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VOL. XXV.]
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, MAY 11, 1844.
[NO. 18.
UV GKIEYE & ORJIE,
EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS.
TERMS
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POLITICAL.
Ts the Editor of the <4 lobe.
House of Represf.ntatives,
Apiil 27th, 1844.
Sir:—The enclosed letter from Mr. Van
; Buren, which I have this day received, in
reference to a matter on which the public
mind is at present much excited, I beg that
you will immediately publish in the Globe.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
W. H. HAM MET.
House of Representatives,
March 27th, 1844.
My Dear Sir :—Under the belief that it
is the right, of every free citizen, in a free
government, to know the opinions of those
who aspire to public station, upon great
public questions, as one of your warmest
supporters in 1S36 and 1840, and as an un
pledged Delegate to the Baltimore Con
vention, l desire particularly to know your
J agreements for smaller portions of lerrito-
| ry, and the payments were modified ac-
• cordingly. In respect to the proposed sti-
1 pulation for the ultimate incorporation of
the inhabitants into the Union, both instruc
tions were identical.
In August. 1837, a proposition was re
ceived at the Department of State, from the
Texan ministet at Washington, proposing
a negotiation for the annexation of Texas
to the United States. This was the first
time the question of the annexation of a
foreign independent State had ever been
presented to this government. In deciding
upon the disposition that ought to be made
of it, I did not find it necessary to consider
the question of constitutional power, nor
the manner in which the object should be j
accomplished, if deemed expedient and •
proper. Both these points were therefore, 1
in terms, passed over in the reply of the ]
Secretary of State to the Texan minister,!
as subjects, the consideration of which had j
not been entered upon l»y the Executive.
The first of these, viz : constitutional ij
ci msent of two-thirds of the members pre-
seuit in each House should be necessary.—
3i I. That if a new State should arise within
tli e limits of any of the present States, the
ccnsent of the legislature of such States
sh ould also be necessary to its admission.
4th. That if the admission was consented
tory of the Texan revolution, and the then
condition of that republic, as well as the
probable advantages to result to both
from the proposed annexation, were plac
ed before us in an elaborate and able com- ,
munication. It can scarcely be necessary
to say that the application was considered
to,, the new States should be admitted on ; with that attention and care which were due i
th e same terms with the original States :— j to so grave a proposition, and under the full. I
opinions as to the constitutionality and ex- j
pediency of immediately annexing Texas to j power—is now presented by your inquiries; ^
the United States, so soon as the consent of I not, however, in precisely the same form. |
Texas may be had to such annexation. [Then the application was for the im-
The letters of Mr. Webster and General mediate admission of Texas into the Union
12
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E. BAGGETT, P
December 19. 1843.
JAMES S. SMITH,
.irroK-vGi' •ir MnSWf
. MACON, GEORGIA.
April 23,1844 15
Law Advertisement
Jackson on this subject—the refusal of the
Legislature of Kentucky to pass approba
tory resolutions—the votes taken in the
Legislatures of Pennsylvania, New York,
and, as I am ju.st informed, Maine—and the
impression that Mr. Clay will oppose the
annexation—give great importance to your
opinions
as an independent State; your question
looks only to its annexation as a part of
the territory of the United States. There
is no expi ess power given to any department
of the government to purchase territory ex
cept for the objects specified in the consti
tution, viz : for arsenals, &c.; but the pow
er has, on several very important occasions,
It is believed, that a full and frank de- been regarded as embraced in the treaty-
claration from you, favorable co this great
object, will be of great service to the cause,
a: a moment so critical of its destiny ; and
should you recognise my right to inquire,
and your duty to answer, I shall be greatly
obliged to you for a letter setting forth your
opinions—promising, that if it be favorable
to annexation, I will, on account of the
making power; and territories have been
so annexed with a view and under engage
ments for their ultimate admission into the
Union as States. If there he nothing in
the situation or condition of the territory
of Texas, which would render its admission
hereafter into the Union as a new State im
proper, I cannot perceive any objection,
great effect it must have on the issue of this j on constitutional grounds, to its annexation
question, give to it early publicity ; and if as a territory. In speaking of the right to
otherwise, that I will publish it only in
time that your opinions may be fully
known before the action of the Baltimore
Convention ; unless you require its imme-
admit new States, I must, of course, be un
derstood as referring to the power of Con
gress. The Executive and Senate may, as
I have already observed, by the exercise
diate publication—in which event, I will of the treaty-making power, acquire terri-
also comply with your request. tory ; but new States can only be admitted
Pardon me for suggesting that, should | by Congress ; and the sole authority over
your opinions be. favorable to annexation,! the subject, which is given to it by the con-
the weight and influence of those opinions stitution, is contained in the following pro
will be doubly enhanced in the estimation ! vision, viz :—“new States may be admitted
of all true friends of the measure, by the by the Congress into this Union.” The
earliest possible public avowal of them be- only restrictions imposed upon this genera)
M
14t
subscriber will practice
Law in the several
cmintieTofthe Cherokee Circuit, and in the Fed
eral Courts for the District of Georgia. Office at.
Cassville, Cass County, Ga.
ACHILLES D. SHACKLEFORD.
March-20, 1844 11 12m
WILLIAM F. BKOORS,
.ITTOBJFJSV -YT L.f IF,
talbotton, ga.
vimt-ILL nractice in the counties of the Chattahoo-
YV cliee Circuit. All business confided to him
■will meet with the most prompt attention.
January 30, 1844
fore the country.
1 am, sir, with great respect,
Trulv your friend and ob’t serv’t,
W. H. HAM MET.
Hon. M. Van Buren,
Linden wold, New York.
Lindenwold, April 20, 1844.
My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 27th
of Mqtch last was duly received.
power are, 1st: That no new States sbal I
he formed orerected within the jurisdictior t
of any other State; nor 2d: Any Slate form -
etl by the junction of two or more States .
or parts of States, without the consent o f
the Legislatures concerned, as well as c f
Congress”—restrictions which have n o
hearing upon the present question. Tli e
matter, therefore, stands as it would do if
the cosstitution said “ new State? may b e
Acting as an unpledged Delegate to the ; admitted by the Congress into this Union,
Baltimore Convention, you ask my opinion j without addition or restriction. Thatther
3 tf
KEENE & McUEIVBY,
attorneys at law,
MAD ISON y Morgan County ,Ga.
April 26,1842.—15 if
PATTERSON &. REESE,
■ illorvctjs at huse.
liriLL practice in the counties of Early, Lee, Ba
Y V Lo, Itwndiilnh and
her, Randolph and Decatur.
Iosiah S. Patterson. Fort. Gaines, Ga.
Francis M. Uekse, Blakely, Early Co., Ga.
Nov. 28, 1843 46
tf
AUGUSTUS C. n'.IITUS,
.tUorunj at hatr,
W ILL practice in the Counties of the Cherokee
Ciicuit, and tenders his legal services to his
frif-nds ami the public. Ail business confided to him
will be* attended to with promptness nnd fidelity.
Office at Sprint: Place, Murray County.
July 4, 1845. ~
Penitentiary, April 29,1844.
12m
n legat'd to the constitutionality and expe
diency of an immediate annexation of Tex
as to the United States, or as soon as the
assent of Texas may he had to such annex
ation. Upon the receipt of your letter, I
caused you to he forthwith informed, that
your request should be complied with in
full season for the Convention. This pro
mise I shall now perform. But lest my
motives for making a public avowal of my
opinions, whilst a negotiation is supposed
lo be pending, should be misconstrued, T
shall send this to a friend, who will delay
it? delivery as long as that can be done,
consistently with a faithful compliance with
the requirements of your letter, and the
general objects for which it is written.
You by no means overrate the impor
tance of the subject upon which you have
been pleased to address me. It is not only
! a question of intense interest to every part
j of the country, but is unhappily also one
j in regard to which we may not promise
! ourselves that unanimity in opinions which
I is so important when great national ques
tions like this are to be decided. That
l those which I am about to express, will, in
j at least one important particular, differ
| from that of many friends, political and per-
! sonal, whose judgments and purity of views
' I hold in high and habitual respect, 1 can
words, taken by themselves, are broa d
enough to authorize the admission of tb e
territory of Texas, cannot, I think, be we II •
doubted ; nor do I perceive upon win it
principle we can set up limitations to a pov
er so unqualifiedly recognised by the coi t-
stitution in the plain simple words I hat e
quoted, and with which no other provisic <rt
of that instrument conflicts in the slighte st
degree. But if, with no other guides th, in
our own discretion, we assume limitatioi is
upon a power so general, we are at lea st
bound to give to them some intelligible at id
defiuite character. The most natural, ai id
indeed the only one of that nature whit ;h
has been suggested, and which was pr e-
sented by Mr. Jefferson whilsthe entertai ti
ed doubts in respect to the constitution al
power to admit Louisiana, is, that the ne w
States to be admitted must be formed o ut
of territory, not foreign, but which consi i-
tuted a part of the United States, at tl te
declaration of Independence, or the ado p-
tion of the constitution. So fat fro m
there being any thing in the languaj je
of the constitution, or to be found : ; n
the extraneous and cotemporaneous ci r-
cumstances which preceded and attende d
its adoption, to show that such was the ii t-
tention of its framers, they are, in ray
judgment, all strongly the other way. I n
the first place, the articles of confederate n
, V, L. l- .1 .... ..I r^ni.rpj : well imagine; and it is quite evident, from the first place, the attic!
Hi, Elgi^aRdTu appendages, we are now r re- j the tenor of your letter, that they will not j under which the Union was originally fornti-
j a-eri to execute Castings of any kind, turning, boring j n all respects correspond with your own. j ed, and which gave place to the present
s ut fitting in iron & wood, such as Mill Cranks, Spin- i jj- ), OW ever, such of my fellow citizens as i constitution,lookeddirectly to a broader es.-
rf/fs. Journals. /nA*(eoinposiuon,) Coach an ar | are neither influenced* by prejudices, nor ! tensiou of the confederacy. It contained a
na^c Axles Coir Wheels to anv desired pattern or j r j 1 % % t* w j*
size! \Ve are also prepared, during the sojourn of Mr. ; warped by self-interest, concede to my | provision that “Canada, acceding to the con-
A. Kilhorn, to BUILD STEAM ENGINES, which opinions the merit of having been formed j federation, atidjoining in the measuresofth e
»e wui warrant to perform well. If any should desire | under views directed to the preservation United States, shall be admitted into, and en -
work of this kind, they would d ° *?» “and advance went of the honor and best in-
d:rs immediately, as we are now building a steam c-n- .
g ne to order, under the superintendence of Mr. Kil- j terest3 of our common country, as a whole,
bun, and so soon ai completed, if we receive no other 1 an( ] expressed With a sincerity which has
orders, his indispensable services may be lost, by his overlooked, as far as OUT feeble natures will
return to the North.
IVe are also prepared to execute Jobs of every de
scription in building and repairing Carriages, Coaches,
h’agtms and Vehicles of every kind. Also, Furniture
nude and repaired. Shoe and Boot making, lailoriug,
&.C. We have on hand and just completed, seve
ral Jersey Wagons of different finish. Blacksmithing
done with despatch. Coopering, Harness making,
-very variety of Tin Ware, and many other articles, all
ot w hich will be repaired or made new. as desired. As
our terms are Cash, our charges will he low.
Cash will be given for any quantity of Hides suitable
for being tanned. Also, barter will be paid for old
cast Iron, Copper and Brass.
A. W. REDDING, Principal Keeper.
April 36.1844 16 6t
WM. A. BEALL’S
Fire-Proof Ware House
Bkoad Street.
Augusta, Ga., September 1, 1343.
T OE subscriber, grateful for the-patronage hereto
fore received, informs his friends and the pub
lic generally, that he still continues at his old stand,
nil B.oad street, and will devote his personal attention
to the Storage and sale of Cotton, receiving and for
warding Goods, end the transaction of a General
Factorage and Commission Business.
Liberal advances made on cotton in store.
Messrs. J. Robson & Co. will continue as heretofore
to act as his agents at Madison, and when desired will
raake advances on cotton consigned to him per Rail
Rnad. WM. A. BEALL.
September 5, 1843. 34 tf
permit us to do, all personal considerations,
my most favorable anticipations will be
realized.
It has already been made my duty, to act
officially on at least two several occasions,
but in different fotms, upon the subject-
matter to which your questions have re
ference.
Having charge of the Department of
State in 1829,1 prepared, by diiection of
the Piesident, instructions to our minister
at Mexico, hv which he was directed to open,
without delay, a negotiation with the Mex
ican Government, for the purchase of the
greater part of the then province of Texas,
and by which he was likewise authorized
to insert in the treaty, a provision similar
to that in the Louisiana and Floiida trea
ties, for the incorporation of the inhabitants
titled to all the advantages of this Union, bu t
no ot/ur colony shall be admitted into the same
Kttfewsuch admission he agreed to by nine
States.” The practicability, as well as
expediency, of making Canada a member
of the Union,did certainly,foseme extent st
least, occupy the minds of our public men,
as well before the close of the Revolutio n,
as between that event and the formation of
the new constitution. This is, howevt :r,
only a link in the chain of evidence, to ma ke
probable what subsequent events ma ke
certain, that the framers of the constitut ion
had their eyes upon I his very question,
when this section was finally settled. T'hat
part of the constitution, as appears by the
journal of the proceedings of the conven
tion, was presented in a variety of f jrms
before it assumed the shape in which il'. was
finally adopted.
In the resolutions offered by Mr. Ed
mund Randolph, as a basis for the new
constitution, and which contained th e first
an d 5th. That the legislature might make
co nditions with the new States concerning
th e public debt then subsisting. The 2d,
4t b, and 5th clauses were stricken out by
th e votes of the convention ; and after that
ha d been done, the following was adopted
as a substitute for the whole, viz: “New
St ates may be admitted by the legislature
inrio the Union ; but no new state shall be
er ected within the limits of any of the pre-
se nt States, without the consent of the leg-
isl ature of such State, as weii as of the gen-
ei al legislature”—leaving out that part
of the first clause wh'ch related to the do-
m estic character of the territory ; and this
su bstitute was subsequently revised and
amended, so as to make it conform in its
pi iraseology to the section as it now stands
in the constitution. These proceedings
sh ow that the proposition to restrict the
pi nver to admit new stales to the territory
within the original limits of the United
Sriates, wasdistinctly before the convention,
oi ice adopted by it, and finally rejected in
favor of a clause making the power in this
respect general. Whatever differences
of opinion may exist as to the propriety
of referring to extraneous matter to influ
ence the construction of the constitution
vv here its language is explicit, there can
certainly be no objections to a resort to
su ch aids to test the correctness of infer
ences, having no other basis than supposed
in iprobabililies. I have not, therefore, been
ab le to bring my mind to any other satis-
fa ctory conclusion, than that it was the in-
te ntion of the convention to give the pow
er of admitting new States to Congress,
wi th no other limitations than those which
at e specified in that instrument. The
lat rguage employed, the specifications of
ch Main restrictions, the adoption and sub-
se quent exclusion of that which is now re-
fe rted to, together with the subsequent and
co ntinued action of the new government,
all seem to combine to render this interpre-
ta tion of the constitution the true one.—
Propositions for annexation can certainly
be imagined, of a character so unwise and
in iprovident as to strike the minds of all
w ith repugnance. But if we look over the
c< iticeded powers of Congress, we shall also
fl'id many others, the abuse of which might
involve, to an equally gieat extent, the
well-being of the republic, and against
which abuse the constitution has provided
no other safe guards than the responsibili
ties to their constituents and to the laws of
the land, of those whose sanction is neces
sary to the validity of an act of Congress.
Nor is it very unreasonable to suppose
that those who based their government
upon the great principle that it is the right
of the people to alter or abolish it, and to
institute new ones, m 6uch forms as they
may think most likely to effect their safety
aud happiness, should feel themselves se
cure in trusting to their representatives in
the House, in the Senate, and in the Ex
ecutive chair, the right to admit new mem
bers into the confederacy, with no cither
restrictions than those which they have j cidedly or more unanimously approved by!
influence of feelings of sincere solicitude
for the prosperity and permanent welfare ;j
of a young and neighboring State, whose ■
independence we had been the first to ac- -j
knowledge—feelings which constitute, and j
I sincerely hope, ever will constitute, the ;
prevailing sentiment of the people of the ,j
United States. In coming to the decision !
which it became my duty to make, I was
aided, in addition to the other members of
my cabinet, by the counsel and constitu
tional advice of two distinguished citizens
of your own section of the Union, of the first
order of intellect, great experience in pub
lic affairs, and whose devotion to their own,
as well as every other section of the Union,
was above all question. The result of our
united opinions was announced to the Tex
an minister, (Gen. Hunt) in a communica
tion from the late Mr. Forsyth, the sub
stance of which I cannot better express
than by incorporating one or two brief ex
tracts from it in this letter. Upon the gen
eral subject, my own views, as well as those
of my cabinet, were thus stated :
So long a j Texas shall remain at war, while the
United States are at peace with her adversary, the
proposition of the Texan minister plenipotentiary ne
cessarily involves thequestion of war with that adversa
ry. TheUnited States are bound to Mexico by a treaty
of amity anil commerce, which will be scriipuouslv ob
served on their part so long as it can be reasonably-
hoped that Mexico will perform her duties, and re
spect our rights under it. The United Slates might
justly be suspected of a disregard of the friendly pur
poses of the compact, if the overture of General Hunt
were to be even reserved for future consideration, as
this would imply a disposition on our part to espouse
the quarrel of Texas with Mexico—a disposition whol
ly at variance with the spirit of the treaty, with the
uniform policy and the obvious welfare of the United
States.
The inducements mentioned by General Hunttor
the United Slates to annex Texas to their territory,
are duly appreiated ; but, powerful and weighty as cer- j
tainlw they are. they are light when opposed in the |
scale of reason to treaty obligations, and respect for
that integrity of character by which the United States j
have sought lo distinguished themselves since the es- j
tablishment of their right to claim u place in the great J
family of nations.”
The intimation in Gen. Hunt’s letter,'
that Texas might he induced to extend i
commercial advantages to other nations to j
the prejudice of the United States, was i
thus noticed :
“ It is presumed, however, that the motives by |
which Texas has been governed in mnking this over-1
ture, will have equal force in impelling her to preserve, |
as an independent-power, the most liberal contmercinl j
relations with the U. States. Such a disposition w-tli j
be cheerfully met, in a corresponding spirit, by this
government. If the answer which the undersigned
has been directed to give tis the proposition of Gen.
Hunt should unfortunately work such a change in the
sentiments of that government as to induce an attempt
to extend commercial relations elsewhere, upon terms
prejudicial to the United States, this goverement will
lie consoled by the rectitude of its intentions, and a cer
tainty that, although the hazard of transient losses may
be incurred by a rigid adherence to just principles, no j
lasting prosperity can be secured when they are disre- j
garded.”
That these views wete not altogether!
satisfactory to Gen. Hunt, nor probably to!
his government, has been seen. But 1 j
think I may safely say that seldom, if ever, !
has the decision, by this government, of a j
queslion of equal magnitude, been more de-
acknowledge the government, de facto, of
every country, was established for the ex
press purpose of avoiding all inquiry into,
or the expression of ar.y opinion upon, the
question of right between the contending 1
parties. They acknowledge no other pow
er in any country than that which is in fact!
supreme. They cannot inquire beyond i
that point, without intetfering with the in- J
ternal concerns of other nations—a prac
tice which all disclaim, and a disclaimer
which it has been our invariable usage not
only to make, but to enforce with scrupu
lous fidelity. To recognise the indepen
dence of the government de facto, is also a
matter of state necessity ; for, without it,
neither commercial nor diplomatic inter
course between any such power and the na
tions of the world could be carried on with
success ; and the social interests of mankind i
require that these should not be arrested by ;
quarrels between contesting parties, in re
gard to their respective right to the supreme
power. In respect to all beyond this, the
laws and usages of nations require the ob
servance of a strict neutrality between the
contending parties, as long as the war lasts.
It is due also, from every government to its
own citizens, to declare when a revolted
colony shall he regarded as an independent
nation—because “ it belongs to the gov
ernment alone to make the declaration,”
and because, “ until it is made, or the pa
rent State relinquishes her claims, courts of
justice must consider the ancient state of
things as remaining unaltered, and the sov-
reign power of the parent State over that
colony as still subsisting.” But nothing
-can be farther from giving to the act of re
cognition its true character, than to sup
pose that it has the slightest hearing upon
ithe rights of the parties; it being, as I have
aJready said, resorted to for the express
purpose of avoiding any such construction.
Such is not only the law and usage of na
tions, but such also have been the reitera
ted avowals of our own government. 1 do
not remember that the recognition of Tex
an independence gave rise to any corres
pondence between Mexico and our govern
ment : and if it did, l have not the means
of stating its character. But the principles
upon which all such acts are based, were
fully set forth by this government upon the
occasion of the recognition of the indepen
dence of the Spanish American States.—
In the message of President Monroe to
the House of Representatives, suggesting
tire propriety of that recognition, it was ex- j
presely declared that, in proposing this j
measure, it was “ not contemplated to j
change thereby, in the slightest manner, j
our friendly relations with either of the j
parties, but lo observe in all respects, as j
heretofore, should the warbecontinred. the
most perfect neutrality between them.”—
! of Texas into the Union, as soon as it could i propositions of that character which were
1 be done consistently with the pr inciples of ! submitted to it, the power in questit m was
the Federal Constitution. The reasons in } described as follows, viz : “that pn ivision
favor of this measure, I stated at large in ! oughltobemade for the admission of States,
that document. | lawfully arising within the limits of the
In taking this step, the administration of! United States, whether arising from a vol-
E
this
President Jackson renewed, (but, as was
supposed, under more favorable circum
stances,) an attempt to accomplish the same
object, which had been made by its imme
diate predecessor. Instructions, similar in
their general object, had, in the second
year of the latter administratiqn, been
sent from the Department of Stale to the
same American minister at Mexico. I am
CCLESIASTICAL Republicanism and Preabv- ' n ot aware that there were any material
p,2'f n r °? t P ^ Ucy .’ ll ,' e S ' ri P tu ™! anc L P ™!* j differences between them., other than that
j those of 1827 proposed an acquisition of
territory as far west as the Rio del Norte
W H. C. HILLS,
Commission Merchant,
(at HIS OLD STAND,)
Savannah, Georgia.
September 5, 1S43. 34 tf
New and Valuable Books.
^Polity ‘>f tbe Church, by Rev. Thos. Smyth,
U., Charleston, Su C.
Trie above book for sale at Mr. Bancroft’s Store, in
utitary juuction ofgovernmeutorolb erwise,
with the consent of a number of voices in
the legislature, less than the whohe.” In
Mr. Charles Pinkney’s draft, it Tvas pro
posed “that the legislature shrall have
power to admit new States into th e Union,
on the same terms with the origina 1 States,
provided two-thirds of the member s present
in both Houses agree”—leaving out the
clause in respect to the characte r of the
tenitory. Mr. Randolph’s pit >positioii,
containing the restriction confi ning the
power to States lawfully arising i cithin the
Milledyeville, Dec. 5, 1843
47 tf
being, I believe, the extieme western boun- limits of the United States was al. one time
dary of Texas—whilst the cession asked
for by President Jackson extended as far
west as the centre of the Desert or Grand
I B „ Prairie, which lies east of the river Nue-
lhe . back and beHy, and with a white j t j, at f or the former, the payment
ri" 1 with the f<* lowing ear marks, viz: crop in the , ’ .... c l m Ii- J
ear, a swallow fork at the end of the left ear, of one million of dollars WES authorized,
«ne underneath. Supposed to have straved from whilst by the administration of President lawfully constituted or estabhs ned within
e drover.. The owner is requested to come for- Jackson, the American minister was per-, the limits of the United States, might be
-r. ; prove propeny^pay^expeMes^an^Mtk^hitn miite(J t(J g0 as high as four, and, if indis- j admitted by the legislature in t)bis govern-
MiiiedgcviUe, May 7, 1844 17 2t i peneable, five millions. Both authoiized I roent. 2nd. That to such ado.ussion> the
Stray Ox.
J 'AME to the plantation of Francis V. Delaunay,
neur Milledgeville. gome time since, a larjje brin-
die *
hca
r 'sfit ear, a swallow fork at the end of the left etir,
and one und '
ftome drover
adopted in committee of the who le, and, in
that state, referred with others tc* the com
mittee of detail. In a draft of a. constitu
tion, reported by that committee , the arti
cle upon this subject contained the follow
ing propositions: 1st, That n<;w States,
thought proper to specify.
It \va3 under thi3 view of the constitu
tion that the purchase of Louisiana in 1803,
only fifteen years after the adoption of the
constitution, promising the incorporation of
the ceded territory iuto the Union, and
the admission, as soon as possible, of the
inhabitants to the enjoyment of all the
rights, advantages, and immunities of citi
zens of the United States, was ratified, con
firmed, and finally executed by every branch
of the federal government whose co-opera-
tiun is required by the constitution. It is
true that Mr. Jefferson, in the interval be
tween the negotiation and submission of
the treaty to the Senate, threw out the
opinion that the constitution had made no
provision for our holding foreign territory,
nor for incorporating foreign States into
the Union. The fact of his approving the
treaty, and the laws necessary to its execu
tion, must, however, be. regarded as conclu
sive proof that, upon looking further into
the matter, his opinion was changed. The
attempt, to convince him of his error was
made by his friend, Governor Nicholas, as
appears by Mr. Jefferson’s letter to him;
and l have little doubt that, ifhisletteis to
Breckenridge and Nicholas had been pub
lished in his life-time, or his attention been
in any other way directed to their coutents,
he would, from his habitual care in such
matters, have avowed the change, and ex
plained the grounds on wffiich it was based.
It is equally true that the acceptance of
the cession, as well as the admission of the
State, became party questions, and were
contested with parlizan warmth. Of the
■vitai importance of that great acquisition
to the safety, prosperity, and honor of the
whole Union, there can, however, now be
no diversity of opinion. But the councils
of the nation, in the course of time, ceased
to be at all divided upon the question ot
constitutional power to accept a cession of
foreign territory, with a view to its ultimate
admission into the Union. In 1S19 the
Spanish treaty for the cession of East and
West Florida, containing the usual stipu
lation for ultimate incorporation into the
Union, was ratified ; and, upon the call of
the names of the senators present, it ap
peared that every one voted for the rati
fication. Upon the question of constitution
al power, so far as that case went, the
Senate of the United States had, therefore,
become unanimous.
Certainly no remarks are necessary to
sbow that there can be no possible differ
ence produced in the constitutional question
by the relative positions of the territory
comprising Louisiana, the Floridas, and
Texas, in respect to the old United States.
I have gone thus fully and minutely into
this matter, as well from a deep sense of
the vast importance of the question, as from
a sincere desire to satisfy those of my
friends who may differ from me on this
point, and whose opinions I hold in the
highest respect, that I have not yielded my
assent hastily or unadvisedly to the views
I have taken of the subject.
Having thus given my views upon the
constitutional question, I will, with the
same frankness, answer the remaining por
tion of your inquiries, viz : the expediency
of immediately annexing Texas to the Uni
ted States, or so soon as her consent to such
annexation may be obtained.
I have already referred to an application
for the accomplishment of the same ob
ject. that was made to this government hy
Texas whilst I was President. The bis-
the people of the United States. The cor
respondence was, very soon after it took
place, communicated to Congress, and al
though the public mind was at the time in a
state of the highest excitement, and the ad
ministration daily assailed through every j
avenue by which it was deemed approach-1
able, I am yet to see the first sentence of
complaint upon that point, in any quarter
of the Union. Even a resolution offered in
the Senate, declaring annexation, whenev
er it could be effected consistenly with the
public faith and treaty stipulations of the
United States, desirable,’ was ordered to
be laid upon the table; and a similar dis
position was made in the House of the pa
pers upon the subject, which had been re
ferred to the committee on Foreign Rela
tions. and that committee discharged from
the further consideration of the matter, |
upon its own application. Nor were the
friendly relations then existing between
that republic and the United States—to its
honor be it said—in any preceptible degree
impaired by this decision.
Standing in this position before the
country, it becomes my duty to consider
whether either the nature of the ques
tion, or the circumstances of the case, have
so far changed as to justify me in now ad
vising a policy from which I then, in the
most solemn form, dissented.
In giving to you, and through you to the
public, the result of a very careful and dis
passionate exatr.i i&tion of this grave ques
tion. I should neither do justice to yourself,
to the patriotic State which you, in conjunc-
tion with others, are to represent in the ’
convention, to the people of the United
States, nor to my own position, if I failed
to accompany it with a brief exposition of
the grounds upon which I have proceeded.
It is in that way only that justice can be
done to my intentions; and that is all I
desire. The annexation of the territory,
and the consequent assumption by us of a
responsibility to protect and defend its in-:
habitants, would, in respect to the consul-!
eration to which I am about to refer, stand J
upon the same footing with that of its ad-1
mission as a State. The recognition ofi
Texas as an independent State, was a meas ;
ure which received, in various and appro-1
priate forms, the sanction of every depart- j
ment of the government, whose co-opera- j
tion was necessary to its validity, and had j
my hearty concurrence. From this act of
our government, just and proper in all re
spects as it was, an inference has however
been drawn, and brought to bear upon the
present question, not only very far beyond
its real bearing, but by which its true char
acter is entirely reversed. Many persons
who enter upon the consideration of the
subiect with the purest intentions, and are
incapable of knowingly giving a false inter
pretation to any thing connected with it,
take it for granted that the United States,
in recognising the independence of Texas,
declared to the world, not only that she was
independent in fact, but also that she was
such of right. Acting upon this erroneous
construction, they very naturally conclude,
that, having gone thus far, having examined
into and passed not only upon the existence
of her independence, but also opoti her
right to its enjoyment, it is now (and more
especially after the lapse of several years)
too late to hesitate upon the question of an
nexation on the ground of any existing con
troversy upon those points. The fallacy
of this reasoning will be apparent when it
ia conside4kl that the usage of nations to
The Co umittee on Foreign Affaits, in their ;
elaborate report upon tbesuhject, sav: “out
recognition must necessarily be co-existent j
only with the fact on which it is founded, j
and cannot survive it. While the nations j
of South America are actually independent, !
it is simply to speak the truth to acknowl
edge them to be so. Should Spain, contra- !
ry to her avowed principle and acknowl
edged interest, renew the war for the con
quest of South America, we shall indeed
regret it; but we shall observe, as we have
dione, between the independent parties, an
(honest and impartial neutrality.” The
•Secretary of State, in defence of the act of
recognition, said to the Spanish minister :
“ This recognition is neitherintended to in
validate any r ght of Spain, nor to affect i
the employment of any means which she j
may yet be disposed or enabled to use, with !
the view of re-uniting those provinces to j
the test of her dominions.” That these a- j
vowals were in strict conformity to the true
principles of the law of nations, there can
he no doubt. They were, at all events,
those which this govern ment has solemnly an
nounced as its rule of action in regard to con
tests between rival parties for the supreme
power in foreign States. That the admis
sion of Texas as a member of this confed
eracy, whilst the contest for the mainte
nance of the independence she had acquired
was still pending, and a consequent assump
tion of the responsibility of protecting her
against invasion, would have been a plain
departure from the laws and usages of na
tions, and a violation of the principles to
which we had avowed our adherence in the
face of the world, was too clear to he dou bt-
ed. Thus believing, I had, on the occasion
to which I have referred, in the faithful
discharge of the trust which the people had
re posed in me. but one course to puisue;
and that was promptly, but respectfully a-
dopted.
I return now to the question, Has the
condition of the contest between Texas
and Mexico, for the sovereignty of the
former, so far changed as to render these
principles now inapplicable ? What is the
attitude which these two states at this mo
ment occupy towards each other I Are
they at war, or are they not 1 We cannot
evade this question, it we would. To enu
merate all the circumstances bearing upon
it, in a communication like this, would he
impracticable, nor is it necessary. In re
spect to the parties themselves, there would
seem to be no misunderstanding upon the
subject. Mexico has been incessant in her
avowals, as well to our government as to
others, of the continuance of the war, and
of her determination to prosecute it. How
does Texas tegard her position in respect
to the war with Mexico I Three years
subsequent to our recognition of her in
dependence, we find her entering into a
stipulation with a foreign power to accept
of her mediation to bring about a cessa
tion of hostilities between her and Mexico,
engaging to assume a million sterling of
the debt due from Mexico to the subjects of
that power, if she, through her influence,
obtained from Mexico an unlimited truce
in respect to the war then raging between
her and Texas within one month, and a
treaty of peace in six. At late as last
June, we see a proclamation of the Presi
dent of Texas, declaring a suspension of
hostilities between the two pow’ers during
the pendency of negotiations to be enter
ed upon between them, issued on the sup
position that a similar proclamation would
be issued by Mexico ; and actual hostilities
are now only suspended by an armistice to
be continued for a specified and short peri
od, for the sake of negotiation. Nor are
onr own views upon the point less expli
cit. In the published letter of the late
Secretary of Stale, to the Mexican Minis
ter at Washington, written in December
last, he says : “ Nearly eight years have
elapsed since Texas declared her indepen
dence. During all that time Mexico lias
asserted her right of jurisdiction and do
minion over that country, and has endea
vored to enforce it by at ms.” In the Presi
dent’s Message to Congress, it is stated :
“ That the war which has existed for so
long a time between Mexico and Texas,
has, since the battle of San Jacinto, con
sisted for the most part of predatory incur
sions, which, while they have been attend
ed with much of suffering to individuals,
and kept the borders of the two countries
in a state of constant alarm, have failed to
approach to any definite result." And after
commenting with much truth upon the in
sufficiency of the armaments which Mexico
has fitted out for the subjection of Texas—
on the length of time which has elapsed
since the latter declared her independence
—on the perseverance, notwithstanding, in
plans of reconquest by Mexico—on her re
fusal to acknowledge the independence of
Texas, and on the evils of border warfare,
the message adds : “ The United States
have an immediate interest in seeing an end
put to the state of hostilities between Mexi
co and Texas following up the rematk
with a forcible remonstrance against the
continuance of the war. and a very just and
impressive statement of the reasons why it
should cease. This remonstrance is. in my
opinion, entirely just and perfectly proper.
The government of the" United States
should be at all times ready to interpose
its good offices to bring about a speedy, and
as far as practicable, a satisfactory adjust
ment of this long pending controversy.—
Its whole influence should he exerted, con
stantly, zealously, and in good faith, to ad
vance so desirable an object; and in the
process of time it can, without doubt, be
accomplished. But what, my dear sir, is
the true and undisguised character of the
remedy for these evils, which would be ap
plied hy the “ immediate annexation of
Texas to the United States ?” Is it more
or less than saying to Mexico, W'e feel
ourselves aggrieved by the continuance of
this war between you and Texas ; we have
an interest in seeing it terminated ; we will
accomplish that object by taking the disput
ed territory to ourselves ; we will make
Texas a part of the United States, so that
those plans of reconquest, which we know
you are maturing, to be successful, must be
made so against the power that we can
bring intothe contest; if the war is to be
continued, as we understand to be your de
sign, the United States are henceforth to be
regarded as one of the belligerents 1
We must look at this matter as it reallv
stands. We shall act under the eye of ar
intelligent, observing wot Id ; and the affair
cannot he made to wear a different aspect
from what it deserves,if even we had the
disposition (which we have not) to throw
over it disguises of any kind. We should
consider whether there is any way in which
the peace of this country can be preserv
ed, should an immediate annexation take
place, save one—and that is, according to
present appearances,.the improbable event
that Mexico will be deterred from the far
ther prosecution of the war by the appre
hension of onr power. How does that
matter stand ? She has caused us to be
informed, both at Mexico arid here, in a
manner the most formal and solemn, that
she will feel herself con9tiained, by every
consideration that can influence the con
duct of a nation, to regard the fact of an
nexation as an act of war on the part of the
United States, and that she will, notwith
standing, prosecute her attempts to regain
Texas, regardless ot consequences. Ex
ceptions a> “, however, taken hy the Presi
dent, and l think very justly taken, to the
manner in which this determination has
been announced. The Mexican govern
ment should certainly have applied in a be
coming spirit to ours fur explanations of its
intention. If it found this government un
der the impression that Mexico, although
it might not he willing to acknowledge its
independence, had abandoned all serious
hope of reconquering Texas, Mexico
should have assured us of our error, reroon
strated against any action on our part based
on that erroneous assumption, and declar
ed firmly, if it pleased, hut in that courte
ous and respectful manner which is a'one
suited to the intercourse between nations
who profess to be friends, its determination
to oppose us. Instead of taking a course,
the propriety of which w as so obvious, sha
first assumes, upon grounds which were
neither proper *?or 3afe for her to act upon,
that this government had designs upon Tex
as ; then denounces the annexation as a
great national crime, and forthwith pro
claims instant war as the penalty of our
persisting in such an attempt ; and all this
in language bearing certainly, (although
subsequently disavowed,) every apoear-
ance of menace.
But this is a besetting, and very ancient
foible of the mother country, as well as of
her descendants, in their diplomatic inter
course. Every one conversant with the
subject of Spauish relations, knows that at
least from the time of Don Louis d’. ids to
the present day, this government has been
frequently—not to say continually—subjec
ted to this species of diplomatic dogma
tism. Partly in consequence of the genius
of their language ; partly from their pe
culiar temperament ; much from habit,
but more from a radical defect of judg
ment,—they continue the use of language
in their state papers, which better temper
ed. if not wiser diplomatists have almost
every where laid aside as worse than use
less. But at no time has out government
suffered its action upon great national ques
tions to be influenced by such petulence.
From the time of the modest, yet firm
Madison, to the late Mr. Upshur, (whose
melancholy fate is so justly and generally
lamented,) has every Secretary of State,
acting under the direction of the execu
tive, deemed it sufficient to place the gov
ernment and minister employing it in the
wrong, by shewing its injustice as well as
its futility. Mi e have then heretofore, asl
hope we shall now, decided to act in the
matter under consideration in a mannet
which was deemed due to justice and D
our own character, without being in am
degree influenced by such unavailing me
naces. It is foreign to my habit, and re
pugnanttomy feelings, to say any thin,
that should offend the pride of any nation
;f the declarations of individuals ecu],
possibly have that effect, being sincere!
desirous that the United States should cu :
tivate friendly relations with all. But wit
a population not equal to half that of tb
United States, and laboring under man
and serious disadvantages, from which ft
are comparatively free, Mexico could no
with propriety, be offended by the assurm
tion that this government may act as Y
would have done had no such menace bee
made, without tbe slightest danger of b*
ing regarded by the rest of the world, ; -
having been intimidated by threats of w;
from that republic. So at least I shoo
act, if tbe direction of public affiurs we<
in my hands. Thequestion Him reao* .