Certainly not.
!• was adopted to coerce individuals, for
(he very reason that States could hot be
coerced. The Statesmen of that day
perceived that every thing was gained by
making a government Strong enough to
opera e effectually on individuals—hat
the idea of coercing Sta'es was an absur
dity, and that she new government Would
answer all the ends of iis creation,without
the least danger of collision, so long as it
confnit and itself to its constitutional limits.
It is'the depat tftVe from those limits; it is
the exercise of doubtful powers, equally
prohibited by the Constitution, which has
at %oy time brought rhe General Govern
mbnrifiio collision with ilie fffaiefc.
It*scribbling thus much, I think I may
have answered, out ofo der, no doubt, all
your enquiries. The result according to
my poor opinions, is, that.
There is no power given by the Cott
slilurioii to resist the laws of the United
States.
The only constitutional remedy for
unconstitutional oppression is the ballot
box.
Amendments of the Constitution, peii*
lion, ieiuoostance,c<Miv<*otioos, correspun
dence, and consultations of tho States
these (*f you please to call them remediesi
af£.uot unconstitutional.
Under a government founded on con
sent and opinion evils are to be borne as
toot* as possible.
Thc-Staies iievirtue of their sovereign
ity, when evils are no longer supportable,
most Judge the evil and the leuiedy.
The sovereign know- but two tootles
of settling controversies, Negotiation and
Wor.
. Negotiation admits of arbitration, and
controversies may bo relered to other
States, but this is by consent and not by
the Constitution. It is of course not
permissible to one of the parties, to refer
it to its nun Courts and Jtnies
When States cease jo have an interest
in the Union, ot softer extreme uppies
siou, it:-is better that they wilhdiuw peac
ably than that blood stiould be shed in
contest, which seldom decide any thing
and which are apt to separate the parties
for ever.
As Sia-.es may do very imprudently &,
unwisely, what they have a right to do,
it becomes them to act very deliberately
and cautiously, bocause it is lawful fur
...her S:ai< s to' write against them, to
compel a fulfilment of their obligations
under the public law.
You ask what Georgia ought to do?
My worthier** opinions had been given
on former occasions mid you know-what
use has been made of them. Those o
linions ere unchanged, aud are, a-s I
dunk, unchangeable—they amounted to
•..'.-is: ‘‘if the abuses and usurpations*of
wtiich we complain are continued and be
i -tme the eiiled" polity of the govern'
nent,the States having identical interest
ight to witiidiaw”—bu. it was indispen
sable in a movement like this that there
should be union:'4hit this union should
he the result of a deep and settled coir
v.cijoo, that Such policy was inconsistent
with the paramount peace,.interest, pros
perity and happiness of the States, and
not a temporary union produced, by ar
tificial excitement—a united people oven
of one State, might rescue liberty for a
-isne; but without die means of maintain
iiig Independence, liberty could noi be
preserved. It was necessary therefore
that other States having common 1 interest
should he prepared to think and act -with
os; and it was altogether proper that for
'his purpose, a system for correspondence
and consultation should he organized as
the best means of producing union. Mv
own belief was, 'ha' the Tariff-wooM not
yield and could not be made to yiold buv
to s-mie inierust stronger than tho inter
est iu manufactures, and I knew but one
that was so, and that was the interest iu
Union. I' could not be doubted that the
Northern States were as much concerned
in preserving the Union as ourselves and
it was altogether fair,-th it itr the last re
sort, we should present to hem the plain
alternative, either "to return to the bar
gain, and stick to the. bargain , or give up
the Union ” If unhappily it should turn
o»' that they take more interest in manu
factures than in Utii<>n, it is nty deliber
ate opinion, the Union is not worth pre
serving. In all this,- we have considered
mu so much vital might be done and
rightfully done by the sevQreigo States
of this Uuton, as what n.ay be wisely
done. Dd what we may and let vvliar of
evil come, we will have the consolation,
tliar from the beginning to end, we have
K beon passive subjects, and lh& adverse
party active agents. The abuses and
(usurpations practised, and the burdens
imposed have been of u positive charac
ter—we have done nothing but beg relief
from them.
You have insisted on my opinions, and
I have given them. No one c»uld ask
them with more propriety than yourself.
You have been ail your life a uniform;
consistent Republican, aud as much de*
voted ttr-vhe prosperity of the state, 6c
States too, as anv man in iu ' The stake
which you and all of your name and fam
ily have in it, is pledge sufficient for your
loyalty and discretion: and the passion
for-liberty that-was burn with you, is ab
solute security thapyou cannot be a slave*
Your Friend
G. M. TROUP.
From the Charleston Courier Feb. 2.
Yesterday, the birth-day of practical
Nullification, otherwise called the fatal r
first of February, was signalized by nCj
event of gi eater impuftanCe, than a some
wh.ii inure tigitl enters cement than usual,
of the ■ revenue Ttie fttiitsh Slup
Roger Stewart , from Greenock, and
Spanish' ’Brig Her mo so Habanero, from
Havana, were lakeu in charge by ike U.
S. Revenue forte in our harbof, Until the
duties on the merchandize they contained,
should be properly secured to the Gov
ernment, Tliui proceeding has been de'
nounced, bv an Evening Journal, as a
“ Federal aggression, ,s and the first step
towards a collision with the State Author
ities. . So far from this being the ca.-e, the
cotirstf pursued by 'he Collector on this
occasion, in compliance will his instruc
titms, irin strict conformity with the pro
visions of the Act entitled “ An Act to
regulate ilio collection <>} duties on im
posts and tonnage,” passed the 2d March
1799 i_an act, thTe Vxiiidlly or Constitulion-
H |i yof whicb»4tas never been questioned.
Thai.this amounts to « “ Federal aggres
sion” can only be maintained by those
who are anxious fur some pretext to com
mence hostilities, or who agree with an
ingenious Columbia Editor, that to en
force the revenue laws of the United
States, is to commit Assault and Battery-
VVe perceive, by the instructions of the
Treasury Department, to the Collector ol
this port, dated Nov. 6, 1832, published
among the other and cutnems, accompany
ing the last Message of ihb Pidsident, that
the offi* ers of the customs ate directed to
adhere to the strict line of their official
duty, “ nferely duties with
perhaps, greater vigilance than ordinary,
and adapting existing regulations of daily
rise and application, to new circumstances
of greater emergency, *s they may arise;”
and that it is the wish of the President
and the Treasury Department “to take
no step, nor employ any means calculated
to provoke or excite t«> force, those wliy
are no\y threatening resistance', hut to de
feat their operations by the moral foice,
of the Laws and the Constitution.”
Chief Justice Marshall visited the
Theatre in Washintou, to see Miss Kern*
ble perform as Mrs. Haller. Ou the en
trance of the Judge, the house,rung with
peals of apple use.
Phil. U. S. Gaz. 23& tilt.
Congress of the United States.
Friday, January 23, 18 33.
IN SENATE.
CONSTITUTIONAL POWERS.
Mr. Clayton roso for. the purpose of
subtniting a resolution for the considera
tion of the Senate. The gentleman from
South Carolina near him (Mr. Calhoun)
had on Tuesday offered resolutions de
claratory of the powors of the GOttrti
mom aud the Slates, which had-been
made the order of the day for Monday
uex'. To these resolutions, the gentle
man from Tennessee (Mi' Grundy)-)fad
proposed amendments, which wote pi idl
ed, and were*to bo moved again whene
ver the original resolutions should be
considered. These amendments, while
they declare tfki several acts of Congress
laying duties 1 ofrimpm is tube constitution
al, and de'nv the power of a single Stale
to annul them, oi any other constitutional
law , tacitly yield the whole doctrine" of
nullification by the implied admission
ilia, any unconstitutional law may be
judg.-d of by the State in the last resort,
aud annulled by the same authority. lie
dissented from this doctrine—and if he
hud rightly considered the proposed a
mendments, i* became his duty to place
on record his own sentiments and that of
the .Shiite he iu part represented, on'this
most important subject, uffiVming itW just
powers of (his Government,*atid repudia
ting the whole dbclriub contended* for
nn.J asserted th the resolutions of the
gentleman from* Tennessee, Ire knew no
middle ground on which they could meet,
no point of concession to which-he should
he willing to'go, short of a full recogni
tion of the true principles of the Consti
tution, as asserted in the resolution he
was about to offer. Hit then submitted
the following resolution; which was read,
laid on the table, and ordered to be
primed lor the use of the ga --'-.ym §
Resolved , That the power to jpnmnl
ihe several acts of Congress imposing
duties on imports or any other law of
(he United States, when assumed by a
single Slate, is “ incompatible with the
existence of the Union, couuadicteftd ex
pressly by the letter of the Constitution,
unauthorized b> its spirit, inconsistent
with every principle on which it was
formed;’? that the people of these United
States are for the purposes enumerated
in their Constitution ONE PEOPLE
AND A SINGLE NATION, having
delegated full power to their common a-
gent, to preserve aud defend their nation
el interests for the purpose of attaining
the great end of all government, the safe
ty and happiness of the governed; that
while the Constitution does provide for
the interest and safety of all the States,
it does not secure all the rights of inde
pendent sovereignty to any ; that the al
iegiauce of the people is rightfully due
as it has been freely given to the Gen
eral Government, to the extent of all the
sovereign power expressly ceded to that
government by the Constitution; that the
Supreme Court of the United Slates is
the proper aud only tribunal in " the lasi
resort for the decision of ail those cases
in law and equity aiising under the Con
stitution, the laws of {he United Stales,
treaties made under their authority; that
resistance to the laws founded on the in
herent and inalienable right of all men
to resist oppression is in its nature rev
olutionary and extra-coustitutional—and
that entertaining these views, the Senate
of the United States, while willing to con
cede every thing to any honest difference
of opinion which can be yielded consis
tently with the honor 6c interest of the
Nation, will not fail iu the faithful dis
charge of its most solemn duty to support
the'Executive in the just administration
of the Government, and clothe it with al*
constitutional power necessary to the
faiiliful execution of the lawk and tin
preset valioit of ilia Uoimt.
Mr. C. then gave notice that, whene
ver the gentleman from Tennessee shouh
move his resolutions, by way of amend
meat, the abuve would be moved as t
substitute fur a part of the proposed a
-mendiucni.
HOUSE OF liEPRESENTA TIVES.
Thursday, Jan. 24.
ZJoring the c« tnse “I Mr. Vintou 1
speech he had observed that “ he woul
sooner see every man who occupied ill
seats around him swept away—he woul
signer see the rivers of this land run wit
blood, and one halt of the population r
this fair Republic perish by the swort
than see one jut or one tittle of that si
crcd Constitution which had beeu bt
quealhed to us by our falheis, or of th
laws, obliterated by foice wheu a sue
den cry was heard trom Mr. McDuffie, c
“Robespierre!” This cry was instant
followed by htssfesfrotn vaiious quartets i
the House. The CHAIR called toot
der. Mr. Guisori said that the gent luma
had a right to give utterance to his iudq
nant feeling at such a sentiment.
The Cltiair (Mi. Wayne,) replied tin
he was not clothed in vain, with power I
preserve order in the House, and I
should'offt fail to exercise it.
Considerable sensation prevailed for
moment, but it somVsubsided.
When Mr. Viiiidh hud concluded h
■s'peefcli—<i
Mr. Carson rose, to explain. It had n<
beert he, (hs seemed to he supposed b
many gentlemen,) who had united ill
expressive word “ Robespiei re,” vhe
thu gentleman liom Ohio had expressed
sentiment so monstrous. That woid ha
beeu-utteied by a gentleman over the vito
who Would never disavow his wok
Deeply ns Mr. C. felt, ho should hav
remained silent ; trui when he heard lb
hissing which hrose, he could n»t but ex
press wh'a; lie had done. But, my G—d
(exclaimed Mi. C. what have we heard
heard it here !»u the fl >or of an Amei
«au Congress ! That the
would see eveiy man on ibis floor swej
off frbilh it—-all the talent, all 4he patrio
ism-all the noble spirt's in iliat Mali swej
off! Bui was iliat all? No; But that h
would see the river* of this whole coueti
run blood; and half the population oft hi
our fair iiihmitunce pm to the swori
rather than tliiiT constitution should be vhi
laied, winch Mi. C. iiud heard the gentle
man himself declare to have been ahead
violated, and which then, far superio
both to that gentleman and to himself
believed to have been repeatedly viola
tod—half the population ! by which tin
gentleman tuenft! his bielueii —and this
after a soveieign- State had pronuuncci
the law in question to be liucmutiiuiiou
all!
Mr. Vinton Imre asked leave to set tin
gentleman right, ns tn what ho h id said.
Tho Chair.. Does.the gentleman yieh
the floor?
Mr. Carson. N?r; if the gontienlat
would but pot himsClf right—
Mr. Watmoitgh here interposed, am
called his friend from North-Carolina u
order. He begged his friend to suffe
hint to interpose, and step holme him, It
save him from hinjsclf, before any thiiq
should be uueied which might he cause
of lasting regret. The geo lonian froir
Ohio hud not said wh.it tho goiuleinai.
was under an impression that be had.—
Tim gentleman had been remarking
on
Here Mr. WVm-mgh w,is caH< and to or
der by many Voices ; and tho Chair ad
monished him that ho was departing from
rule.
Mi*. Carson skid ha would take the ud
niiiriiiion of his fiiend; altiiough ho be
lieved -hat his friend had been eveu morn
out of order than himself It had been
with deep that he hid expressed
his emoiiuihf at what lie had undersood
. ilm gemlenim from Ohio to have said.
The gentleman might attempt to palliate
the sentiment; but uuless he wholly re
tracted, all attempts to txfdiiitt it away
would he unavailing. *•
/Mr. Vinton now explained, tie had
made no use ®f tho word “ violated.” A
violation us the Constitution might hap
pen thiough mere mis ipprehetisiou of
judgement. What he had said was, (hat
sooner than see the Constitution oblitcra l
ted by forces be would see the alternative
he had meutioiied. Because he consid
ered that as a total annihilation of the
Constitution which must put an end to the
Governniant.
Mr. McDufffb said ho was very sorry
that he found himself under the necessity,
from what had just occurred, of addressing
the Chair at all. It had been his fixed
purpose, and still was, to take no part in
the present discussion : and he was very '
sorry that What had occurred in the Huuse,
rendered it now' necessary for him to say
a single wbrd. When the gentleman
from Ohio had uttered that sentiment
which the Mouse, be presumed, had heard*
with a portion of that abhorrence it ha«T
excited iu his own mind; he could not help *
involuntarily making the exclamatioo he -i
had uttered. He admitted that, siricrly '
considered, it could not be said to be per
fectly iu order, though it was no more
than what often happened, in all parts of *
the world. As he hud been out of order,
he owed an apology to the House: but 4
none to the geutleman from Ohio.
From the Savannah Georgian, Jan. 3<J.
We publish to-day the bill further to
provide for the collection of duties on
imports,” as reported in the senate by the
Committee ou the Judiciary, of which
we yesterday gave a general outline from
the Globe. This bill accoids fully with
the recommendations of the President, &
will as * ourreaders perceive, strengthen
the arm oFthe Executive that he may fol
ly meet the present crisis—and sustain**
the laws es the Union, if necessary by
repelling force with force. The Charles
ton Mercury, which geetus to tea. the