Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, July 18, 1820, Image 1

Previous Issue Next Issue

Clip Visible Area View Page Text View PDF

Newspaper Page TextSOUTHERN RECORDER. VOX.. I. MILLEDGEVILLE, TUESDAY, JULY 18, 1820. No. 23. PUBLISHED WEEKLY, (ON TUESDAYS) BY S. GRANTIJIM'D Sf R. M. ORME, AT THREE DOLI.ARH, IN ADVANCE, OR FOUR DOLLARS AT THE EXPIRATION OF THE YEAR. Hjt- Advertisements conspicuously inserted at the customary rates. , We had omitted the publication of Mr. Sim- kins' Speech (a member from South-Carolina) in reply to Mr. Cobb upon bis proposed amend ment to the Constitution, from a belie.' that the citizens of this State did not feel any peculiar interest in tho sentiments of that gentleman; but nt the particular request of a subscriber it is now inserted.—editors Recorder. MR. S1MKIN9S SPEECH. The amendment to the constitution proposed by Mr. Cobb, and passed in committee of the whole, was in the fol- lowing words, viz: “No Senator or Representative in the Congress of the United States shall, du ring the time for which he was elected, or within one year thereafter, be ap pointed to any civil office under the au thority of the United States.” The proposition being in the House, and the Speaker rising to put the ques tion without debate, Mr. Simkins, of S. Carolina, said :— Notwithstanding, Mr. Speaker, the a- version of the House to see its precious time consumed in speeches, yet an im perious sense of duty constrains me to call its attention to a measure extraordi nary in its nature and consequences.— Sir, the proposed amendments is bottom ed upon an improper unfounded distrust of the members of Congress : a distrust not warranted by any thing past or pre sent in our legislative history. The proper selection of all officers in the Ex ecutive of the United States depends on a correct and perfect knowledge of the persons to be appointed. This knowl edge, in a country so extensive and di versified as ours, is hard to be obtaiued. How can it be most accurately obtained ? is the true question now to be discussed and decided. My opinion most unequi vocally is, that it can be had with more precision and more certainty from the legislative hall of the nation than from any other quarter whatever. Here eve ry member,is in the eye of the nation, & on its most interesting theatre. Here it is that a man becomes, not only better known, but more perfectly identified with the history, measures, and success of the national government, instituted to secure the prosperity, and promote.the happiness of the whole nation. Here it is that a man’s political principles, ho nesty, and talents, are more thoroughly tested and tried than in any other situa tion ; and here it is that knowledge to see, and experience to enquire the pub lic good, caa be most certainly, usefully, and easily obtained. If the President, in making choice of important officers, not only for his cabi net, but for foreign missions, and a great many other important objects, is cut oft from members of Congress, as the pre sent amendment contemplates, where is he to look, or from what sources can he collect information to direct him ? Can he look to the different State Legisla tures ? If he does, how few' qan he find there who have so pre-eminently distin guished themselves as to be sufficiently known to the President or the nation ? Is he then to rely on the representations ". •• • ? or, i f of factious & partizan newspapers not, on the representations of men equal ly factious & partial, endeavoring to pro mote the views ofsome connexion or per sonal favorite, who may or may not have merit ? Sir, the information obtained in this way would be not only vague and uncertain, but would come often through a stream, so polluted and muddy as to be of a most dangerous character. But it may be said that members of Congress may be appealed to for a his tory of the character and qualifications of those fit to be appointed. Admitted: but this introduces a mischief infinitely more alarming than your amendment can remedy. You compel the President to receive their information, which must often be personal, partial, and some times, of course, unfounded, instead of giving him an opportunity of judging for himself of men immediately in his view, and upon his own responsibility. When a member serves in this body for years, if he has talent and industry, ho must become useful, prominent, and distin guished. He is not only tried in talent but in political honesty and consistency He becomes national property, and the President is driven to no second hand, to no uncertain or doubtful channel, lor character or information. He is enabled to iudge for himself. _ But this is not the only inconvenience in being compelled to receive recom mendations through members of Con gress. You thereby make members par tizans and intriguers for offices for thei personal friends. You increase the ve ry evil your amendment purports to re medy. You contaminate and debase the very source which you affect to pre serve pure. You set the artful and am bitious among the people, to electioneer for members of Congress.to enable them members of Congress to intriguing for offices, that they may promote & ensure their elections. The member from Georgia who pro posed this amendment said, that, in turn ing his attention for a few years back, he found that the Presidents had taken ten or twelve members from the Senate, and perhaps double that number from the House of Representatives, to fill oflices within his gift. Agreed, Sir : and what does the gentleman prove by this ? Has he shewn us that these offices have been disgraced, or theNational Legislature in jured by this course ? Can he say that these offices have not been well filled and their duties faithfully performed't 1 aver that in general this has been the case ; and if he wishes to draw any in ference favorable to this amendment, he ought to have shewn this. It was his du ty to have proved to this body the dan gerous consequences arising from the facts he states. Sir, we have seen no such consequences; nor do 1 believe we ever shall. Intrigues and designs be long more to ambitious men out of Con gress than in it, and many instances could be mentioned to prove this assertion.— Members of Congress are upon their good behavior.beforc the whole nation. They obtain a political standing and cha racter in the eyes of the country, which become sanctioned and consecrated, and this character and standing can only be retained by a steady, honest, and consis tent, political course, and let me tell the house, that the President would lessen, and eventually destroy, his own charac ter, if he did not appoint men of tried pa triotism, unquestionable experience, and distinguished talents. His own reputa tion is identified with that of the officers of his own creation. But, suppose you adopt the amend ment, where will he go for his distin guished officers ? We have already seen that there are very few men whose ta lents are so .exalted, or whose career is so bright as to introduce them to the view of the President, whilst they act in the comparatively narrow compass of a state. He must then resort principally to fiis diplomatic corps in foreign coun tries for his appointments ; and can those who have resided abroad for years, re moved from the habits, political institu tion? and government of their own coun try and who may imperceptibly to them selves have imbibed a slight tinge of fo reign habits and notions, if not princi ples—say is it safe* to confine the Presi dent to those principally, to fill his high est offices ? Sir, I am not disposed to degrade Con gress in the manner this amendment con templates. I have seen often much rea son for admiration of the conduct of ve ry many members ; and so far from this illiberal distrust, I have confidence in the body of which . I have the honor to be a member—I deem the members honora ble and fit for any trust, and th:3 is the theatre on which to try their integrity and usefulness; and permit me to say they will, in proportion to their services here, be more and more fitted for the higher and more honorable ollices, if there are any such. Sir, it may be said that members should fuel a delicacy, in opposing this amend ment, because it goes to destroy their chance for offices. I, for one, feel no such delicacy—1 seek not, nor do 1 ex pect promotion—but, for the good of the nation, I would not coniine the Presi dent in his choices, and, least of all, would 1 cut him off from a body, from its very nature, better calculated to aft ford good officers, than any other. I th^* see no reason for thus disfranchisin members of Congress, and stigmatizing them in the eyes of the nation ; and, Mr. Speaker, permit me to say, that, ifl were compelled either to exclude mem bers altogether, or to choose from among them alone, I would prefer the latter al ternative. It is therefore, I think, evident, that it would be unwise to exclude the Exe cutive from his choice among members of Congress, because they are, from their very situation, better known to the President and the nation. Because their political and moral in tegrity will be more thoroughly tried ; Because they will acquire gicater ex perience and knowledge on a theatre at which almost all men of promise aim ; and Because, by a probation on tins thea tre, men become more national, more attached to, and identified with the con stitution and measures of their govern ment ; and because they become, truth, more truly American. Nashville, June 14. Called legislative session.-— From the best information which can be derived from the expression of public sentiment, the people will probably take efficient measures, during the ensuing session, to lay before the honorable the legislature of Tennessee, the sum of their public and private grievances—with the san-, guine hope of witnessing the administra tion of Justice on a liberal and enlight ened scale, not only as relates to private •« «■* in®! claims north .of l!»e recently «.„b fished boundary between Kentucky and this state, but, more particularly, as has relation to those general and individual pecuniary embarrassments, which, with fatal rnpidity, arc unsettling and destroy ing the fortunes of thousand of our best and most useful citizens. With respect to the measures which the legislature may think expedient to adopt, touching the late adjustment of boundary, and the relief they may con sider it hquitable to extend, to those who conceive themselves unrighteously in jured by that adjustment, we have little to remark. The probability however is, that they will view these subjects, as connected together, in a strong and ex tensive light, and, as having au intimate relation as well to the interests of the whole state, as to those less important ones, which are connected with the claims of individuals. It is highly pro bable also, that they may take into con sideration, the danger of incurring such expenses as must eventually result from the abolition of this boundary, as fixed ; especially, if the question of right shall ever be submitted for decision, to the Supreme Court of the United States.— And, they may also, deem it politically expedient to keep in view, the possibility of our having obtained by the late ad justment, at least as much territory us would be awarded to us by a fiat of the judiciary of the United States—and, that if we should chance to have more( our northern counties, as well as our whole state, would, by a decision unfavorable to us, be thrown, in despite of our best exertions, into something like an irre deemable dilemma, from which all future legislative exertions might be incompe tent to deliver us. But, among the objects which will pro bably engage the best attention of the legislature, it is to be presumed, that pro visions having relation to the pecuniary embarassments of the country, will be among the roost interesting to the com munity ; for, it is a truth, neither to be distorted by misrepresentation, nor lost sight of by indifference, that the derang' ed state of our circulating medium, re quires a most powerful and decisive in terposition,af the hands aftlie legislature. In to the causes of our pecuniary dis tresses, it would be superfluous at pre sent to enquire—it is sullicidiit for us to know, that those distresses exist, and that nothing can alleviate them', hut the exercise of legislative wisdom, and the influence of legislative power. We are industrious people—and we have no thing to do. Wc are an enterpricing people. ; and arc spell-bound, as if by magick, to the threshholds of the jails• In lands, in improvements, and in redun dant productions of the soil, we are&mong the most opulent people on the globe-*- and, we can neither pay ike debts wc owe to each other, nor acquire the means of rendering those taxes which arc essential to the support of government. And, will not the legislature, by any expedient which may be constitutionally within its arbitrium, endeavor to dissolve those next to invisible bonds which fetter our industry enterprize and real wealth— and put to flight this incubus vvhicn op presses the vitals of our country. Various theories have been devised and various expedients resorted- to, by several of the legislatures of our sister states, for obtaining relief from embar rassinents similar to our own ; hut they appear, from what we can understand of their effects, to be greatly inefficient Some of them have resorted to what are generally called stop law9, &o. See.— and others of them have adopted various other expedients to title purpose ; for, it cannot be disguised, that slop laws par ticularly can have no other final effect than that of merely procrastinating the evil day : and that during the interval of their operation, public and private con fidence, must be wholy destroyed. In deed, there are, we think, many objec tions to such laws. A state law, which would chain up suits, could only have an influence on oiirttate, courts—it could not have a bearing at all, on the Uni ted States Judicary—consequently those merchants and others who are indebted in large sums abroad, for property which has been purchased on credit and con sumed by our citizens, could be procec ded against in the United States courts while they themselves would be preclud ed entirely from recovering against their domestic debtors. If, then, the above statement be correct as to facts, and the inferences as drawn be warranted, would not the enactment of such laws as we call stop-laws, be productive of no more than the administration of a kind of left- handed justice. But, what would be the probable ef fect, in the present.dilemma, of a law that would authorize the issuo of three millions of paper from the Treasury, re deemable in four years, bearing an inte rest of 4 per centum per annum ? Sup pose, also, that the unsold lands of the state were pledged as a security -for the validity of such paper, am), that this pa per were loaned oat on landed security for the term of four years, in such por tions as the legislature might think pro general circulation. Would not such measures enable the people to pay their debts to each other, both foreign und do mestic—and also to pay their taxes ?— Would it not also enable the banks to re deem their paper—and gradually to pro ceed to the resumption of specie pay ments? Would not soch an issue put down the shaviug department, by redu cing at once the rate of interest ? But, would not the interest of three millions of dollars, at 4 per centum per annum, give to the Treasury of the state annual ly $ 120,000 : and, of how much utility might this 9um be annually made, in the opening of the navigation of our rivers, constructing public roads and bridges : ind, being instrumental in raising our se minaries of learning above the frozen le vel of private patronage ? This sum might, also, afford the legis- ature the means of doing something for the encouragement and permanent sup port of our manufacturing institutions : especially, as the present peace is not very likely to continue: and, more es pecially, as another war would place us in a more deplorable predicament if pos sible than we were left in by the last one : for, the present stock of foreign goods would soon he exhausted in a com petition between the general govern ment nnd individuals, and the old system ofsiniiggling, piracy, and even running goods, would soon be again resorted td. Whereas, if our manufactories could be suitably encouraged, and protected in time of peace, they would of course be more efficient for the supply of our ne cessary wants in time of war. But, it is 'impossible to enumerate any considera ble portion of the benetits which would arise to the community from the adoption and execution of such a plan as the one above proposed : and, we have no doubt, the legislature will give this subject a depth ofinvestigationcommensurate with its importance to the interests of the community, and the hopes which are en tertained by the people, of its efficiency to do much in redeeming them from their present condition. The Constitution of the United States, indeed, says, in the 10th see. of the 1st article, that “ no state shall coin money —emit bills of credit—or make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in pay ment of debts”—but, after obtaining all the information possible, and from the highest authority within our reach, as to the tiue meaning of the words “ bi{ls of credit,” we are induced to believe them very different from the paper proposed to be issued from the State Treasury as previously mentioned-. We believe, that the bills of credit intended in the Consti tution of the United States, were pre cisely such as are known by English Treasury or Exchequer bills—and, that they differ from the paper proposed to be issued by our Treasury in this—that the English bill had nothing for it» sup port or validity, other than the plighted faith of the. government—whereas, our Treasury paper could have lands pledg ed for its redemption—and, in addition, those who would throw it iuto circulaii on, would pledge real property to the Treasury, or the government, which is the same thing here, for llie ultimate payment of the principle and 4 per cen tum interest. 1 bus, the actual holders of the paper, at the expiration of four years, would look to the government for payment—and the government to those who had originally borrowed on inert* gage. it may be alledged, indeed, that pay mem by the original borrowers, will be as difficult at ilie expiration of 4 years as at any previous period—out, here it must be taken into consideration, that our country would be enriched by four successive crops from the soil, before these paymfuts would have to be made and indeed Uiat during the time, a very material ulieraiion may take place, as respects accession? to our specie circu lation c and, indeed it will be, at any time after the 4 years, within the power of the Legislature to require payments by light instalments, instead of the whole sums at once. And, as respects tfie re demption of its paper by the Treasury there will be little difficulty—as there will be, at its disposal, Bank bills of the best Banks—gold, silver, and lands, the latter of which must be considered as one of the most sable pledges which can be given, for the validity of a paper me dium of currency. We cannot avoid, however, remark' ing in conclusion, that the foregoing ob servations are made, with the greatest deference to the opinions of those who may be better informed on the subjects than we possibly can be—and, that if the preceding essay shall have n tendency to excite due enquiry and public inter' est, we shall rest satisfied, that the re sult cannot be doubted.-Aas/iuihe Whig little sixpenny account of his adventures ; and many a time nnd oft, have we listened with wonder and admiration to tales of the superior prowess and desperate couragu dis played by him, while scouring the const of England and Scotjand, with his little arma ment, during the American Revolution.— But we have never been able to learn more of his real life nnd character, than what is to lie gleaned from tradition, or from the pages of American history, where we believe his name occasionally appears. An opportunity is now presented to the A- merienn public, to avail themselves of a full, authentic, nnd probably excellent history of the life andHransaclions of this brave and ex traordinary man. At the last meeting of the New-York Historical Society, the following extract of a letter from a Lady, (a niece of the hero of whom we are speaking,) dated Edinburg, March 20, 1820, to her corres pondent in this city, was communicated by Mr. Pintard : “ I have still another favor to beg of you. It lias lung been to nie a matter of wonder that America lias never shewn any disposi tion to give to the world a history of those brave men who were the first asserters of her rights, and lo whom she owes that Inde pendence, her sons seem so much disposed to be proud of.—I have in my possession a number of important papers, that belonged to my late uncle, the Chevalier Paul Jones. They consist of his correspondence with Washington, JeO'erson, I)r. Franklin, Adams, the Dyke de la Rochfoucault, La Fayette, and, in fact, with all tho eminent characters connected with the American Revolution.— have either the originals, or else authentic copies extracted fioin tho Records of con gress. These, which a Memoir of his Life, and an account of his Campaign in Russia, will make three large octavo volumes. I have been advised to publish them in Eng land, and would have done so, had money been my object: But they contain some hit ler reflections against the. British Govern ment, which, in that case, it would have been thought necessary to suppress, and of which 1 apprehend the suppression would have essentially injured the work:—iny prin cipal motive for giving them to the world, being to exhibit my uncle’s character in a just point of view. The favor I have to ask of you, is, to let me know if there is any Bookseller in New-York, who would under take to publish them, and what 1 may expect for them., There is one thing, however must be insisted upon, which is, that they are not to be garbled, but are to be plibliblicd just as they are without either adding or diminishing. You will perhaps think me v ry unreasonable to expect you to inform n e, iiat 1 am to get for a work which you have not, to show to the publisher. But under stand me right. 1 do not expect that you will be able, to name a certain sum ; but only that you may, perhaps, after inquiry, have it in your power to give me a hint of what it is probable I might receive. If you will have the goodness to assist me in this affair, the papers shall be sent to your address as you shall direct, and to be disposed of as. you think best, with only this one provision— that they must be published as they arc. The letter was referred to a committee consisting of Messrs. W. L. Stone, /. Pin- tard, and Dr. J. W. Francis, to ascertain, if possilne, whether it would be practicable to publish the Memoirs of the Chevalier Paul Jones in this country, to report the result. We are sensible that the present is a peri od of general pecuniary embarrassment throuhout the country ; and we are sensible also, that the country has been jo overrun with subscriptions, thut many can hardly en dure even the sight of a new proposal. But it does appear to us, notwithstanding these obstacles, that an enterprising Bookseller might undertake tho publication of tins work not only with jierfect safety, but with a fair irospect of realizing a handsome profit.— ?Youi what we have heard of the talents and character of the fair author of the foregoing letter, [who we presume to be the writer of the memoirs,] we have no doubt that, the work will he found highly interesting and valuable. The documents it will contain, must of themselves possess great interest, as containing many curious facts which have probably never been developed, and also the views und feelings of their distinguished au thors, duripg those days of puri! and alarm. It may well he said of Paul Jones, that lie was the farther of our naval glory. And who is there, that does not desire to become fa miliar with the life of the. first American Commander who dared to grapple ship to ship with Albion—who in fact entered the Thames, and assailed the Lion in his den ?— We should suppose that all the officers of our Navy, and in fact all the principal charac ters in the United States, would eagerly pa tronize a work like the one proposed. FROM THE NEW-VORIt STATESMAN It will be seen by an advertisinent in our paper of to day, that Messrs. Fairniau, Rand and Toppan, of Philadelphia, have issued proposals for publishing a very elegant and splendid edition of Washington's LITERARY. FIIOM THE NKW-YOHI, COM. ADVERTISER. PAUL JONES. It is a matter of some surprize, in this age of hook making, that the world has never been presented with an accurate and authen tic account of the life and exploits of this eccentric and chivalrous officer.—In the day3 - 1 per to prescribe, and in this way obtain of out boyhood, wc recollect to have read a Farewell Address to tire people of the United States. The prospectus of (he work is of itself so full, that we feel ourselves unable to add to the arguments in favor of such a publication or to offer any new in duceiueuts to the public to extend to it i liberal patronage. We are highly grutilied to witness an increasing veneration for every thing connected with the American ltevolu lion, and the plans which are from time to time devised lor perpetuating the great e vents, die military and civil achievements, the patriotism and virtue, of what may be styled our Heroic Age. The pen, the pencil mid chissel have already been put in requisl tion, to record the honors and consecrate the deeds of our revolutionary patriots statesmen, and heroes. It is a proud reflect tion that we have artists, who arc capable of executing these j;rcat historical devices in style of elegance worthy of their subject.— Some of the gentlemen engaged in this splen did work have carried the graphic art to i degree of perfection seldom if ever surpassed in any country.—From the whole mass of our historical and literary materials, they could not have selected a more excellent production, around which to throw, the eiv- Fartxoell Address qf Washington.—The GACY OF THE FATHER OF HIS COOIHIf is in every point of view invaluable, and when executed in tho manner proposed, it will pro* Itahly from the most splendid and finished work, that has ever been exhibited in the United States. We hope and trust the pub lishers, will be amply remunerated for the labour and expense or such an undertaking From the Irishman, printed at Btlfast. SPF.ECH OF COUNSELLOR PHILIPS. At Sligo on the Address to the King. VVe have this moment laid down th« Dublin Journal, in which we read thw last speech of this celebrated Irish Bar rister printed by his own authority ; and though there are few men to whose su perior talents, and to whose kind dispo sitions, we were more willing to bear our humble attestation, yet we should bd guilty of a gross abandonment of public duty if w e were to suffer our feelings for the man to intefere between the politician and our country ; or to suppress our in dignation at the sentiments delivered by- Mr. Philips at the late meeting at Sligo, because we have more, than ouce had reason to join in the praises lavishly nnd so justly bestowed by his countrymen ou his former efforts. We confess we did not think it possible that such a mind as that which we conceived Philips to pos sess could have so (alien from the proud and enviable, station in which it has hith erto stood : we did not imagine that a man so qualified to plead the catmc of his country, could ever stoop to the humili ating office of a Poet Lauret, gilding the corruptions of Courts, nnd offering up incense to the power thut despises his homage. What ! to see Chas. Philips reiterating the rhapsodies of Burke, and tuu common place of the Courier! to see Charles Philips flying to the throne and to the altar from the fury of thu re formers, and seeking refuge under the wing of George the Fourth, from the wild democracy of such men as BurJett, and ilobhnuse, and Bcntham ? Surely ! surely ! this is an unworthy office for such a mind ! nnd whence this vvondo- rous transformation ? Unde derivala cla- dei. Are the crimes so bad that the wages of patriotism are no longer wor thy of the lawyer’s ambition ? Have the labors of the patriot been so unpro fitable, that it is considered prudent to turn upon the people, whose breath first warmed him into life ; and to build up on their ruin that solid and substantial livelihood, which no storms < n shake, nor reverie can diminish ? If any man Ireland can point out to us a produc tion more disgusting or more degrading (with the exception of u speech, falsely attributed to Baron Smith, said to be lately delivered to the Mullingar Grand Jury,) we shall feel much obliged to the ingenious inquirer into the natural cu- msitics of the present age. W e greatly lament this sad and dismal falling off— e lament more for the sake of Ireland than of Mr. Philips. But Ireland is no more ! She has ue inducements to hold to her children! The genius she daily brings forth abandons ber; for she no loiiger enjoys the power of rewarding its struggle in the cause—her most fa vored offspring go out on a voyage of dis covery, to find some testing place, no matter where—whether in the bosom of Sidinouth or Cusllcreagh—Grenville or Gray I and we therefore should not won der that Charles Philips is found among the wanderers from his native shore— casting about for seine safe retreat where iu liis old age, be may shelter himself it his children from the storms ufadversity. What will the Irish Bar say to this motley production—this splendid profu sion of balderdash ? W hat will George the Fourth say «o the man who has the front to insult the memory of his father with fulsomeness of panegyric which Al fred or llenry the Fourth would blush to hear ? It is one argument more, in addition to the many we could state, to demonstrate the havoc and desolation which the Union is making on the finest intellects and most brilliant talents our country might boast of. We need not conclude by saying, that if our tear* could obliterate this disgraceful record from the life of Charles Philips, we should give them freely, not more for the sake of an old friend, than for the henor of our common country. FROM THE NATIONAL GAZETTE. SPAIN. We have received a series of Spaish ga zettes (the Constitutional Diary of-Barce lona,) to the 6th of May. They furnish a (Vast to one who takes a lively interest iu tho Spanish revolution. Every thing in thenx denotes national energy, elasticity and re form. Patriotism, talent, knowledge, expe rience, are Bhown to be-all iu full and salutary motion. The system of ecclesiastical dis cipline and administration is under revision, and subjected to various beneficial changes. Royal decrees abouqd, tending to the rege- - Deration of every branch of government and economy, particulary die finances. The most remarkable of these decrees is One of the 24th of April, which ordain^ that—for the purpose of giving the people a knowledge of tlieir rights and duties, and in order that they may be enlightened on these from die very source whence they had been so often deceived—all the parochial curates of the monarchy shall explain to their parishic bellishiueuts of genius and taste, than tho at statedtiourson the Sundays and ho!

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, July 18, 1820, Image 1