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was that the efficacy •/ '^*5 .‘"J*
grant of it, would He ,o,e
^dcousUuUont-W^^U, .be
It was inevitable,
miuvftl conslitatiofi tin
ad nit UteeterchnofimpW •««>»“"
of ii uitatiou on the M ? rc,s *
converted to a n ®"!J 1 j c ,i f ” ns iit«tii»n -lionltl
««•*!. that every, pW'J ilicillt . llla |
„,Init the eXP r«.eof.nplea.;« (lious ^
powers, as a result ot tn« c "" l rhlirHrU , r _
llicity of an iustru^" 1 l t |,j,
but the danger ot «b**'' , bv £ ltl . (ll by a
one whirl.
mode of const rut ' tjtut i on 0 f .numerated
did,,0t r^h«SS"at the power
powers,) which I|| „, (hat w hich was
made the source as should be
t,Ud, r''“l„Ttin tlir relation between then.
to be ohtainins, |f ( . seen, indeed,
*>■>" commencomeut.-
BuSc end of this thing, Mr. A. said, was
SSh. The m ilady might no'v prcsei.1 on-
Iv a i eruptive appearance on the suruce,
h.t it would be l!.uiul to he progress,.e to
■ heart of the constitution i would com-
.irate eventually to the system, he un
natural activity of despotism, awl of unnatu-
"|S„ if not arrested, whether in hod.es
politkal o’rphysical! there was bat one re-
Lit and that result was dissolution.
Mr Archer could not abstain from remark-
in* though the remark had no immediate
relevancy to the question) on the unlimited
character of tlie power of le S !s'aUon, which
was assumed in onr government, k) relation
to the national territories. Authority was
arrogated to legislate -on this subject at dis
cretion, and an instance of the fullest indul
gence of it had occurred at the present ses
sion of Congress, (in the measure for the in
terdiction of Slavery in a portion ot the ter
ritories.) Take this power of discretionary
re ,r llation, in connection with the ackiiuw-
ledged power to refuse admission of a terri
tory into the Union, and what was the re
sult ? A power was arrogated to regulate
diseretionully, and a power conceded to re-
liiiu the territories at pleasure in subjection
to the authority invested with this power ol
discretionary regulation. Let the extent and
susceptibility of importance of the territ**- 1
rie i be considered, and what was ti.o specta
cle which, under the practical operation of
the doctrine asserted, our government might
come to present r The spectacle of an au
thority strictly limited within its appropriate
•phere of operation, exerting unlimited pow
ers in a co-exteusivecollateral sphere of ope
ration. It would be a condition like that of
the Homan republic in an advanced stage of
Its progress, in which, characterized by the
forint of a limited government at home, it
’ yielded without control the uncounted re
sources and power of the provinces. To the
issue of this condition of things in that re
public it was not necessary to advert, nor to
pursue the train of reflection which it was
calculated to suggest.
Reverting to the question, .Mr. A. denied
that a power on the part of the President ta
Senate, to dispose of territory, was to be re
garded as a consequence of the power to ac
quire it. The separable character* ofthese
powers resulted from the principle which de
termined the general propriety and motives
of all delegation or reservation of power,
namely, the heneflci.il or harmless character
of its exercise. The exertion of a power to
acquire territory could scarcely he otherwise
than beneficial in its tendency, and the pow
er in'ght therefore well he admitted. The
exercise of the power to alienate could rare
ly be attended with a beneficial, and was lia
ble to be attended with a very detrimental
operation. This power might therefore well
he denied.
The esse was like that of infancy at law,
<n which, though a competency to he bone-
fitted by acts of acquisition was properly ad
mitted, the capacity was denied to be bound
to acts of alienation. A power to alienate
was, indeed, in no case, in relation to sub
jects of private or of public interest, any ne
cessary correlative of a power to acquire.—
Whether, then, future acquisitions of territo
ry w 're or were nnt contemplated, and tlie'ir
dis.i ml provided for by the constitution, the
concl ision was still the. same, that the pow
er of disposal, either to foreign governments
or tu citizens, so far as it existed at all, could
belong only to Congress; and this in refer
ence both to the letter of the constitution At
to tiie policy directing the delegation of pow
er in free states. If the power were to be
considered as a necessary resulting power,
arising out of circumstances not foreseen, it
could only result to the legislature, the gene
ral representatives of the nation. A subject
of interest accruing subsequently to a grant,
if it can be made to pass at all by the grant,
must pass to the grantee of thu general es
tate, ami.not to the grantee of any particu'ar
portion of it.
The powers appertaining to the treaty-
maxing department and those granted to
Congress over particular classes of subjects,
presenting the appearance of conflict, the
object of a just constitution would be to re
concile them by allowing to both, if possible,
a due operation. Hut this object could on
ly be attained by the mode which had been
suggested, of allowing them a concurrent
operation over the subjects which presented
the apparent occasion of conflict. This con
struction was in consistency with all rec ivod
rules in relation to questions of this sort.—
It was an established principle, which had
been adverted to, (by the Speaker,) that in
cases of the conflict of particular with gen
eral expressions, the general must give way
to the particular expression. .And why?—.
Because rules of coii-truclion being nothing
more than contrivances for the ascertain
ment of intention, what was equivocal in a
general, became explicit in a particular ex
pression. The construction stated, derived
corroboration in the present instance of its
application, from a con-ideratioo of the mo-
in-utous character of the subjects of power
which it operated to det.ch from the exclu
sive, to confide to the concurrent treaty-
making jurisdiction ; ami from a considera
tion of the affinity which it tended to stamp
on the treaty-making power, to the general
pokey and character of the constitution, and
to tue peculiar character of the more im
portant specific powers which it comprised.
The construction relied on was confirmed
by other principles of interpretation. One
<ft these, th** ofFspnnjg of incontrovertible
reason, required _ that the most mitigated
sense should be given to expressions obscure
or doubtful in I heir character. “ In obsmris
iptod mm mum est querimur.” The appli
cation of this maxim was particularly strong
lo grants of power, in relation to which the
sm.il'est amount of concession might always
he presumed. And it applied with blill an
augmented force to a grant of power such
as that contained in the constitution, which
wiir admitted on all hands to be of the strict
est uud most limited description. But, this
being the fact, the whole doubt as well as
xlauger in the case under review, proceeded
fiom the construction which assigned the
largest extension to the power of tile Presi
dent and Isriata, and were obviated by that
which admitted the qualification of lloir
power by the s|>eciflc grants of power made
in Congress by the constitution.
It would not be contended by the most
extravagant advocates ol the treaty-making
power, that there existed no limils to its ex
tension. It would not be contended that
llie power extended to < lie transfer of a stale,
ar of an essential part of sovereignty, for
example. The question which arose upon
this,power related, then, not to 111** fact, hot
to the point of its limitation. Wluit wits llic
point assigned? The subsistence of oilier
powers by the explicit expression of the con
stitution. What was the degree of limita-
I ion contended for? Was fi the entire exclu
sion of the jurisdiction of the power from
the subjects of these particular powers ?—
No. Tilt* degree of limitation was the con
finement of the povve* - (left m other respects
unrestricted) to a concurrent jurisdiction in
relation to this particular class of subjects.
The limitation assigned was precise, both as
respected its point of occurrence and degree
In its tendency it was beneficial: and it a-
rose upon the letter and was sustained by the
true iutendnient of the constitution. Con
struction affirming a limit of this character
upon power, could, vv ith nf> rotor of propri •
ety, he rejected from operation.
There was one consideration upon the
subject of this controversy, in relation to the
extent of the treaty-making power, which
appeared to Mr. A. to be conclusive. It
was this, that the exclusive control claimed
for the power, was not pretended to extend
to all the subjects submitted to Congress by
the constitution. There were several which
this exclusive control was admitted not to
cover. The powers to borrow money; to
make war; to raise armies; to admit new
states, were examples, llut where was the
ground of distinction between these subjects
and those over which auexclusive, superce
ding control was claimed? It was riot to he
fonml in the constitution. There these se
veral classes of subjects were placed on the
same exact footing. The powers conveyed
to Congress were all conveyed in the same
terms. The distinction was not to he found
in any peculiar importance, of the abdicated
subjects. All were important. Was the dis
tinction to be found iu the supposed exter
nal relation of the class of arrogated subjects,
rendering them in a peculiar degree adapted
to become Hie objects of treaty stipulation ?
Thescsuhject.s were not distinguished by this
character in any greater degree than several
of the abdieatedsubjects ; of which the pow
ers of making war and raising armies were
instances. The danger, too, with which the
argument derived from this principle of con
struction, was fraught, ought not to escape
observation. Let the principle be admitted,
and it would he only necessary to give to
exercises of powerthe form of treaty stipula
tion, and any power might Ik: exercised, and
any object attained, by the Executive de
partment, however remote from the proper
sphere of its central. Finally, if the dis
tinction Tietwecu the jurisdiction arrogated,
and that renounced, by the treaty-making
power, were made to rest on tile peculiar
character of treaty stipulations, as being sus
ceptible of execution, independently of legis
lative aid, or as requiring that ikl for their
execution, the answer vvr.s equally obvious
with those which had been stated to other
supposed principles of distinction. It was
this, that there were various supposeuble
cases of stipulation having no dependence
on legislative aid for execution, w hich yet
tiie consent of all men would reject from-ihe
exclusive control of the tieaty-inakiug pow
er. O.’ia example, suggested by recent oc
currences, should be adduced. A new state,
provided its government were organized,
and the form republican, might he admitted
into the Union without any necessary inter
vention of legislative authority, by a treaty
tipulating that it should send two Senators
and one Representative to Congress.—
There was a republican government now
organized among the blacks in the island ot
Hayti. If the doctrines asserted in relation
to the extent of the treaty-making power,
were just, what was there to hinder the ad
mission of tliis Republic into the Union, if
the President ami Senate were to be. of n-
piuion to admit it P Here was a case requir
ing no intervention rf legislative aid. Here
was a case which, from its character of ex
ternal relation, fell within the class of the
appropriate objects of treaty stipulation.—
It was sufficient for the argument, that the
case was a possible one. Mr. A. did not af
fect to insinuate that the realization ever
eouid be thought of. Considering, however,
the value of West India possessions, there
was a possible composition of the Executive
department, in which tiie realization, was by-
no means inconeeiv able. Constitutional doc
trines, however, could not be sound, which
involved the possibility of such a conse
quence.
There were various other and important
■■lews, connected w ith the discussion of this
question of the just character of tiie treaty-
making power in our government, which
Mr. A. said that fatigue compelled him to
pretermit. An observation had been made
in the debate, however, which it was neces-
ary to notice. It had-heen said that, admit
ting the incompetency of the President and
Senate to alienate, their power could not he
denied to ascertain tho limits of territory,
and that the provisions of the. treaty, in this
respect, extended no farther than to an ascer
tainment oflimits. The distinction, as rela
ted to the power, was admitted. There
could he no question of the authority to set
tle limils. But was the character of the trea-
lysucii as had been represented ? Did it ope
rate only to define, and not extend to the
alienation of territory ? Was not the contrary
of this suggestion notorious ? Did not ttie
treaty, on the face of it, purport to make a
cession of territory, by stating the fact, and
by employing throughout the language ap
propriate to cession ? Did not every person,
in any degree versed in the history of the
controversy with Spain upon this subject,
know that the boundary fixed by the treaty
was as had been observed by the Speaker,
a new line made, and not a line ascertained.?
The treaty did, therefore, make an alienation
of territory. Into the question of our title
to tliis territory, Mr. A. did not design at tliis-
time to enter, farther than to observe that
the acceptance try Spain of tiie country as a
cession from us, was to his mind sufficient
evidence of the validity of our title. Tit
inability, too, of Spain to make out a valid
title against us,(which appeared from the
negotiation to be the fact,) was itself, in the
relative condition of the two countries, tan
tamount to u valid title upon our part.
Surh were the views which Mr. A. had
been led to entertain of tile proposition af
firmed by Hie first resolution. But, wheth
er those view s were w ell or ill founded; whe-
ther Congress were or were not entitled to
a voice in tiie disposal of the territory which
the treaty with Spain proposed to alienate,
there could be no question of its belonging,
both to the. right anil tiie duty of Congress,to
express an opinion.upon any subject of na
tional policy, deemed of sufficient impor
tance. to require such an expression Therq
ould he as little question Unit tins expression I kiincd at New-Orb an?, iLt !f the most ini
of opinion would have its due weight with portnut position in our country, would im-
ihc Exccutiv (department of the government I mediately he perceived. Upon this view of
If Congress concurred, then fore., in the
views winch had dictated the second reso
lution, there could lie no qm <tion of the pro
priety of affirming them, by the passage of
the revolution.
There were sevx-ral propositions asserted
by the resolution—Hie disproportion of the
equivalent rendered by Spain for our con
cessions in tiie treaty ; the general impolicy
of the transfer of the territory ceded on our
part to any foreign power ; and the inexpe
diency as a consequence of these, of r.ie rati
fication of the treaty, now that the option of
our government was restored, to ratify or
reject it. Was, then, the equivalent stipu
lated to be rendered by them, disproportion
ate, and was it impolitic to make a transfer
to any foreign power of tiie territory we had
stipulated to cede? What were the rela
tive concessions of the contracting parties r
On the side of the United States, five, mil
lions of dollars to tie paid, in part discharge
of claims of our citizens upon Spain ; the a-
liaudoiimeut ot the residue of these claims ;
of which, as they stood in the same charac
ter, the allowance of this part, was in effect
a recognition, to the amount of 515,000,000,
ns had been stated (by the Speaker;) the
privilege to the subjects of Spi'in carrying
on commerce with the territory we were to
acquire; of admission into i.s port* oil
the same terms with our own citizens, fur
the period of tw elve years from the ratifica
tion of the treaty ; and, finally, the territory
of Texas, which we. stipulated to cede.—
Blaring out of view thu other parts of this
concession, what was the character and va
lue of this territory of Texas ? The full va.-
lue we were not possessed ofsnilicient infor
mation, it was probable, to enable us to ap
preciate. Enough, however, was known, to
ascertain its superiority in this respect to
the Province, as part of the consideration of
which, it was proposed to be transferred.—
Tu superficial extent, Texas would not. he
denied to be several times larger than Flori
da. In a general character of fertility, the
two .countries, according to the accounts
which Mr. A. had received, admitted of no
comparison, so decidedly was the advantage
on tiie side, of the former of them. Placed
in a near vicinity to South America, this pro
vince asserted still more signally, to the cha
racter of its productions, its afliuilyto the pe
culiar natural advantages which distinguished
in a manner so remarkable, that most favor
ed portion of the earth. Productions of the
highest value, and supposed to he the most
widely diversified, ns respected the soil and
climate they required, found here a point of
neighborhood and union. Corn, Cotton, Su
gar, met a congenial soil,and circumstances
favorable to their production. The climate
was of extraordinary salubrity : the rivers
various and large. And what was the con
sideration for which we were to surrender
a country such as this had been decribed ;of
immense extent, possessed of every natural
advantage,destined by tile most signal evi
dences, to high political importance ? Was
it for the sands of Florida ? No, not for the
property, but fur little more than the sove-
reignty of these lauds. Independently of
the grants to Alagon, aiul Vargas, and Punon
llostro, which had been the subjects of re
cent contestation, far the largest and the
most Valuable portion of the soil of Florida,
was known to have been granted out. The
recent contested grants had only been of tiie
residuary lands, in the bargain which had
been made, we we.e to give the sovereignty
a.id nearly the whole, Mr. A. jnc-aiiuieu, of
the soil of Texas, such as it had been describ
ed, for little more, comparatively speaking,
than the sovereignty of Florida. Was the
bargain one which in this obvious view of its
character, with perfect liberty to accept or
reject it, it would be expedient to confirm ?
Butgreat importance was attributed to Flo
rida in a military and political point of view.
Without any design of derogation from
the importance of Florida in this respect,
did this consideration, Mr. A. asked, render
its acquisition at this time, and at the price
of any disproportionate equivalent, an ob
ject of reasonable solicitude or. our part ? lie
apprehended that it did not. Whatever
might be tiie advantages presented by this
country for purposes of military or com
mercial annoyance, in the hands of Spain, it
could not he rendered subservient to any
such purposes against us. Spain did not
possess, nor had tiie faculty of acquiring
means and resources, military or naval,
which could be applied to such objects.—
Nor, if she possessed, or could acquire them,
couhl it ever be her policy to avail herself of
the position of Florida to employ them a-
gainst this country ?
In proof of this, the single consideration
was sufficient that the inevitable result of the
purs uit of such a policy, would he the loss
of the province in question, without the pos
sibility of indemnification. This result, it
would he admitted, could not be prevented
bv any exertion or contingency of events.
The acquisition of Florida, was therefore,
an object of no considerable importance, as
related to any view of danger of its being
used for purposes of annoyance by Spain.—
The ground of apprehension was ns slight
from any other quarter. The Indian inhabi
tants would be in no great degree more like
ly to give us disturbance, if the country con
tinued in the hands of Spain, than if it were
transferred to our own. Nor was fear in
deed to he indulged, of disturbance from this
source, whilst tiie fife, or the memory of
Jackson among his Indian adversaries, were
preserved. For danger, proceeding from
any European power other than Spain, we
hail already made an adequ ate provision by
a law giving authority to the President to
prevent the. occupation of Florida by a fo
reign power. Mr. A. said that in the policy
of this law he entirely concurred. Whilst
he should be opposed to the occupation of
the country by ourselves, at least umler pre
sent circumstances; while he would he averse
to any measure by which the hazard of war
might lie incurred, he slvoiild at ill times, k
under all circumstances,'consider the preven
tion of the occupation of Florida by any o-
ther foreign power than Spain, as a measure
of indisputable and unimpeachable policy,
on tiie part of tliis country. It stood justifi
ed to his mind, by considerations admitted
to he paramount to all others, of defence and
preservation. No power could have either
interest or motive to the acquisition of Flo
rida, unconnected with views to our annoy
ance, and a policy dictated by such v iews, it
was at all times as justifiable, as it was ne
cessary, to repel. Whatever then, might he
tiie intrinsic importance of Florida in a poli
tical point of view, its acquisition could not
be censidcred as demanded of us at this time
at the price of any concession disproportion
ed to its proper value.
But, was this character of importance in a
political view confined to Florida? Was
Texas of no consideration in this view ? Let
the situation of this province, at the buck of
Louisiana, and the direction of tiie flow of
its principal rivers be considered, and the im
portant and. delicate relation, which it sus-
the subject, interesting as it was, Mr. A. for
bore, from obvious considerations, to en
large. He would dismiss it, merely accom
panied with a hint at the capacity of Texas,
to maintain a formidable population. Con
sidered in a mere political aspect, then, the
i quivalent which we. were lo obtain for nor
Teirilnriid concession in the treaty, appear
ed to lie little entitled to the preference,
which had been allotted it, and the ratifica
tion of the treaty, altogether unadvisable.
There w as a further view of the Buhjcct en
tirely concurrent with that which had been
stated. Whatever might he the value of
Florida, could it not he obtained on terms,
better than the e which had been stipulated?
There was certainly no indisposition on the
part of Spain, to yield it to us. This was
manifest, from the character of the instruc
tions which were known to have been given
to Don Onis: from flic fact ofhis signature
of the treaty; from the fact of the dispatch
of the new mission, which was every day ex
pected on our shores ; and finally, from the
evidence disclosed by the publication of the
late ii< gociation at Madrid, which shewed
that the difficulties which had obstructed tin
ratification of the treaty', did not relate to
any reluctance indulged by the government
of Spain, to make a cession of tne country.
Spain hud no interest in the retention of tliis
province. It w as of no value, but rather a
source of expense, and a burthen as a terri
torial dependency. It could lie of no value
from her peculiar condition, in a military or
commercial view. Superadried to this con
sideration, she, had strong motives to make
the cession. If the motives of her determi
nation to do so, as heretofore evinced, had
reference to the posture of her affairs in S.
America, these motives not only retained
an undiminished, but had acquired an en-
creased force from recent occurrences. If
the object of her policy hitherto had been to
prevent our interference in any mode in the
contest with the Patriots, and she still re
tained the hope of being enabled to prose
cute that contest, the cncreasing difficulties
of her situation, and the knowledge of the
peculiar and growing state of public senti
ment in this country, both towards herself,
and towards the Patriots, furnished derided
inducements to her, to continue to act in the
same line of policy, and to secure our further
forbearance, at the price which she. had al
ready determined to regard as a considera
tion not too high for it. But, if she had lost
all luqie of being enabled to prosecute the
contest with the colonies, then her induce
ments to tiie same course, became still more
unequivocal. AVhy ? Because she knew that
in the event of the success oT the Patriots,
Florida must fall into their hands, who may
be presume,d to form the objects of her pe
culiar animosity, or must come by the ope
ration of domestic revolution into ours, with
out her obtaining any compensation for it,
even the liquidation of our claims on her for
spoliation. In every view, then, interest, and
in one view a moral feeling, more powerful
inits operation than interest, prompted Spain
to the pursuit of the same policy, which was
that of cession of the Territory we were de-!
sirous to obtain. There was no opposing
interest, or motive of any sort. Under these
circumstances, left as we were, ac liberty by
the delay of Spain in ratifying the treaty;
and even authorized to rise !n our demands,
would it not he a policy preferable to the ra
tification of the treaty, to trust ourselves to
the results of a new negoeiaHon ? In the
worst event of such a resort, vve might ex
pect, considering the advantages of our situ
ation, to procure Florida for money, (more
alluring to Spain in her present circumstan
ces, than Territory) in place of tiie riispro-
nortioneil Territorial equivalent, which we
had stipulated to give for it.
Might we not he justified too, in indulging
a glance at the very possible contingency of
procuring tliis country, without the payment
of any price, by the effect of domestic revo
lution? In any event, our claims on Spain
would remain the same. They might be
considered as having derived the ad', milage
of recognition from the Treaty. Spain was
in no condition to satisfy them in any other
way, than by a cession of Florida. If she
declined lo satisfy them, in tliis, the only
mode which was in her power, we would be
at liberty to adopt a remedy for ourselves.-
The fund could not escape us. It was at all
times liable lo our control. Could there in
such circumstances he excuse for impru
dence, or occasion for precipitation, in our
endeavours to obtain possession of Florida,
however desirable ii might be to do so ?
Upon the whole Mr. A. said, lie consider
ed the propositions affirmed by the second
resolution as sustained—that there was a
want of proportion, in the relative concessi
ons of tiie treaty ; that the Territory which
it purported to cede on our part, ought not
to be made the subject of transfer to any fo
reign power, and that, the ratification of the
treaty was in every view inexpedient. En
tertaining these views, tie had no hesitation
in expressing them, ami he hoped that the
resolutions would meet tiie approbation of
the committee.
YOYV£IG2S\
Charleston, April 24.
LATEST FROM EUROPE.
By the French ship L’Eole, capt.
Hoiry, arrived on Sunday afternoon, in 3G
days from Rochefort, w e have been polite
ly favored with Paris paper to the 12th
March, containing London dates to the
8th. The accounts of the progress of
the Spanish Revolution are particularly
interesting and important. The cause
of the Constitutionalists pre mils, &: must
ultimately be successful. We have en
deavored below, to condense the sub
stance of tiie information contained in
tiie papers.
SUMMARY.
The elections bad commenced in va
rious parts of England. Mr. Wailhman
and Aldermen Wood and Thorp, were
put in nomination as the candidates for
the City of London. Sir Robert Wilson
and Mr. Calvert for Westminster were
nominated—a third person who was a
candidate had demanded a scrutiny.
Thistlewood and seven other conspi
rators, after having undergone their last
examination before the Privy Council,
had been sent to the Tower of London
on a charge oflligh Treason.
The troubles continued in Ireland.
There had been several skirmishes be
tween tbe king’s troops and the Rib
bon-men in the counties of Galway and
Roscommon, and some lives lost.
An individual named Arlot, calling him-
selfa Pole, and pretending tu be an agent
to Bonaparte, had voluntarily offered to
make some important disclosures to the
French government, relative to that per
sonage, but on his way from Dijon to
Paris, privately made his escape from
his escurt, near Troyes, on the bill
March, lie had not been apprehended
on the 9th, although strict search had
been made after him.
A man had been arrested in Paris,
who was circulating a bulletin containing
the particulars of the death of the duke
de lierri. A postscript to it announced
the escape of Bonaparte, and his landing
in France, kc.
A provincial government for the Isle
dc Leon had been organized.
The constitution was proclaimed at
Ferrol on the 13th of Feb.
The constitutional government was
proclaimed at Corunna on the 21st Feb.
and a provincial Junta established. The
royal captain general Venegas was offered
the command of the revolutionary troops,
bnt refused.
St. Ander in the Asturias, declared for
the constitution on the 23th Feb. The
municipal authorities of the place took
the oaths of attachment.
The revolters were progressing in An-
dalusia. Alge/.iras, Xeres, Tariffa, and
Malaga were in their possession.
The whole coast of Cautabria was in
a state of insurrection.
Valencia was considerably agitated. The
constitution had been every where pro
claimed—the royal provincial audience
had fled.
General Mina was in Navarre at the
head of 2000 men. He had taken posses
sion of the cannon foundery at Azzabal,
and of the manufactories of arms at Ay-
ver, and Orbazetta.
At a council of ministers in Madrid, a
majority of them maintained that the king
ought to make no concession to tbe people
—those advocates of strong measures
contended that, under the treaty of holy
alliance, Spain could ask for forty thou
sand men from France—but a member
in the minority expressed himselfso en
ergetically against the deplorable system
that had been pursued for so many years,
and so violently deprecated the intro
duction of foreign troops, that the idea
of calling in aid from France was aban
doned.
Ferdinand, it was stated, had made
overtures to the chief of the revolution
ists, that he would grant them a charter,
but that he would not accept the consti
tution of the Cortes. The same report
adds, that the chiefs had demanded to be
put iu possession of strong places, as a
guarantee, before they would treat.
The presence ofthe troops in Madrid,
was viewed with uneasiness ; the greater
part ofthem having loudly expressed their
intention to proclaim the constitution.
Great alarm pervaded Madrid, and
many of the ministers had implored the
king to convoke the Cortes, as a measure
which would alone restore tranquility.
The infant don Francis was imprison
ed at Madrid for 24 hours ; he having
declared to the king, that he was a ruin
ed man if he did not accept the constitu
tion.
Gen. Elina had been disgraced for ad
vising the king to leave his capital.
The army of Riego was directiug its
march on Cordova ; it was presumed that
it would march towards Madrid.
The royal general Eguiu had abandon
ed Granada carrying with him 200 state
prisoners—col. 'Riego Leing advancing
by forced marches.
News was current in Paris, on the
11 th March, that the Contadura had fallen
into the hands of the Insurgents. From
this position, which commands the city,
and from which it could he bombarded,
Cadiz was placed at the mercy of the
enemy. In addition it was also stated,
that a report was circulating on the Ex
change, that Cadiz had opened her gates
to them.
That Cadiz hadfaHen is rendered liigh-
lyfprobable.from Bayonne accounts of the
2d of March, on the authority of letters
from Brest, that, several vessels were
off that port having on board a number
of the inhabitants of Cadiz ; and from
the following postscript to a letter from
Nantz, dated 5th ult. received in the
city, per L'Eolc :
“ The Post from Brest, brings the
new s of the arrival of the Spanish fleet
it that port from Cadiz, by which it
would appear that Cadiz was in posses
sion ofthe Patriots. Ferdinand, I think,
must have a flea in his car by this time.”
News from Barcelona, under date of
21th Feb. mentions, that commerce was
not affected by the progress ofthe revo
lution. It was known that Ferdiaand
had addressed himself to several foreign
courts for assistance ; but that they all
had too much of their own buisness t r *
attend to, without involving themselves
by new embarrassments, in which t’aey
could gain neither glory nor profit.
Paris, Marc’^ 3.
There have been some arrest 1 ;, at Patn-
peluna, but the governor has tso small a
garrison, and it being feared that the
name of Minn has great influence over
them, that it is premise.,] that he has
already allied himself with the insur
gents. The insurrection extends and
acquires consistency—if this movement
succeeds, as is expected in Navarre, the
first effect will ’oc to destroy the commu
nication w ith France.
It is to-day announced that an insur-
rectiono’ movement has taken place at
Corunna.
In addressing the Chamber of Depu
ties, on the security ofthe Royal Family
and Throne of France, one of the Spea
kers (Mons. Chabran he Solilhac)
boasts of the effect of the Roman Dicta
torship and the suspension ofthe Habeas
Corpus, and that the death of the Duke
de Berri, imposes the necessity of sus
pending individual liberty—that jif tint
Clumber did not adopt some measure oi'
this kind, the blood of any Prince who
might in future be assassinated would
rest upon their heads. M. Simi on ob
served, that h ranee also had her radi
cals, and they had awful proofs of great
agitation prevailing in various parts of
the kingdom. The Minister announced
that even in Paris a certain number of
individuals had passed resolutions ap*
proving of the assassination ofthe Duke
de Berri ; and that n prisoner at La Fo-
ree, named Lucet, hail written to one ol*
the chiefs of the Police, that he had learn
ed with great pleasure the assassination
of a Bourbon—that it was desirable that
the whole of the family should meet the
same fate—that he regards the mur
derer as a great man, and is anxious to
imitate his courageous conduct. That
in the Departments, an execrable joy
prevailed on the occasion—that at one
time, the return of Bonaparte, or his
arrival in the United States, and the
combination of the Northern Powers
against the present dynasty, were assi
duously circulated. The signs and em
blems ofthe former government had been
renewed. Seditious verses w'ere open
ly sung ; and an attempt made to corrupt
the troops. That the existing laws were
inadequate for public security ; and he
called for strong measures on the part of
the Chambers, to avert further evil con
sequences. M. Chibrillant moved that
this speech should be printed : this was
rejected. Mr. Bastarriches, one of the
Deputies of the Departments, defended
their loyalty and complained of minis
ters, for censuring a nation for the crime
of an individual. He hoped that the
l 1 rench would never submit to tjie arbi
trary shackles which were designed for
them.
M. Constant, at the conclusion of a
long speech, reminded the Chamber, that
the National Convention, the Directory
and Buonaparte had adopted such mea
sures as he protested against. Where is
the Convention? Where is the Directory?
Where is Buonaparte? No decision
took place on he project of the Ministers.
REVOLUTION IN SPAIN.
By the ship Adriana, and brig Perse
verance, arrived yesterday in 6 days from
Havana, we have official news of the
adoption, by King Ferdinand, of the
CONSTITUTION OF THE CORTES, of the
year 1812. Finding any further resis
tance to the will of the people unavai-
ling, he has made a virtue of necessity,
and at last done that which he should
have done immediately on his return to
Spain. The following brought by a Span
ish merchant vessel, called the Mont-
serat, from Corunna, was published at
Havana on the 15th inst :
Extraordinary Diario, of the Government
of the Havana, Saturday. loth April,
1820. r
The Government, which has given
proofs of the reliance it has placed on
the great fidelity of this capital, and the
whole island, publishes the copy ofthe
Gazette brought by the vessel which has
just arrived from Corrunna, in 31 days,-
and it is in the following terras:—
Supplement to the Constitutional Patriotic Di
ario, of Monday, 13th .March, 1820.
The supreme Junta of Gallicia, ha»
just received, by an extraordinary mail,
official letters from lieut. col. Don Jose
deJLiaserna, military commander in Luga,
the council of the same citv, a printed
copy of the Gazette Extraordinary of
Madrid, of Wednesday, the 8< t h ofthe
present month of March, whir.fi contains
the followiug official letter ;
“ The king our lord has Leen pleased
to send to his Secretaries o'f dispatch, the
following Royal Decree \ ’
“ In order to avoid tffie delays which
might take place on account ofthe doubts
which might occur to 'the council of state
in the execution of my decree of yester
day, for the immediate convocation ofthe
cortes, and it being tl, e general wish of
the people, lhave determined to szvear to
observe (lie Constitution, promulgated by
the General and Extaordinary Cortes in
the year 1812. V ou will understand it in
this manner, and ord.er its speedy publi-
catien.—Signed bjr the Royal Hand.—
ialace, March 7'ih, 1820.”
Which agreeable news the Junta has
tens to have published, for the satisfac-
tion ol the ii’iustrious and generous people
of Cornim.ia, and for that of all Gallicians:
ann orders that a solemn Te Deum be ia
the Church of Collegiata, at 12 o’clock t
that thr.re be a general illumination, and
every other demonstration be given of
the general joy.—Corunna, March 13th,-
ICiO.
TEDRO DF. AGAR, President.
PEDRO BOADO SANCHEZ, See'ry.
The Chief of this Island knows no
other path than that pointed out by the
King ; and when he shall receive the
official news of the above mentioned de
cree, it shall be duly complied with and
the king's orders shall be strictly obeyed.
These are the sentiments of the Govern
or, .and the faithful people over whom he
rules entertain the same. Long live the
King, and let his orders be obeyed !
CAGIGAL.
The intimation given by the governor,
at the close of the publication, that he
should await the orders of the King, be
fore he proceeded to adopt the Constitu
tion, gave much offence to the patriotic
inhabitants of Havana ; and on Sunday,
the day after its publication, a very large
portion of the citizens assembled in the
principal square ofthe city, and insisted
upouits immediate adoption. The regi
ments of Malaga and Catalonia were deci
dedly with them ; the officers ofthe regi
ment of Turagonia were inclined to side
with the Governor ; but such was the
enthusiasm of the populace and the mili
tary, that the Governor dared not to op
pose their wishes, and their adhesion to
the cwtsiiTi'TtoN and the cubxes, was