Newspaper Page Text
coyouEfts. __
house OF REPRESENTATIVES.
FUIDAYi ai rn. 20.
DUTIES on imports.
Th.noa.M»»k”P Ik* k.l"« 'kS"-
U.‘ Ike .lulic* on in'l'nrls n ni1 llu
,i:™,lu.e»t. icvoncl Ih.^. Jj J
...into ol ll.o » i" k ( " li ' |1 1 j eflu i U .|j,
.•iition.
iiml delivered, in n
(lit
motion to postpone
being under coufidi
Mr. Hardin rose
speech of nearly t»° b» u "•‘Tf h ’
senUment. in opposition to the bill
Mr. M'Lant of Del. lollmved o
other aide, and spoke too hours... sup-
^Mr*! L^mK'ncxt rose and addressed
t h e house about three hours... oppos.-
lion to the bill* , , , r ,
Mr. Hal dr in spoke about half an hour
iu reply to Mr. Lowndes and others.
Mi ’ SilUbee, of Mass, made a few re
marks in reply to Mr. Baldwin ; when
Mr. Simpkins moved that the hill and
amendments be postponed until the first
day of the next session ; in favor ot which
motion Mr. Hardin withdrew hit motion
for indefinite postponement.
Mr. Parker, ofVa. then demanded the
previous question, but the call was not
sustained by a majority of the House.
The question was then, about six
o’clock, taken on the motion to postpone
the bill until the first day of the next
session, and was decided in the negative
bv the following vote.
Yeas;—Messrs. Abbot, Alexander, Allen,
Ten. Anderson, Archer Aid. Archer Va.
Ball, Barbour, Baylv, Brevard, Bryan. Buf-
‘ " ” tier N. H Butler,
fum, Burton, Burwell, Butl
Lou. Cannon, Claggett, Cobb, Cofkc,Crafts,
Crawford, Crowell, Culpepper, Cushman,
Cuthbert, Davidson, Earle, Edwards, N. C.
Fisher, Floyd, Foot, Fuhler, Garnett, Hall,
N. C. Hardin, Hill, Holmes, Hooks, John
son, Jones, Va. Jones, Ten. Kent, Livermore,
Lon iides,McCoy, McCreary, Mallary, .Mer
cer, Neale, Nelson, Mass. Nelson, Va. Over-
direct, Parker, Va. Pinckney, Plumer, JSan-
t kin, Reed, Rhea, Richards, Ringgold, Ro
bertson, Settle, Silsbee, Simkins, Slocunib,
B. Smith, Va. Smith, N. C Strong, Vt.
Swearingen, Terrell, Tucker, V a. Tucker
S. C.Tyler, Unham, Walker, Whitman. Wil
liams, Va. Williams, N. C.—711. ^ «
Nvvs.—Messrs. Adams, Allen, N Y. Ba
ker, Baldwin, Bateman, Bcccher.Rloom field,
Roden, Brown, Brush, Campbell, Case,
Clark, Cook, Culbreth, Darlington, Denni
son, Dewitt, Dowse, Eddy, Edwards, Con.
Edwards, Pen. Ervin,Folger, Ford, Forrest,
Fullerton, Gross, N. Y. Gross, Pa. Guyon,
H.iekley, Hall, N. Y. Hall, Del. Hazard,
lfemphill Hendricks, Herrick, Hibshman,
Hiester, Hostetter, Kendall, Kinsey, Kinsley,
Little, Linn, Lyman, Maclay, MeLane, Del.
McLean, Ken. Marchand, Mason, Meigs,
Metcalf, R. Moore, S. Moore, Monell, Mor
ton, Moseley, Murray, Newton, l'arker,
Mass. Patterson, Phelps, Pliilson, Pitcher,
Rich, Richmond, Rogers, Ross, Russ, Samp
son, Sawyer, Sergeant, Shaw, Sloan, Smith,
N. J. Smith, Md. Southard, Stevens, Stores,
Street, Strong, N. Y. Tarr, Taylor, Tom
linson, Tompkins, Tracy, Trimble, Van
Rensselaer, Wallace, Wcndovcr, Wood.—93
The amendments agreed to in com
mittee of the whole were then concur
red in by the House.
Air. Nelson, of Alass. moved to insert
the following proviso, at the end of the
first section :
Provided, That no goods, wares, or
merchandise, w hich shall be imported
into the United States on or before the
30th day of April, 1821, if from places
beyond the Cape of Good Hope, or on
or before the 31st day of October next,
if from places not situated beyond the
Cape of Good Hope, in vessels that sail
ed from the United States before the
passage nf this act, shall be subjected to
any higher duty than is required by laws
now in force.
This motion was negatived, without a
count.
Mr. Silsbee moved to change the time
at which the bill shall go into operation,
from the 30th of June to the 30th of
September next; which motion was also
negatived.
Mr. Edwards, of'S. C. moved to reduce
the duty on imported salt from 25 cents
to 20 cents a bushel.
The yeas and nays being ordered on
this question, Mr. Metcalf moved for the
previous question (the effect of which
would be to decide forthwith the main
question, viz. the engrossment of the
bill for a third reading ;) but the call was
negatived, 71 to DO,
The question was then taken on re
ducing the salt duty, and decided in the
affirmative, by yeas and nays, as follows:
For the amendment, G3
Against it, 71
Mr. Hill of Alassachusctts moved to
amend the bill by reducing the duty on
imported molasses from ten to five cents
a gallon ; on which motion the yeas and
nays were ordered
Mr. Parker perceiving that all the
amendments which had been discussed
and rejected in committee of the whole
would probably be again offered, and the
time of the House occupied in the tedi
ous process of deciding them again, by
yeas and nays, moved again for tliejire-
vious question.
The call fur the previous question was
sustained by a vote of 86 to G3 ; and,
'1 lie previous question, “ shall the
main question be now put?” Was stat
ed accordingly, and was decided, bv yeas
and nays, in the affirmative—ayes 92
noe« 71.
The question was then at length ta
ken on ordering the bill to be engrossed
and read a third time, and decided in the
affirmative, by yeas ar.d nays, as follows
. Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Allen of N. Y
. Ihkev, Baldwin, Bateman, Beecher, Bloom
fJBHpulen, Brown, Brush, Campbell, Case
Lit™, f "nk, Darlington, Dennison, Dewitt
Dowse, Eddy, Edwards of Con. Edwards o.
Pa. Ervin, fay,Folger, Ford, Forrest, Gross
of N. Y. Gross nf Penn. Guyon, Hackley
.Hall of N. Y. Hall Of Del. Hazard, Hemphill
,TI-ndrie’« .Herrick, Hibshman, Hit stcr.Hos-
tjjter, Kendall, Kinsey, Kinsley, Little, Linn
X-v:r.an, M'u'lay. MeLane of Del. MeLei
R. Moure, ft. ATinire.Alonell, Morton, AIusc-
lf \, Murray, New ton, l'arker, of Mass. Pat
terson, Pllelps, l’hilMin, Pitcher, Rich, Rich
mond, Rogers, Ross, Ross, Snmpsi n, Saw
yer, Sergeant, Shaw. Sloan, Smilii of .V J.
Southard, Stevens, Storrs, Street, Strong of
N. Y. Turr, Taylor, Tomlinson, Tompkins,
Tracy, Trindile, Van Rensselaer, Wallace,
Weinlover, Wood.— 9(1.
Navs.—Messrs. Alexander, Allen of Ten.
Anderson, Archer of Md. Archer of Va.
Hall, Barbour, Rayly, Brynn, Bnlfutn, Bur
ton, Burwell, Butler of N. II. Butler ofLou.
* . mon, Cbiggctt, Cobh, Cocke, Crafts,
i lawfnrd, Crowell, Colliretli, Culpepper,
Cosh man, I’ulhbirl, Davidson, Earle, Ed
wards of N. C. Fisher, Floyd, Foot, Fuller-
ion, Hall of N. C. Hardin, Hill. Holmes,
Hooks, Johnson, Jones of Ten. Kent, Liver
more, Lowndes, McCoy, McCreary, Malla
ry, Mereer, Neale, Nelson of Mass. Over-
street, l’arker of Va. Plumer, Rankin, Re* d,
Rhea, Robertson, Settle, Silsbee, Simkins,
Slocunib, B. Smith of Va. Smith of N. C.
Swearingen, Terrell, Tucker ofVa. Tucker
of S. O. Tyler, Whitman, Williams of Va.
Williams ofN. C.—69.
The House then (having rejected ten
or twelve previous motions to adjourn,
at various stages ot’the evening proceed
ings) adjourned between 7 and 8 o'clock,
after a sitting of more than nine hours.
SATUnilAV, AI’ML 29.
THE NAVY.
Mr. Williams of N. C. rose, and said,
he should take the liberty to submit to
the house several propositions growing
out of the vote last evening, on the Ta-
iff bill. If that hill passed into a law ,
of which he thought there was little
doubt, since the vote had been take.i, a
ldicul, a total change would be effected
the system of policy heretofore pur
sued. It appears to me, sir, that we
have been happy, that we have nourish
ed, in a pre-eminent degree, under the
operations of the system so much repro-
ited by the friends of the new tariff.—
n lieu of a tax on consumptions, we must
seems, now resort to a system of inter-
d taxation. The gentleman from l’enn-
Ivania, (.Mr. Baldwin,) under whose
mspices this bill was ushered into the
house, and carried through with a trium
phant majority, had always been favora
ble. if he was not misV.iken, to a system
of internal taxation. That gentleman vo-
d against the repeal of the internal du
ties, when a longer continuance of them
is manifestly unnecessary, and when
the President had recommended their a-
bolition. But, without the former votes
of the gentleman, the whole of his pre
sent project is evidence unequivocal to
my mind, that he wishes to re-establish a
system of internal taxation.
The gentleman had distinctly said, that
the system of revenue which was now in
peration, had been tried ; that it had
tiled ; and that we must change it. Mr.
. said, he was not disposed to think or
act with the gentleman from Pennsyl-
iniu ; that he denied to the gentleman
the force of the argument, founded upoti
the inadequacy of our present system.
But, admitting it to be inadequate, Air.
. denied the propriety or policy of
such a remedy as that gentleman propo
sed. Sir, said he, what is the real cause
of the deficit in the revenue ? Is the de
ficiency owing to any fault in the system
itself, or does it proceed from the enor
mous expenditures of money ? 1 say it
boldly, and without fear of contradiction,
that the beggared condition of the Trea
sury arises from the improper expendi
tures of money, and not from any fault in
the revenue system. The friends of the
present revenue system have not been
disappointed. It has produced all the
good they expected would result from it
the tiui’e it was adopted. But sir, ma
ny heavy expenditures have since been
authorized, and which were not contem
plated at the period the system was adop
ted. This is the real cause of the insuf
ficiency of funds in the Treasury
No doubt a portion, and perhaps a se
rious portion too, of the failure arises
from the present deranged state of the
circulating medium ; but this is no fault
of the system ; and notwithstanding all
these embarrassments, it would have an
swered every purpose, provided the ex
penditurcs had not been unreasonable
md improper. The gentleman from
’ennsylvania, however, had uniformly
opposed, Air. W. said, every effort to re
trench, to economize and to save the
public money. So far, then, as the gen
tleman from Pennsylvania was concern
ed, the deficiency of revenue had been
owing more to the course of policy pur
sued by him in this house than to any
lefect in the system. The system. Air.
YV. repeated, had not failed ; it had an
swered every purpose contemplated by
its friends at the period of its adoption.
But the Congress of the United States
had failed, ifthere was failure any where.
They had authorized excessive expendi
tures, not contemplated. Had the army
been reduced, us often proposed in this
house, there would not now he a defi
ciency of money in the treasury. But
the gentleman from Pennsylvania had op
posed, at all times, any reduction of the
military establishment. Not only so, but
the gentleman had opposed every at
tempt to reduce the expenditures upper
tabling to the army. Even the Y'eilow
Stone Expedition, condemned by the de
liberate judgment of this house, as not
only useless and expensive, but dange
rous, the gentleman supported by his
vote.
Air. YV. said, it was a source of some
little consolation at least, that if the Ta
riff bill went into operation, the army
would he reduced as a matter of cf-urse.
It would, in that state of things, be less
necessary that it had been, and its most
determined advocates in this house would
not any longer be able to sustain it. 1
any difficulties wc might calculate on
w ith Spain, there appeared to he no oc
casion for the army in its present size
But thinking the reduction of the array
would ensue, as n matter of course, up
not now say any thing more on the sub
ject ; nor had lie provided any resolution
specifically for that subject. Thu next
branch ol public, expenditure rendered
wholly unnecessary, if the lull should
pass, whs the appropriation for the gra
dual increase of the navy.
Sir, it is proposed that wc adopt a Chi
nese policy ; that we should always stay
at home, and ne\ergo abroad. Of what
use, then, cau be your navy ? The na
vy was created to defend your maritime
and commercial right*. If you have no
commerce of what use can he your navy,
to defend the very lights which you have
declared you will not exercise ! Mr. \V.
said he would never agree to tax his
constituents, in the first place, to support
manufacturing establishments ; and then
to support an army and a navy, rendered
wholly useless and unnecessary by the
policy proposed to be pursued.
Air. VV. said, further, that, when the
commercial interest sutlers ; when their
rights are invaded, petitions llow in up
on us ; are referred to the committee on
commerce, and by that committee, are
duly considered. If any law is necessa
ry to provide for the commercial intcr-
Jsts, the committee report a bill, and it
is passed into a law. Thus, the commer
cial interest is guarded and defended.—
At this session we have, also, a distinct
committee on manufactures. The ma«s
of petitions and documents laid on our
tables ; and, above all, the lulls report
ed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania,
tend to shew the great vigilance with
which the manufacturing interest is gnar
led. Gentlemen say that there are, in
this country, three interests, the agricul
tural, commercial, and manufacturing.—
And how happens it, sir, that the agri
cultural, the great leading and substan
tial interest in this country, has no dis
tinct committee ; no organized tribunal
in this House, to hear and determine
on their grievances ? If the commer
cial or manufacturing interests are af
fected, the cry resounds throughout the
country ; remonstrances How in upon us ;
they are referred to committe.es appoint
ed for the purpose of guarding them, and
adequate remedies are provided. But,
sir, when agriculture is oppressed and
makes compl,lint, what tribunal is iu this
House, to hear and determine on the
grievance ?
Now, I suppose agricultural petitions
could not be referred to the. committee
on manufactures ! The policy pursued
by the gentleman from Pennsylvania,
who is at the head of that committee,
shews you that agriculture can get no
thing from manufactures. Let us then
have a distinct and separate committee
on agriculture, to hear and determine
on the grievances of which that interest
may complain. Sir, 1 wish to hear the
agricultural voice of the country ; let
the farmers and planters speak. They
constitute an interest which to all other
interests is as ten to one, twenty to one,
or one hundred to one. They are pa
tient and long suffering, they will bear
» great deal without murmur or com
plaint. But there is a point beyond
which they cannot bear. Beyond that
point 1 fear we are about to go. For
the purpose therefore of having some
tribunal before whom the agricultural
interest may appear, I shall submit a re
solution to establish a committee on that
subject. They are the majority, they
have a right not only to he heard, hut
to control. Oppress them only a little
longer, and they will rise in the majesty
of their strength; they must and will
demand suitable relief. Air. VV. conclud
ed by ofleiing the following resolutions,
which were read.
Resolved, That the committee of Ways
and Aleans be instructed to report a hill,
repealing any law or laws, making ap
propriations for the increase of the Na
vy of the United States.
Resolved, That the committee of Ways
and Aleans be instructed to report a bill
calling home the squadron, in the Medi
terranean sea.
Air. Williams submitted, nbo, the fol
lowing resolution to amend the rules
which lies on the table one day of course :
Resolved, That an additional standing
committee he appointed, to be denom
inated “ The committee on agriculture."
THE ARMY
Mr. Floyd, of Virginia, rose and said
he was glad to see the course taken by
his friend from North Carolina. 11 is in
tention was to otl'er another resolution,
pressing the same object still farther.—
Air. F. had no hesitation in saying, that
if the present tariff passed, from the ef
fects lie believed it would produce upon
the country, that it would cause a radical
change in all his opinions, as it regarded
the army and navy of the United States.
He felt it due to himself to say, that
heretofore he had been friendly to the
army and navy ; but would rather dis
pense with both than oppress the country
with a system of excise &. taxes, lie knew
there was, some time ago, a political
party in the United States, who thought
that method most wise and be*t, of sup
porting the government, which looked to
direct taxes ; but he was not one of that
number ; his antipathy to that system
was still the same. The motion, there
fore, which he was about to submit, pro
ceeded from a strong conviction, that,
unless we reduced our expenditures in
this way. this oppressive and ruinous
system, which we are threatened with,
must very shortly be brought into ope
ration, which will require at least eight
or ten millions annually of direct tax—a
sum which the community, in times of
greater prosperity, could not bear, and,
in these timos of difficulty .and distress,
cannot be paid unless by a sacrifice of
property, perhaps at less than a fifth of its
i value.
Air. F. believed the revenues of the
of Keu. Marchand, Mason, Meigs, Metcalf, I on the parsagn ofthe'! arifl bill, he should country would, for scveralyears, be !e
and less; that each vear would Mi >w a
iII greater delicit. until the trade ol '.lie
world settled down to the proper point,
which the wants >V situation ol all would
ultimately determine. VV hi 1st a navy
could beol’no use to us, having no com
merce to protect ; as we were about to
uecnme a nation of weavers, he could
not think it necessary to retain that which
formed so large apart of our expendi
tures. A few small vessels, to protect
our coasting trade, whilst they took their
manufactures to the south, and returned
with cargoes of cotton, might be useful;
more was unnecessary and hurthensotne,
and must in a short tune decay, and, with
the tonnage of the country, disappear.
The army, Air. F. said, which like
wise formed so large a poilion of our
expenses, could with micli propriety be
dispensed with. A few, very few, were
necessary to take care of the fortifi
cations which might lie now finished,
or which, by existing contracts or appro
priations, may soon lie so. The defence
of every country, Air. F. said, depended
upon the security of a few important
points, leaving the int imediate parts to
lie protected by movements from these
points ; though now, lie believed, there
would be still less cause to apprehend any
thing from contact with other nations, as
we were about to become manufacturers.
Mr. F. said, he did not see the neces
sity of an excise and direct taxes at the
present time, particularly as the friends
ofthe present measure seemed disposed
to adopt the Chinese policy ; an army
ami navy, under such circumstances,
could only serve ti remind us of w hat
we once were. If there was war, or
my necessity of the country, not result
ing from a measure of our own, at this
time, knowing it to lead directly to a sys
tem of internal taxation, he would vote
for a tax as high as any gentleman would
le«irc ; but, when no necessity, in his
opinion did exist, he was averse to any
thing of the sort. The particular dis
tresses ofthe country, instead of prompt-
to impositions upon the people, re
quired, in his opi .ion, great care and e-
conomy in the management of affairs, to
avoid the necessity for any new demands.
He could not see the wonderful benefits
which were to result to tbe people,
from this government, when they vverp
made to feel heavy burthens to support
an army and navy, which could have no
other employment than protecting the
weavers. This country, said Air. F. is
unlike any other ; all local expenditures
ire made by the states; the general go
vernment can have no subject of expense
but such as is truly national; an army, a
navy, the civil list; the commerce ofthe
country in time of peace, ought, if possi
ble to pay that expense, and not harass
the citizen with two systems of taxation.
If things were permitted to remain, the
revenue of the country, with proper e-
conomy, would be, us it ought to he, e-
qual to all the demands upon the treasu
ry. Air. F. repeated, that in offering
this resolution, he had no feeling hostile
to the army, or navy, but was actuated
by a desire alone to reduce the expendi
tures of tbe nation, that if possible tbe
heavy taxes with which we were threat
ened, by (be friends ofthe tariff, might
be avoided. He said, he had still a hope,
that tliis bill fraught with evil, as he
conceived it to be, which he saw would
inevitably pass this house, would he ar
rested elsewhere. Air. F. then sub
mitted the following resolution, which
w as, on his motion, laid on the table.
Resolved, That the committee on mi
litary affairs be instructed to report a bill,
reducing the army of the United States
six - thousand men, to consist of a due
proportion of infantry, artillery and ri
demon.
THE TARIFF.
The engrossed bill to regulate the du
ties on imports and tonnage, was read the
third time.
Air. Baldwin remarked, that it wouh
be recollected the bounty on pickled fish
exported had been increased in commit
tee of the whole, in consequence ol’an
increase ot the duly on imported salt—
the duty oil salt had subsequently been
reduced, but it had been omitted at the
same time to make a corresponding
change in the bounty on pickled fish.—
lie presumed there could be no objec
tion now to make this amendment, and
moved that the House agree thereto by
general consent, (by which only an a-
mendineut can be made to a bill in the
Mouse, on the third reading.)
The motion was objected to, and of
course failed.
Air. Rhea then rose and spoke about
an hour against the passage of the bill.
Mr. Slocunib of North-Carolina, moved
to recommit the bill, with instructions to
reduce the duty on imported iron in bars,
&lc. from 125 cents to 75 cents.
This motion produced a debate of con
siderable duration, touching occasionally
on the general merits ofthe bill, as weil
as on the expediency of committing the
hill for the purpose proposed.
The motion to recommit the bill was
advocated by Messrs. Slocumb. Pinck
ney. Silsbee, Mercer, Nelson, of Alass.
Morton, Smith, of N. C. Livermore, Floyd,
Holmes, and Foot, and was opposed by
Alessrs. Kinsey, Smith of Aid. Baldwin,
Storrs, Sergeant, Gross, of New-York.
The debate continued until about four
o’clock, when it was negatived by yeas
and nays as follows :
For the recommitment, 70
Against it, 90
Air. Foot, of Connecticut, then moved,
that the bill be postponed until the first
day ofthe next session, and followed his
motion by some gener.d remarks against
the hill.
The question on postponing the bill
was decided in tbe negative, bv yeas and
nays, bv the following vote :
For the postponement, 78
Against it, 90
The question was then taken on the
passage ol’ the bill, and decided in the
aliirumtive by yeas and nays as follows :
For the passage, 91
Against it, 78
So Hie bill was passed, and sent to the
Senate for concurrence.
YVniVAViiW
Lo.ndon, March 16.
We rereived yesterday the I’arispapers of
Sunday last. The Chamber of Peers as-
semhled on Saturday to appoint a Grand
Deputation to attend the funeral ceremony
on Tuesday, at St. Dennis, and to receive a
repo t from the committee of Petitions. A-
mongst the Petitions was one signed hy an
individual praying lor the prosecution ofthe
Duke Deray.es, on w liteh the committee
proposed to pass to the Older of the day.—
This suggestion was agreed to after a few
words from the Marquis de Lully, who
observed .hat the Peers were judges, but
never accusers. A petition from the
and adjuncts of Beziers, suggesting !
matrimonial alliance for Monsieur, in ol
keep up the direct line ofthe Bourbons,was
ordered to lie deposited amongst tbe archives
ofthe Chamber.
In the chamber of deputies, the project re
specting individual liberty, was again discus
sed through the whole of Saturday's sitting.
M. Courvoisier, at considerable length, argu
ed in support of his amendment, for limiting
the operation ofthe project to conspiracies a-
gainst the king and the royal family. This
amendment, involv ing the omission of con
spiracies against the safety of the State, was
Warmly opposed by the minister of the In
terior, and after some further discussion it
was negatived without a division; as were
also the amendments in the first urticle; it was
then put to the vote and agreed to without
a division, in the same terms as originally
proposed by the government, with only one
amendment directing a copy to be granted of
any order of arrest. In the second article an
amendment of some importance was propos
ed by AI. Lacroix Frainvilic, for the purpo
ses of allowing the accused, after Ins first
interrogatory, the privilege of employing an
advocate. On this amendment after some
discussion the chamber divided, when there
appeared in'fnvor of it 114, against it 135;
majority against it 19.
The King on Saturday transacted busi
ness with the Ministers of the Interior and
War. The. Dukcdc Richelieu was with his
Majesty for three hours.
Tlie Journal de Paris and the Gazette dr
France mention the arrest of AL V incent,
forincly an Agent of Police, whom they
assert to have been connected with Louvef;
but the Journal dcs Debats states, that AL
Vincent never was an agent of police, nor
ever was connected with Lmivcl; and that his
innocence being established, he was set at
liberty three hours after his arrest. Gen.
Guiilet has also been apprehended by virtue
of a mandate of arrest issued from tile office
of the court of the chamber of peers,
The Gazette de France contains the fol
lowing curious paragraph :—
“ A Alarechal de Camp, a spy of M de C.
revived 130,000 francs on the eve of his Ex-
ccllenecy’s departure.”
mount to more than live, sixorten thousand.
(Murmurs in the centre.)
M r. De Connells from his place They
went ns far as sixty thousand in lsis. J
Mr. Demure,ty-La the Minister see to
what such maxims as theirs lead. Cnsta
glance beyond (lie Pyrenees. Madmen—
y ou wish to bring us to that condition from
which the Spaniards are now endeavouring
to extricate themselves. Your intentions
urc confessed; your councils would be those
which will probably destroy Ferdinand VII.
Mr. Puymaunn.—The law of imprison
ment is essential for the preservation of the
dynasty. The plots of the 10th of August
brought about the subversion of the throne,
and the deutli of Louis XVI. If this unfor
tunate Monarch hud been Hide to employ
preventive law, our annals would not be
stained with his blood. Wc nre iu the same
circumstances as in 1792. An open conspi
racy was then carried on against Louis XVI.
as at present against Louis XVIII. There,
is a conspiracy against all the thrones of Eu
rope, and it is at Paris that its governing
committee is established.
Gen. Sihastiani.—If I believed, gentlemen
that arbitrary government would preserve
the reigning dynasty from real danger I
would not hesitate to vote for it. But I en
tertain a very different opinion. I have resi
ded in a country (Turkey ) where arbitrary
rule is in all its beauty—in all its plenitude -1
Tliere newspapers do not pervert the public
mind—justice is summary—the march ofthe
government is not impeded hy constitutional
clo^s ; a ml nevertheless, I have seen, in the
course of two years, eleven ministers perish
by popular convulsion—and, what is still
more serious, two sovereigns.
Air. Courrosicr.—We arc told by minister*
ofaeonspiracy. They speak of a vile conspira
cy against the dynasty ofthe Bourbons. Gen
tlemen, if such a conspiracy exists, it must bo
confined to a small number of factious des
peradoes. I do not deny that the fall of the
last government has left much unsatisfied
ambition, and that some persons cherish
guilty hopes of its re-establishment. Tire
fears that are suggested are altogether chi
merical. How can we believe that this na
tion will adopt projects looking to the return
of Bonaparte. Do you believe that French
men have forgotten, that, under iiis dominion
no sansculotte was master of his own person,
of his property, orofliis children, and that
our blood wag every day squandered by am
bition. What France has really to dread is
the return of lit 15. (Cries from the right*
of ah ! ah !)
.4Member.— VVe were expecting that.
Another Member.—France dreads theiOth
of March. If France could dread a not her 20th
ofMarrh,it w ould he because it was attempt
ed to revive the crisis.
SPAIN.
Tbe history of this country for the last six
years unfolds the causes of the late revoluti
on, and while it presents the most extraor
dinary picture ot past events, would furnish
some grounds for the political enquirer to
speculate upon the future. Six yea; - have,
elapsed since Ferdinand VII. returned to
Spain from his prison at Valancay. On the.
■4th of May, 1614, almost immediately after
lie crossed the Pyrenees, and without wait
ing a moment to consult the. wishes or feel-
SERIOUS ASPECT.
Extract from the Debates of the French House
of Deputies.
Paris, March 14,1820
Mr. La Fayette.—It is now thirty-three
years since in the assembly ol the Notables
I first culled for the abolition of Letters lie-
Cuchet; 1 vote to-day against the re-estuh
lishment of lliem.
Minister of Foreign Affairs.—1 nrk for ar
bitrary power; it is for a. great purpose,and
from a striking necessity that it is asked.
To call for the suspension of liberty, is a tes
timony of respect for that liberty. The pre
vailing opinions and maxims are the accom
plices ofthe assassin Louvel.
General Foy rushes to the tribune. Do
you believe, gentlemen, that if France had
not been under the yoke nf Foreign bayo
nets, we Frenchmen could have endured
thul a handful of miserable wretches, whom
we saw prostrate in the dust for 30 years—
(general rising on the right—the ministerial
quarter of the Chamber.)
Mr. Corday exclaimed to the orator—you
are an insolent fellow—(movement of indig
nation in the assembly.)
The President called the member to or
der.
General Foy continued—Yes, gentlemen,
this party has prevailed only by means of a
foreign power. Such excess as they have
committed, could only have taken place with
the aid and protection of foreign bayonets.
Mr. Hnijamin Constant, addressing the
ministers—Gentlemen, you are going to
wrest from us our personal liberty ; you are
about to stifle the freedom of the Press;
you are about to exclude from this hall, by
privileged elections, the defenders of the
people. Wc might say to you, what some
captivessaid to Tiberius. “Those who ad
dress you, are on the point of death. Let
us 'peak freely.”
Mr. Manuel.—The ministers present to
us their present law of imprisonment, as
one which we ought to adopt with blind con
fidence. But are we to give our confidence
to ministers belonging to a party, thristing
for vengeance; a faction which they them
selves have denounced heretofore as the ene
mies of liberty. (Deep murmurs to the right.
Many members start up ami gesticulate vio
lently.) Mr. Castel-Baiac rushed to the tri
bune and exclaimed furiously, let order pre
vail. Mr. Manuel has been making personal
attacks upon a great part of this assembly.
Let the dignity ofthis assembly he maintain
ed—(Cries continue to issue from the right.
The tumult is at its height. The President
speaker) rings his hell, and proclaims that
Mr. Manuel is entitled to explain.)
Mr. Manuel.—I repeat that the party in
question wishes that which is contrary to li
berty. (Several voices from the right)—VVe
are, then, enemies to liberty—yes,yes, (from
the left, confusion andtumult rc-commence)
—Mr. Aluuucl proceeds—I re.tract nothing ;
I repeat that the party is hostile to liberty.—
(Bruvocs from the left, indignant cries from
the right.) Mr. Castel-Baiac rushes forward
—the President requests him to retire, &.c.
Mr. Benjamin, Constant.—I ask whether
ministers will have the right of keeping those
whom they arrest in secret confinement?—
This question is important, because the citi
zen may emerge from this dreadful state
entirely deprived of his reason. VVe have
had a signal example of this. A general,
who had rendered the greatest services to
his country, and who might still render them,
left his prison insane, lifter being 3 months se
cretly immured, and is still in that condition
Moreover, will ministers be obliged to bring
to trial, at the end of three months, those
whom they will have arrested ? The ex
portation of such trial would diminish th
number of arrests; then they might not a*
ings of the Spanish people, he issued a pro
clamation from Valencia declaring the disso
lution of the Cortes and the Constitution
they had established in 1812. In this decla
ration, he sets up the most extraordinary Si
imaginary accusations against the Cortes,
w hose 14 first act,” he says, “ was to depose,
him, and assume in the name of the nation
the sovereignty; that all the forms ofthe an
cient Constitution had been innovated upon
by them ; that the Democratic principles of
the French Constitution of 1701, had been
copied into a Spanish one ; that the liberty
of the press had been abused to make royal
ty odious; and that all those who opposed
this democratic order of things, had been
persecuted, kc.” He then proceeds to de
nounce the pains of death and treason a-
gainst all who should contravene his sove
reign decree. Eight days after this, he en
tered Madrid, threw the members of the
Cortes into prison, abolished the press and
sent the editors to share the fate of the Cor
tes.
The Inquisition was restored to its func
tions soon after, and the edifying spectacle of
an auto de ft was exhibited to the populace
of Spain iu the nineteenth century. While
Ferdinand was at Valencia, the metropolitan
church of that city implored him to support
the Church, which, they said, had been per
secuted by “ the philosophers of the day,"
to revive the Holy Inquisition, which they
described as “ the crucible for maintaining
pure religion." Ferdinand eagerly seized
the occasion, and this infernal tribunal was
revived in all its vigor. The decree for this
purpose was issued from Madrid on the 21st
of July, 1814, k is certainly one ofthe most
curious state papers of the age. in which we.
live, whether we regard the reasoning upon
which it proceeds, or the monstrous and a-
trocious ri •Sulb
The society of Jesuits, which had been
proscribed and abolished in every Catholic
country in Europe, during the preceding
century, and even by Pope Ganganclli him-
self, was revived by Ferdinand in a decree
dated the 29th May, 1815.
In the meanw bile the most tyrannical per
secution prevailed. Tlie patriots of Spain,
the men who in the council and the field
hud maintained her sinking cause against the.
legions of Napoleon, became tlie peculiar
objects of Ferdinand’s hostility. Many were
sent to the scaffold, and in tlie latter end of
1815, it was supposed that more than 50,000
people were imprisoned on account of politi
cal opinions. Partial and unconnected at
tempts were made at different periods to ef
fect a revolution, hut without success. The
gallant and unfortunate General Porlier fail
ed in Gallucin, September 1615, to rouse the
spirit of freedom in his countrymen, and fell
a victim to the sanguinary vengeance of Fer
dinand. Gen. Lacy in 1818, made a similar
attempt in Catalonia, and fell a victim to the'
saniii insatiable tyranny.
The preceding is tnit a slight sketch nftlio
wrongs inflicted by Ferdinand upon the
Spanish people; wrongs which would.seem
to demand a much more ample atonement
than a mere deprivation of some slig.it
branches of his prerogative. VVe do not
therefore conceive that the Spanish revolu
tion is hy any means consummated. Ferdi
nand is unworthy of power—as a man he is
imbecile k. perfidious, as a king he lias been
cruel and despotic—his entire career indi
cates a confirmed and incurable depravity
of heart, and his crimes against the liberty
and happiness of his subjects render him
justly amenable to their vengeance. B*y
olutions, it has been said, never go back wan .
and, certainly, from the elements ot "n K ‘
this is composed, it cannot be supposed 1
have subsided. Mina, Ballesteros and
roga, are the men who have headed 1 “
revolution, and can repose no faith in the P ‘
mises of a tyrant, who has violated eve J
promise he lias made, and whose f' ,r ,i,r