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RECORDER.
MILLEDGEV1LLE, TuesdaT, Seftembkr li.
05 s * The resignation of Maj. Freeman
vWalker, as Senator from this State in the
Congress of the United States, has, we are
informed, been received by the Executive.
Steam-Boats, of the kind mentioned
below, we should suppose would answer
Well for navigating the Altamaha, Oconee
and Ocmulgee rivers. Should the Steam-
Boat Company continue to neglect these ri
vers, we hope to See the business commenc
ed by others—the cost of fitting out a boat,
If not underrated in the estimate here made,
will be no seriouB obstacle.
It has been proposed, in Camden, (S.
C.) if sufficient support can be obtained,
to have a Steam-Boat built, at Baltimore,
to ply between Camden and this city.—
The boat to be 90 feet on deck, 23 feet
beam, and 4 1 -2 or 5 feet in (he hold ; a-
bout 70 tons burthen, and to draw from
24 to 30 inches water. The cost of
which, including an engine of 40 horse
power, outlie principle of Messrs. Da
vis, Owen and Brown’s patent vibratory
engine, it is estimated will not exceed
J 10,000.—Charleston Courier,
FOR TIIE SOUTHERN RECORDER.
TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA.
No. IV.
Liberal as “ the Trio” have been in the
dispensation of their censures on most of
the distinguished mer.Sers of the republican
party, they seem to have aimed their hea
viest denuneiations at the President and Se
cretary at War. As to the President, his
reputation and character have been the
growth of too long a course of public ser
vice—they have stood the test of loo many
trying periods, and become identified with
too many eventful scenes of our history, to
be aflVcted by the calumnies of the factious,
or the arts of the designing. The unani
mous voice of a grateful country, speaks his
vindication. The ungenerous, unprovoked,
and unfounded attack which “ the Trio”
have made upon him, has already excited
the indignation of the people. There are
peculiar circumstances in the situation
of Mr. Monroe, calculated to inspire us
with the warmest and kindest feelings of
attachment towards him. The fire ofhis
youth, the vigor of his manhood, and the
matured experience of his ago, have all been
devoted to the service of his country. A-
midst the dismal and bloody scenes of the
Revolution, he stood firm by the side of
Washington—in the subsequent, agitations
of party, he has been the associate Si fiiend
of Jefferson—in the most portentous and
alarming crisis of the late war, to rescue his
country from her embarrassment, he, with a
noble disinterestedness, descended from a sta
tion of safety and honor, to one covered
with the warning wrecks of his predecessors;
and when elevated to the executive chair,
bis national, erect, and independent course
of policy, secured the.approhation of all par
ties, and the voice of faction was heard no
more. He has recently been re-elected
President by the unanimous voice-'of a
grateful people. The period is fast approach
ing w hen he will retire from his exalted sta
tion—when the last venerable monument of
revolutionary virtue, that we shall probably
ever behold in the executive chair, will leave
it vacant for another generation. This is
surely not an occasion for the rancorous feel
ings of calumny and detraction. Under
these circumstances, one would suppose no
virtuous man would charge Mr. Monroe
with corruption, or ascribe the independent
expression ofhis sentiments to the tact, that
he had no further favor to ask of the people.
Rather let us say, that when all the tempta
tions of power have passed away, and the
venerable patriot is about to leave a theatre
Jn which he has so long acted for the good
ofhis country ; we should impress his senti
ments on our memories, as we have already
done the valedictory admonitions of the fa
ther of his country !
Rut against the Secretary at War, 11 the
Trio” have shewn the greatest hostility.
Though they admit his talents to lie of a su
perior order, they directly implicate his mo
tives and political character. They ascribe
his independent, manly, and fearless conduct
in relation to the reduction of tile army, to
a corrupt desire to preserve the patronage
ofhis office, and assert, that though lie wa
once “a red hot democrat,” lie lias at pre
sent no political character. Attacks from
the same quarter, upon this amiable man
and distinguished statesman, have not been
rare for the two last years. They have, in
deed, been so systematic and persevering,
that the.v would seem to result from some
powerful motive. Perhaps envy of his high
mid rising reputation, and jealousy of his ex
tended popularity, may have something to
do with it. I know he cannot be ambitious
of newspaper eulogy, nor solicitous of its de
fence. IBs political march has been too lof
ty—liis fame rests upon too broad a basis
and is perpetuated by too many monuments
to need such equivocal testimony. And I
must apologize to him for this notice, by stat-
must apologize l -
ing that I consider it the duty of every ho
nest citizen to repel unjust and unfounded
slanders uttered against a faithful and devot
ed public servant. The character of a pub
lic man is public property, in the preserv ati
on of which, we are all interested. And il
in the performance of this duty, what 1 may
nay. may have the appearance of eulogy, it
must be remembered that it is impossible to
defend n public man against the assaults of
calumny, without doiog justice to his c ha
racter, and bestowing the praise winch ran-
not be separated from the necessary investi
gation of facts. Under »uch circumstances,
eulogy can be offensive to no one—but on the
contrary, indignation will be turned against
those whose slander has made it necessary.
A minute examination of Mr. Calhoun’s
political course, which, from the decision
and active ton« ofhis character, is full of ma
terials, would constitute Ins best defence—
Rut as the occasion will not admit of such a
detail, I must be confined to general results
I have been a pretty (attentive observer of
tiiq conduct of public men sjncf thq com
mencement of (he Lie wiir—and from the
promiii* nt and conspicuous figure which
Mr. Calhoun has made in that interesting
portion of our history*, Ids career, striking
and impressive to the a hole country, could
not of course escape me. As the result then
of a careful and cautious examination ami
comparison, I assert without the four of con
tradiction from any one, who will make him
self acquainted with the facts, that no pub
lic man has appeared in the councils of the
country during the period referred to, whose
course from first to last, has been more uni
form, candid and virtuous. The bold and
indignant energy with which he urged his
country to vindicate her rights, and avenge
her wrongs, in the various discussions which
arose relative to the late war; the^agaeily
he Iia3 evinced in pointing nut the permanent
policy of tho country, and his open,candid, fc
independent conduct in sustaining that policy;
give him a standing deservedly high in thn af
fections and confidence of the American peo
ple. The whole country can hear testimo
ny of the wisdom and energy with which ho
has acted in every situation. Zealously and
devotedly attached to tho principles of our
republican system, he seems to look forward
to the most splendid national destinies, and
like the patriots of ancient Rome, in the dark
est moments of adversity, he never despairs
of the republic! He is not one of those
statesmen whg maintains his popularity by
floating with tile tide, or regulates his course
by a wary and cautious anticipation of the
“ shiftings of the popular gale." His course
has been positive, direct, and self-contrnled.
On all the great measures involved in the po
licy of the country, his principles are fixed
and kndwn to the nation ; and with those
principles lie seems to have made up liis
mind to stand or fall. In fact, if he is charge
able with any fault in this respect, it is the
inflexible firmness with which he. adheres,
regardless of present popularity, to the sys
tem of politics, with which his public life
commenced. When the good of the coun
try has required it, like Mr. Monroe, “ he
lias never feared, nor ever shunned, making
appeals to the virtue and patriotism of the
people,” Disdaining to inquire whether the
blessings of a free government are worth the
expence of preserving tlie.m, he has firmly
and with confidence called upon the people
tii make sacrifices, when sacrifices were ne
cessary. Not forgetting that the U. States
is the only established republic on earth, and
that the great powers of Europe are avow
edly hostile to republican principles, lie has
on all occasion^ acted upon the principle,
that it is tlie solemn duty of the government
to call forth its undoubted power, and stea
dily prepare to meet those exigencies, to
which it is the inevitable lot of every nation
to be exposed. Though separated from Eu
rope by a wide ocean, he knows that from
the improved state of navigation, the dis
tance may be overcome in a short time, and
at a small expence: so that notwithstanding
this groat barrier of nature, the (into may-
come when all our power 8* allour patriot
ism must be called forth to preserve all that
can-he dear to freemen. With theseimpres-
sions, deeply impressed hy the incidents of
the late war, il is not surprising that the mea
sures of national policy which he. deems ex-i
pedient, should not entirely correspond with
those of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison, hut
more nearly resemble those of Gen. Wash
ington and Mr. Monroe. That there is no
contradiction between a wise and energetic
course of policy, and the most devoted at
tachment to freedom, I need only appenl to
the example of the two venerable patriots,
whose names I have just mentioned. Sup
ported by such high authority, Mr. Calhoun
may well contemn the calumnies of the en
vious and designing. I will conclude with
some general remarks by which “ the Trio”
may profit, if they are wise enough to im
prove them. Although their numbers bear
unequivocal marks of a deliberate choice
of the position they have assumed—yet I
cannot believe that the Secretary of the Trea
sury has determined to rest his hopes of fu
ture advancement upon the grounds which
“ the Trio” have selected for him. I cer
tainly do not entertain a very exalted opt
rtion, either of the genius or the judgment
of the Secretary—hut I cannot suppose him
to be 60 utterly destitute of both, as to place
his claims to’ public favor upon a ground
for him so utterly untenable. And I will
here remark, that “ the Trio,” by associat
ing the name of Mr. Crawford with the stan
dard of democratic principles, so different
from any tiling that we have seen in hispid
lie life—have excited, already, suspicions in
the minds of many, that his partizans are cn
deavoring to connect bis name with different
principles in different places, accordingly a
the one or the other will best suit Hie pre
vailing taste. I cannot believe that Mr,
Crawford would, by putting forth his claims
for the Presidency, have challenged at this
early period, a rigid scrutiny into bis qualifi
cations. Not to insist on liis being a mem
her of the administration thus unjustly Hi
lacked, and I hereby exposed to the imputa
tiuu already made by some, of secret liosti
lity and opposition to the President, it is ob
vions that lie cannotoccupy the position iin
prudently pointed out to him, without com
ing in conflict, not only with the administra
lion and the republican parly qenernlly, but
what is worse, with himself. Without strong
proof, therefore, I cannot believe be will at
tempt to occupy grounds so injudiciously
selected. _ _ .
By the zeal of imppivident friends, I pre
sume it is, that he. lias been thus nukwardly
introduced to the polls of the Union, as
candidate for the highest office in the gift of
the people. Public men thus exposed to
the officimisness of indiscreet friends, are
rather to be pitied than censured. Under
this impression, I will not enter into a scru
tiny of Mr.Crawford’s qualifications to guide
the high destinies of this country—yet as an
admonition to “the Trio,” I will inform
them,that I have examined the subject with
some care, and am ready to maintain w hen
necessary, that no candidate since the com
mencement of our government lias been
brought forward for that high office, whose
qualifications, if judged by the only certain
test, liis arts, so little entitled him to success.
I am ready to follow Him from the com
mencement of his career in this state, to the
present hour, and shew hy the unequivocal
evidence of facts, the truth of tny assertion.
But it is very remote from my desire to em
bark insucli a discussion, and I will only do
so, if driven, as in the pieseot instance, to
act on tho defensive. There is time enough
FOR THE nfiCOROER.
THE " TRIO" TO THE PUBLIC.
We feel ourselves most lehietantly com
pelled to make our reappearance before the
public. We make It not for the purpose of
eoinmeneing a new series—but for explana
tion on ono or two points. We have felt
ourselves both pleased and surprised at the
notice whieli has been taken of our “ Pros
pect.” We have been pleased, because we
are flattered with the hope that we have suc
ceeded in awakening public attention to,
(what was already much wanting in the U.
States) a re-examination of the fundamental
principles of the government—those prin
ciples which are the pillars of the splendid
fabric of the constitution of these confede
rated states ; “ the principles of the revoluti
on.Yes—*We repeat it; “ the principles of
tho revolution.” We will not relinquish
these words, because of the sneers of the ca-
iller. These principles we are anxious to
praservo from the hands of tho spoiler, be
the consequence what it may. As thought
Mr. Jefferson in 1801, so we still think, that
“these principles form the bright cnnstella-
“ tion which has gone before us, and guided
“ our steps through an age of revolution and
" reformation. The wisdom of our sages,
and blood of our heroes have been devot
ed to their attainment. They should be
the treed of our political faith—the text of
civic instruction—the touchstone by which
to try the services of those wt trust.” And
with liim, as we have once before said, we
think that “should we wander from them
in moments of error,” (mark, error—and
w hat have We done but pointed to these er
rors?) “or alarm, let us hasten to retrace
onr steps, and to regain the road which alone
leads to peace, liberty and safety.”
Whatever may have been our success in
the publication of*ur essays, it was at least
our intention to snew what those principles
were—not for the purpose of defending
them; we hoped this was as yet unnecessa
ry—but to pave the way for their re-adopti-
on, hy re-calling their beauties to view. In
doing so, we haveappsaled to every undoubt
edly authentic document upon which we
could lay our hands, either by the aid of me
mory or research. What those documents
are, the public already know. It will not be
denied, that for more than twenty-five years
last, two political parties have existed in the
United Slates, under the denominations of
Republicans and Federalists, or according
to the vocabulary of some, of Democrats and
Aristocrats—and we presume it is equally
undeniable, that these parties were divided
hv a radical and essential difference in prin
ciples. We have none of that mock modes
ty which would lead us to deny what we
shall always be proud to acknowledge, that
we have ever belonged to the former. So
did most of those to whom the legislation
and the execution of the laws of the country
are yet entrusted. We believe seriously
that there had been a departure from the
“ creed of political faith” professed by the
republicans in 1801, and which departure
we also believed to lie as dangerous to
“ peace, liberty and safety” now, as it would
have been then. In expressing this depar
ture, and pointing to its inevitable conse
quences, in the “ Prospect before Us;” con
sequences equally near at hand now, a* in
1798-0 ; it became necessary first to show
whatthnt “creed” teas, and what were its dis
tinguishedcharacteristics from that professed
hy the Federalists, the aristocratic tendency
of which no Republican once attempted to
deny. Now we would solemnly enquire, if
these principles were not such as we have de
fined them, and, (provided any credit is to be
given to it), such as the evidence we have
produced represents them to have been,
what were they, and to what must we. appeal,
to come at a knowledge of them ? And we
as solemnly invoke those who have perse
vered in this faith, to tell us whether we
have misrepresented them, and wherein P—
Let it be recollected, that the period of 1301
-2 is that to which wc have always advert
ed, as being the one in which they flourished
in most luxuriance, and in which their salu
tary effects were most visible. From that
time to the present day, scarcely a year has
past, in which some robbery has not been
committed upon their ripening fruits, or
some destruction upon their spreading
brandies, until their sturdy trunks alone are
left as naked, hut durablu monuments of
their former grandeur.
To rake these holy principles from the
rubbish in which they were hidden, was on
ly a part of our oliject. We wished also to
shew who had thus defaced and buried them
benealh thetrash of modern policy ; to shew
by whom they had been thus violated, or
neglected, In the hope that they would ertim
hie tn dust by their own oxyuation. Fool
ishliope! Diamonds lose not thus readily
their sparkling lustre! Though they may
.lie sunk so deep, as that nought but a con
vulsion in nature can heave them again to
the surface, yet will they be precious—yet
will their dazziin* splendors fascinate our
delighted eyes.
In this task, arduous arid respon«ible as
we knot* it to be, it was utterly impossible
to refrain from adverting to the several d
partments of the government, and to the per
sons who may have filled them since the
year 1802. We felt the delicacy of our si
tuation, and hud prepared to encounter tin
shafts of the numerous hordes of adverse
lies, (for we knew every man upon whom
our censures were bestowed had his clans
incn)that would at oticc be poured upon our
feeble forces. But some have appeared that
we did not expect.
An idea seems to be in a course of indus
trious circulation, that our principal aim is
directed against the executive, admiuistrati
on of the United Slates. Such at least i
round assertion by those who have snatched
their “ grey goose quills” in a puny War
gainst us. To this charge we can only re
ply by a flat denial. We utterly disclaim a
ny such intention, and appeal to the who!
dy of mu - essays to support us. On the
nest, quite as republican, and bio errfcd’as
seldom as cither of the others.
vet to agitate the subject of tho next l’resi
(initial election. No candidate ought to bo
forced in, the public by the arts, either of
puffing or of intrigue. It is not the candidate
whose claims are most urged on the people
but the one best qualified, that will be chosen.
The people will come to a just conclusion, will suliic*.
bv silent reflection on the political acts of] to charge th
In
contrary, we do aver that we have not with
held the mirror from the faces of any, in any
department, whether Legislative, Judicial,
nr Executive, who had sinned, hut have faith
fully exposed tile deformities of all, sn far as
our evident limits, and the general design of
our labors permitted. In the outset we said
wo should do so. In every instance, we have
endeavored to specify what department, nr
wlmt individuals in that department erred ;
and in ins instance arc we sensible of having
labored to fix upon one department or indi
vidual. the aberrations of another, where a
participation by word or deed was not no-
tol'ious. To our candid readers, (and we
know it would be ns well to address the
n inds as any others,) we hope this avowal
will suffice. ’ It never entered our thoughts
e executive with the errors of
without producing unv sensible effect upon executive department, whether consider.,.
the popular choice* A1USTIDES. 1 a: to :U iicids or its atjvuexs, is quite ua ho
We said in the early part of the present
remarks, that we had not only heen pleased,
Uni surprised, at the notjee taken of our es
says. This surprise proceeds from an alle
gation made from more quarters than one,
(or else we had not noticed it) that our es
says point to the next Presidential election,
and were intended lo promote the particular
views of the Secretary of the Treasury, who
is the great “ magician” by whom our
movements nre directed. At this charge,
our surprise is great ;—not because there is
the least foundation in truth for it, for we do
not hesitate in giving it a most peremptory
contradictinn; but because we cannot per
ceive from what portion of our numbers
heretofore published, surh an opinion cntild
have been formed, witlioutsucli a perversion
of our evident meaning, as would have been
plain to the eyes of folly itself. Surely it
cannot, ha founded upon the fact, that we
pointed him out ns a leader in legislative u-
surpation, while in the Senate, in advocating
the charter of the Bank of the United Stales?
nor yet upon our censures, (not slightly made'
we thiak) upon Mr. Monroe's “ republican
cabinm,” of which he lias always been a
member ? We are not sensible of having
spared hint upon any subject upon which his
opinions were known In differ from ourojvn.
If we have not noticed every instance of a-
berration in him, so neither have we in Mr.
Monroe or Mr. Calhoun, or even Mr. Jeffer
son or Mr. Madison. Had we noticed all
the cases of political heresy which have
sprung up within the last twenty yeurs, we
could have swelled our numbers into a vo
lume. Or can this charge proceed front our
expressed belief that liis backslidings have
been less numerous than those of other mem
bers of the cabinet, by which we mean the
hpads of executive departments, exclusive
of thn President himself? We did think so
—and we yet think so ; and cannot admit
that such an opinion should prove us to lie
his tools, or his especial friends. Can wc
not think that one man is less vicious, or loss
liable to error than another, without being
tied to his interests ? Surely, surely—Of
two scoundrels, we might think one had
committed fewer atrocities than the othel*,
hut we hope this would not lie accounted
conclusive evidence of our friendship or de
votion to either. We do think Mr. Craw
ford a man of fine mind, honest intentions,
and general correct conduct, and every body
knows he has been frequently mentioned ns
a candidate for the Presidential chair. But
wealso think that he has notoriously departed
from the republican principles of 1801 upon
the subject of the Bank charter, Stas a mem
ber of the cabinet, we suspect he liasconeur-
red in other measures for which we have tak
en the liberty to blame the President.
We apprehend, however, that the remark
of ours which is most offensive is, that we
viewed him as the “ oaly prop of democra
tic republican principles in the executive
cabinet.” If the meaning which we give to
the term “ Cabinet,” is taken into considera
tion. we cannot discover how we are holding
up the Secretary of the Treasury as being
opposed to the President or liis administra
tion. While Messrs. Jefferson and Hamil
ton belonged to general Washington’s cabi
net, waB not the first considered us the prop
of republicanism, and the other of federal
ism in that cabinet ? This every body
knows. But was it therefore supposed that
Mr. Jefferson was inimical to the President,
or that the latter did not have complete con
fidence in the former? How does it happen
thAt this expression, then, is so criminal in us,
when it would not he, and indeed teas not
criminal to use it in relation to Mr. Jeffer
son ? At the time we wrote, our idea was
simply this, and nothing else, that the Secre
tary of the Treasury approached hearer to
the republican standard of corrret principles,
than tile Secpetary of State or Secretary of
War, and as the Lord is our witness, so we
yet think. But when we uttered this opini
on, we ourselves had no idea that wc were
electioneering for a favorite.
But we nre Very ready to acknowledge,
that in the use of the expression quoted, we
were guilty of an error. Wo make this ac
knowledgement from no conviction of hav
ing done any injustice to Mr. Adams nr Mr.
Calhoun, (of whom our opinions remain un
changed, notwithstanding the sickening eu
logies lavished on them by their friends,) but
because of the disrespect which might well
he implied in us to another individual ofthe
cabinet, who for aught that we ever heard
ofhis opinions or conduct, eftnhot lie charg
ed with having forsaken any principles he
ever professed. We allude to Mr.Thomp
son who presides over the Navy department
with so much dignity and ability, and with
sneti general satisfactinn.(l) To him then,
we also look as another “ prop of democra
tic republican principles in the cabinet,” as
yit. It was wrong in us not to have except
ed him in our original essays, arid we have
made iliis candid acknowledgment as tin*
only atonement in our power, for an omissi
on which was*mnre the result of forgetful
ness than irltentio'n.(J)
But wc have another ground upon which
lo repel this charge in relation to the Secre
tary of the Treasury—and that is, its extreme
absurdity. There is not before the world
the slightest evidence of the want of cordi
ality and perfect confidence between tlie Pre
sident and that officer. Now can it ho sup
posed that we could promote any views of
the latter by attempting to destroy that con
fidence, or that lie would thank us for any
such attempt ? l ines lift not hold l.is office
at the will of tlie President, and ran he gain
any tiling hut dismission, by being represent
ed as inimical to him ? Can any mati be
lieve; that liis dismission would not tie the
most serious obstacle that could be thrown
in the way of bis success ? or that wc are
so wanting in all judgment as to belieVe that
it would not ? Indeed if we were acting in
sorb humble subservience to his wishes, our
course would have been precisely the re
verse of (hat we have pursued, for a greater
injury we could not do him, Ilian to place
him in opposition to the chief of the admi
nistration to whose council lie belongs.—
This is n emieliision so obvious to any mnn
who will bestow a moment’s reflection upon
it, that vve a re confident it will acquit us from
a charge which could only spring from a
suspicious mind predisposed by a sense of
guilt, to asriibe unworthy motives lo ail o-
llicrs. To ourselves it was so plain, that vve
never dreamed, that our remarks would af
ford ground for such an accusation. We
have spoken of the Secretary of the Treasu
ry as vve have of other public characters,
that is, delivered ouv sentiments without re
serve. If indeed there are other departures
from old and approved republican principles
of which he lias heen guilty, and which we
have not noticed, in the name of Heaven,
pack them on him—ami if lie cannot bear
himself up under their weight, let Inin sink ;
and iike Armstrong, be forgotten. We con
tend for the principles of 1801, and the man
who approaches nearest to their standard,
shall be tut man of our choice, bo tic who
he may, Wefi^vono shield fnrnpostncy.
To deny that ivc thought ofthe next Pre
sidential election while preparing our essays,
is not nur Intention. Wc did think of il—
and with no little solicitude. But vve had
no favorite whose claims we wished to urge,
and a premature discussion upon this topic
vve had no idea of forcing. The only evi
dence we shall give of the honesty of this as
sertion is a declaration, that others may dis
cuss it if they choose—IVc shall not.
It may be expected that we should reply
to some of the numbers written against us,
otherwise than wo have. Indeed we shall
not. It would be a poor business in us to
be answering arguments, every one. of which,
vve had antiripated in our first essays, and
there given them all the answer they de
served.
NOTH.
(1) Mr. Thompson lias not been long engag
ed in political llt«, and since lie commenced
liis career, no event has happened to test his
Intellectual sirength. Fame has ascribed to
him talents of tlie most respectable order, and
undoubted integrity mid capacity for the stati
on lie now fills. He has been known as a re*
publican from the days of the “ reign oftorror"
to the present time. In the state of NewYork,
of which we believe he is a native, he for ma
ny ypars discharged the duties of a Judge of
one of the highest courts, with unblemished re
putation, anil uninfected by the ungovernable
political innnia so generally characteristic of
those fillihg official stations in that state.—
We have never heard of his having forsaken kis
early political principles ; certain it is we have
hcnrdfroin him no childish whining on account
of the late reduction of the annual appropriati
on for the increase ofthe navy—but if our me
mories do not deceive us, we think we have
somewhere seen a letter of Ids published during
thn ln«t session of Congress, from which vve
wore induced to believe that tho reduction was
made, if not ii|ion his recommendation, at least
with his licnrty concurrence. So far his con
duct has our uufeigned approbation, und we
sincerely hope lie will persevere in the course
in which ho has commenced, lint yet we fear.
It seems to us that these high federal offices are
attended with a curse. The individuals ap
pointed tn them scent speedily to find, and gree
dily to swallow somo I.cthcan draught, destruc
tive to the memory of old principles
(2) It might he expected that we should also
notice Mr. Will, the Attorney Cencral. We
believe that vve have already pointed to him as
the most correct delcniator of the distinctions
fur which the United States’ cnmmisstonrw
were to Imvc paid Uiu Georgia claims in tl.n
mime manner, arn! to the same amount, as
irovided for in the present Treaty, and ti*
iav» paid tS or g SO,000. This tract of
country falls but little short in extent, and Is*
said to he superior in fertility to the one ob
tained. By its acquisition, the claims of our
citizens would have been settled, the com
munication between the Creeks and Chero-
kees would have been cut off, and the wishes
of the general government ns expressed in the
instructions to Iter commissioners, accom
plished for nlimit one half the sum to be paid
for the cession obtained, and without the ex
penditure of one cent by the State of Georgia
Let any man take n map of the country
and compare the two tracts of territory—let
him consider the price to be given (pr each,
and the advantages to be derived from sepa
rating the two nations of Indians from each
other, and f do not hesitate to pronounce,
that-he will say with the twelve members of'
the Legislature who signed the Protest, that
the expenditure was an unnecessary and usee
less waste of the public money. I pledge
myself to the public, thatif any person cornea
forwsrd openly and denies these facts, and
calls on me for the proof, I am prepared anA
willing to prove them.
IIONESTUS.
The Editors ofthe Augusta Chroni
cle, who huve published by “ request,” from
a Savannah paper, an ill-written pifee signed
Draper, will do an act of justice, (If justice*
he their object,) by republishing from ano
ther paper of that city, n much better pro
duction in reply, over the signature of Junius#
ITT* The communication from “ A Cottom
Planter of Jasper," will be cheerfully published
when the name of the writer is furnished. Thes
propriety of this course must, we think, be ob
vious to our correspondent.
between republican and federal principles —
Mr. Wirt cun scarcely be considered “ a mem
ber *'f Ibe cabinet," though nominally so in vir
tue of bis office, inasmuch us we hnve learned
from a satisfactory sourre, he seldom ventures
into their discussions, unless upon a point in
which the aid of one “ learned in the law" is
required. This conduct we presume has been
customary with all his predecessors.
Mr. Wirt is not a great man, and vve believe
ho puls too jmt an estimate upon his own ca
pacity to aspire to that character. In tlie in
vestigation of a subject of any intricacy^, such a
man as Mr. Jefferson would he lastinglhesweets
of its kernel, while Mr. Wirt Would yet he nib
bling at its rind. He is very respectable as a po
lite scholar, Venn write a good speech, abetter
biographical sketch, and a still better literary
essay, but above these he ought never to nt-
teinpttosonr In the latter branch ofcotnpo-
sttion, he distinguished himself as long ago as
I8u2—3, iu the publication of his letters of the
“ British Spy.” In the following fortunate
guess, (wc would if with truth we could call it
prophecy) an envious beiug might be tempted
to found Mr. Wirt's present official elevation-
hut such an insinuation would be doing equal
injustice to Mr. Monroe end Mr. Wirt, both of
vviium vve believe too honest (men tnny be ho
nest and not great) either to give or accept of*
lice on account of any such youthful adventure
of opiuioo. In drawing the character of Mr.
Monroe, then Governor of Virginia, he ohserv.
cd, “ As the elevuted ground he already holds,
has been gained merely by the dint of applicati
on; as every new step which he mounts becomes
a mean of increasing bis powers still farther hy
opening a wider horizon to his view, audthus
stimulating his enterprise afresh, reinvigoraling
his habits, multiplying the materials, and ex
tending the range of his knowledge, it would
be no matter of surprise to me, iff before his
dentil, tlie world should see him at the head ofthe
American administration.” The whole charac
ter is well drawn, and afford) evidence that the
writer observes human nature to advantage.
A general opinion seems to be entertained
that Air. Wirt is eloquent in liis professional
speeches. This is u mistake He who goes
icto Court to hear Mr. Wirt under the hope of
being delighted by bis eloquence, will bo most
egregiously disappointed, lie may be occasi
anally pleased, sometimes entertained, mid up
oiv some important subject, it inay be, interest
id', but he will never be charmed. Mr. Wirt
bus noun of Hint admirable Combination of
manner ami voice, and look, and style of dc
livery 90 necessary to enchain the attention of
tlie bearer, spell bound in rapturous crstacy.
lie is called a republican—Mr. Jefferson
thought him such, and we ure disposed to be
lieve him so. In his rule uf construing the
constitution, however, wo fear him. His pre
sent office lie has filled in a manner to defy cen
cure, if not to ultract very great applause.
O’ We arc authorized to announce Malcosc
G. Wilkinson, a candidate for tlie Senatorial
branch of i lie Legislature at the ensuing elections
for Baldwin County.
September 11 31—2t
Attention Governor’s Guards !
IL/’ THE committee of arrangements will at
tend at (be Counting-room of Messis. Crenshaw
nnd Barrow, or Friday evening next, at 3 o'
clock, U at the Court bouse on Saturdny, at lO
o'clock, a. m. for the purpose of receiving uni
forms.
The election for officers will take place at
the Court-bouso at 3 o'clock,) - m.oii Saturday
the 16th instant.
N. B. A sufficient quantity of Leopard skia
for Hie whole company having heen purchased
in New-York, members of the company will b*
received without that article.
September 10.
J UST received by the Boat Mercury froa
Darien,
1 Trunk first quality Irish Linnens,
1 do. halt pieces do do
1 Case do Irish Sheeting),
1 do fine Silk Umbrellas,
14 Boxes Port Wine,
1 do containing 9 dos. Proof Glasses,
2 do do 20 doc. Pint do.
0 Ton Sweedt Iron,
10 Bbl. Muscovado Sugar,
10do Mackerel.
ON HAND.
180 Bbl Rye Whiskey,
30 do N. Gin,
6 Boxes first quality Madeira Wine,
2 Bales Oznaburght,
6 Kegs Virginia Tobacco.
For sale by
Bept. 4 31—31. A. ROSSETER.
Received from New-York,
400 gallons Linseed Oil;
100 do Spermaceti do. ;
73 kegs London ground White Lead;
£6 do Spanish Brown;
6UI) lbs. Whiting; 300 lbs. Glue ;
20 boxes Window Glass;
lo do Spermaceti dandles ;
2 casks Lampblack;
6 gallons Copal Varnish ;
4 packs Gold Leaf; 2 do. Cilver do.
10 lbs. best Spanish Indigo ;
A general assortment of DRY PAINTS and
Paint Brushes.
On Consignment,
2 cases DOMESTIC GOODS. The whole
may be bought low for cash.
A. ROSSI. TER.
September 10. 31 tf
Notice is hereby given,
T HAT three notes, one for five hundred dol
lars, ono for sixteeu dollars, dated in Sep
tember 1817, due sixty days after date, and
another dated some time afterwards, for eight
dollars, all made by the subscriber to Samuel
Beaty, of Laurens county, are fully settled.—
Persons wishing to cscajie bad bargains, will not
fur Tttr. southern nf.coRDF.il. purchase said notes, as 1 never will pay them
TO THE CITIZENS OF GEORGIA. again, unless I am unjustly compelled by law
I have always believed there is no people to do so. They are now in the hands of Lott
in the Union better qualified to form correct
opinions on all political subjects, than the
people of Georgia, provided ihey are in pos
session of all the information connected with
the subjects to be considered. But unhap
pily, such has been the excitement of party
li-clings among us fyr some years past,
that w hnnever a subject of much importance
has occurred, the facts connected with it,
have been either entirely suppressed, or if
laid before the people, a false and improper
colouring have been given to them, in order
to answer some party purposes. This re
mark is peculiarly true in relation to the ex
penditure hy the Georgia commissioners in
the late Treaty with the Creek Indians, a-
botif Which so much has been said and writ
ten. It seems to be admitted on all hands,
that in obtaining this Treaty, the tltm uf thir-
Uui thousand eight hundred dollars has been
drawn from the Treasury of the State. It
has been said on one side, that this draft on
the Treasury was unconstitutional', illegal,
and unnecessary. On the other side, it has
heen contended, that it was not unconstituti
onal—that it was authorized by a resolution
of the Legislature, and that it was not unne
cessary Imcuuse the lands could not have been
obtained without il. I shall not enter into a
discussion ofthe two first uf these questions,
because the people have the constitution and
the resolutiouof the Legislature before them;
they are both written in plain English Ian
guage—they can read and judge for them
selves. But with regard to the last questi
on, to wit, whether there was any necessity
for this expenditure, 1 beg leave to submit
to the public a plain statement of facts, by
which it will appear, that n large cession of
land might,hake been obtained,'and the
claims of our citizens adjusted without the.
appropriation of a single cent from the Trea
sury of the Ntate. The facts are these—the
Indian Chiefs did propose to cede the tract
of country lying between the Cherokee boun
dary U the following line, viz—beginning at
the mouth of tlicTaualiga creek, up thatcreek
to where McIntosh's road crosses it, alspg
that road to the Chataboochie, thence a doe
west course, or nearly to, to thcCoosqrivty^
Warren, esq. attorney ut law, for collection, in
the name of Eleanor Beaty.
R. \V. W. WYNNE.
Fnlnski county, Aug. 30, 1821. 31—3t.
NOTICE.
A LL persons indebted to the estate of James
Hardin, late of Twiggs county, are here
by required to come forward and make imme
diate settlement, and those having demands a-
guin)t the said estate, will present them proper
ly attested for payment.
JOSEPH AtOflGAN, Ex'or.
September 1. 31 3t.
NOTICE.
jVTJNE months afterdate, applicRtipnwill be
i. 1 made to the honorable Inferior court of
Laurens county, when silling for ordinary pur
poses, for leave to sell the real and personal
estate of Benjamin Smith, of said county dec'll
- for the benefit of the creditors, heirs uud dis
tributees of said Smith.
HARDY GRIFFIN,
Qualified Ex'or1
September 11, 1821. ra9m.
G EORGIA, Baldwin county.
Wiiakkas David H Hill sad Elizabeth
Hill apply for letters of administration on tbo
estate of Hubert H. Hill, late of this county de
ceased—and
Whereas Samuel Brown applies for letters of
ndminilration on the estate of Geo. R. Moore a
late of this county dec'd ;
These ure therefore to cite and admonish all
and singular the kindred and creditors of saiA
dec'd, to be and appear ut my office within thw
time prescribed by law, and shew cause(lf any)
why said letters should not he granted.
Given under my band at omoe. this fith da*
of September, 1821.
THOMAS H. KENAN, Clfc.
September 11. u
aiAdVBIOJf HO\58T&,
SSONTGOMaar, ALABAMA.
T HE above establishment, situated at th*
corner of Montgomery and. Commerce)
streets, on Court-bouse square, being nearly
completed inn handsome style, know opep'
for the reception and accommodation of TRA>'
VELLERS and BOARDERS.
Montjrf>|nA*w. July2Sf