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conclusion that the immediate atine *™ on « r Fnlton, now Senator of the United States,
rtf Texas would, in all human probability, ! Secre , ary of ,he territory of Arkansas, re
draw after it a war with Mexico, can it be j q uest i D g him to cause the movements of Gene-
expedietit to attempt it ? Of the conse- j ral H ouston ro be watched, and to apprize the
auettcesof such a war, the character it President of the first indication on his part
n»*ht be made to assume, the entangle-! of an intention to violate the laws of the United
TmgRt oe mate o | „ . „„ arm ed incursion into Mexico.—
meets with other nations which the post- - , f Genera | j ack .
post-
tOClHO *» IfcM , ‘
tion of a belligerent almost unavoidably
draws after it, and the undoubted injuries
which might be inflicted upon each, not
withstanding the great disparity of their
respective forces, 1 will not say a word.—-
God forbid than an American citizen should
ever count the co9t of any appeal to what
is appropriately denominated the last re
sort of nations, whenever that, resort be
comes necessary either for the safety or to
vindicate the honor of his country. Ihere
is, I trust, not one so base as not to regard
himself, and all he has. to be forevet and at
all times subject to such a requisition.—
But would a war with Mexico brought on
under such circumstances, be a contest of
that character 1 Could we hope to stand
perfectly justified in the eyes of mankind
for entering into it ; more especially U its
commencement is to be preceded by the
appropriation to our own uses of the ter-
ritory, the sovereignty of which is in dis
pute between two nations, one of which
we are to join in the struggle! 1 his, sir, is
a matter of the very gravest import one
in respect to which no American statesman
or citizen can possibly be indifferent,
have a character among the nations of the
earth to maintain. All our public func
tionaries, as well those who advocate this
measure as those who oppose it. however
much they may differ as to its effect, will,
I am sure, be equally solicitous for the pet-
formance of this first of duties. It has
hitherto been out pride and our boast, that
whilst the lust of power, with fraud and
violence in its train, has led other and dif
ferently constituted governments to aggres
sion and conquest, our movements in these
respects have always been regulated by
reason and justice. A disposition to de
tract from our pretensions in this respect,
will, in the natuie ofthings.be always pre
valent elsewhere ; and has, at this very
moment, and from special causes, assumed,
iu some quarters, the most rabid charactei.
Should not every one, then, who sincerely
loves his country—who venerates its time-
honored and glorious institutions who
dwells with pride and delight on associa
tions connected with our rise, progress, and
present condition—on the steady step with
which we have advanced to our piesent
eminence, in despite of the hostility, and in
contempt of the bitter reviltngs of the ene
mies of freedom in all parts of the globe,—
consider, and that deeply, whether we
would not, by the immediate annexation of
Texas, place a weapon in the handsof those
who now look upon us atuiour institutions
with distrustful and envious eyes, that
would do us more real, lasting injury as a
nation, than the acquisition of such a terri
tory, valuable as it undoubtedly is, could
possibly repair ? It is said, and truly said,
From that period to the end of General Jack
son’s term of office. 1 am as well satisfied as 1
can be of any fact, that he was sincerely desi
rous to perform his whole duty as chiel mag
istrate of the country, and to prevent, in this
respect, the slightest violation of the laws, with
the execution of which he was charged. He,
no doubt, sincerely believed that the incorpora
tion of Texas into the federal Union would be
alike advantageous to her, to Mexico, and to
the United States; and was ever ready to adopt
all proper measures for the accomplishment ot
that object. But they know very little of Gene
ral Jackson’s true character, who can for a mo
ment permit themselves to believe Mm capab.e
of doing, countenancing, or advising, a single
act which he believed, nr had even reason to ap
prehend, would violate the plighted faith of his
country, oi infringe upon the duty which it owes
to the great family of nations. To prevent our
people from going to Texas, and embarking in
the war, was an impossibility which neither he
nor any other chief magistrate could have ac
complished. If they went there without milita
ry organization, or armaments, and chose to
place themselves beyond the protection o( this
government, we had no right to control their
action; nor do other governments exercise any
such right in similar cases- For the suppression
of military enterprises, organized and armed
here against a nation with which we are at peace,
the provisions of our laws are ample. But nl
the difficulties of enforcing them with a iron-
tier and seaboard like those which open our
communication with Texas, 1 tio sensible and
well informed mind can be ignorant.
For the voluntary action of our government in
regard to the subject of annexa'ion, we can have
no such explanation to give. The acquisition
of so valuable a territory, by means which are of
questionable propriety, would be a departure from
those just principles upon which this Government
has ever acted, and which have excited the admi
ration and secured the respect of the dispassion
ate and enlightened friends of freedom through
out the world. But I am very sure that we shall
all, in ihe end, so act upon this subject, as to
put it out of the power of the natural enemies of
republican institutions, to make any plausible
charge of infidelhy to our avowed principles iu
respect to it. No one was more deeply sensible
of the necessity of the greatest prudence in this
particular, or more anxious to secure its obser
vance, than Gen. Jackson. As late as Decem
ber, 1836—only a few months before the recog
nition—he thus expressed himself in a special
message to the Senate But there are cir
cumstances in the relations of the two countries,
which require us to act, on this occasion, with
even more than our wonted caution. Texas-
was once claimed as a part of our property ; and
there are those among our citizens, who, always
reluctant to abandon that claim, cannot but re
gard with solicitude, the prospect of the reunion
of the territory ro this country ; a large propor
tion of its civilized inhabitants are emigrant 5 from
the United States, speak the same language
with ourselves, cherish the same principles, po
litical and religious, and arebouud to many of our
citizens by ties of friendship and kindred blood
awl more than all, it is known that the people or
that country have instituted the same form of
government with our own, and have, siuce tb‘
close of vour last session, openly resolved, on ti t
a most jealous vigilance against the extension
of British influence, and indeed foreign in
fluence or dominion of any kind,, or from
any quarter, either in Texas, or in any of
the portions of the continent bordering on the
Gulf of Mexico. If the time ever comes when
the C|uestion resolves itself into whether Texas
shall become a British dependency or colony,
or a constitutional portion of this Union, the
gieat principle of self-defence, applicable as well
to ntilions asto individuals, would, without doubt,
favor of the latter alternative, as can ever be ex
peel ed on any great question of foreign or do
mesric policy.
Elavitig now replied, in the fullest and (rank
est manner, to both the questions which you
have propounded to me. I might here close
this letter; but being sincerely anxious to put
voir, and others occcupying the same position,
in possession of my views and opinions upon
the whole subject, as far as they can with pro
priety be now formed and expressed, I will go a
few steps farther.
Occasions do sometimes present themselves,
in the administration of public affairs, when the
deci sion of great questions can be safely anticipa
ted by those whose subsequent duty it may be
come to pass upon them ; but to justify such a
cou rse, those questions must be such as are una
void ablv dependent upon circumstances and con-
side rations of a fixed and settled character. 1
hav e not been able to regard this as being,
in all its aspects, a case of that description. It
is i matter affecting our foreign relations, in re
spect to which every enlightened nation makes
ic a rule to avoid, as far as practicable, public
annunciations of its proceedings and intentions
beyond what is deemed necessary either to jus
tify its nasi course, or to make others sensible
of its determination to resist aggression, wheth
er present or prospective. As the action of the ex
ecutive upon all questions that affect our rela
tions with other countries, must be more or less
influenced by their conduct towards us, it is,
in general, "desirable that his future course
should not be embarrassed by assurances given
wt a period when no safe opinion could be form
ed of what that conduct would be. In respect
even to motives of a domestic character, it could
scarcely be deemed consistent with that prudence
and calm discretion which, in public as well as
private affairs, is of such inestimable value, to
bind ourselves in advance in respect to the par
ticular line of conduct we will hereafter adopt
in a case of such magnitude as the present.—
When the period for definitive action shall have
arrived, the considerations now taken into view
may have lost the weight they at present pos
sess in the estimation of the public, and others not
now regarded as of any value, may, in the mean
time, arise to affect materially if not to change the
whole aspect of the subject. The present condi
tion of lire relations between Mexico and Texas
may soon be so far changed asto weaken, and per
haps to obviate entirely, the objections against
the immediate annexation of the latter to the
United Slates, which I have here set forth, and
to place the question on different grounds.—
Should such a state of things arise, and I be
found in charge of the responsible duties of
President, you may be assured that 1 wotiM
Speech of .Hr, Berrien, of Georgia,
In Senate. April 9, 1844—On the resolution of the
Committee on Finance for the indefinite postponement
of the bill introduced by Mr. McDurtuB for reducing
the rate of duties under the present tariff to the stand
ard of the compromise act.—[ Concluded.]
I do not propose to enter into a particular
discussion of the justice or policy of the protec
tive system. Within the limits of revenue, and
with a scale of duties so graduated as to leave
the market generally open to competition, that
question will be, perhaps has been, settled by
prod uce as great a unanimity amongst us in question win oe, P® rnJ ‘” ’ , /
„f ,h» l!.,cr alternative, as can ever be ex- the American people, under the instructive les
sons of experience, without embarrassing them
selves with tabular statements or philosophical
theories. That they have been cautious and
slow in adopting this conclusion, will not sur
prise those who look to our history. While
posstmy repairh , -
that this war between Texas and Mexico acknowledgment by us of their independence, te
has already been of too Ion<r duration.— (seek admission into the Union as one of the
Has already oeen n 'Federal States. This last circumstance-, is a
We are, anti must continue to e, ™° , j e r I matter n f peculiar delicacy, and forces upon us
less annoyed by its prosecution, and have j Pons j,] era ,i on9 0 f the gravest character. 'I’he ti-
undoubtedly, as has been remarked, an ta- t | e M f'r ex;lB to the territory she claims, is iden-
terest in seeing it terminated. But can
we appeal to any principle In the law of na
tions, to which we practise a scrupulous
adherence, that would, tinder present cir- j—— ~ , ,
^ -ririnv f,, r ire * ware ol a too early movement, as it inigbt sub
curastances,justify ns m interfering for «s (|g however ....justly, to the imputation of
suppression in a manner that would unavotd- | seekm ^ t0 establish the claims of our neighbors
ablv make us a party to its further prose- j tfJ a territory. with a view to its subsequent ae-
cution ] Can this position he made suf- q U isition by ourselves.”
ficiently clear to justify us in committing j p has been urged from * quarter entitfed tn
the peace and honor of the countrv to its | great respect, and reasoned too. with no in con-
1 , T ' ; siderable degree of cogencv, that the acquisition
support} i _ f rr in tlm >nndo iti-onncorl wntiM
tie ofTexag to the territory she claims, is iden
tified with her independence. She ask.-i us to
acknowledge that tide to the territory, w ith an
avowed design to treat immediately of its trans
fer to the United States. It becomes us to be-
-vr , I of Texas now, in the inode proposed, would be
In regard to the performance fey ' j liable to no greater objeeiion than the accom-
duty, so difficult for any government to perform D , ishn , eMt of lhe same oh j e ct would have beer;
—the observance of an nonest neutrality be
tween mrtueHS at war—-we can now look through
our wbete career, since our first admission into
the family of nations, not only without a blush,
but with feelings ol’ honest pride and satisfaction
The way was opened by President Washing
ton himself, under circumstances of the most
difficult character, and at tin less a hazard than
plishment of the same object would have been
either in 1827 or 1629. when it was attempted by
two successive administrations to purchase it
from Mexico. If I were to go into a discussion
of this question, and the facts necessarily con
nected with it, I should be Writing a book in
stead of a letter; nor is it necessary that I should.
I will therefore content myself with saying, that
an6 woollen eoorls will not be rontinerl mn-’h loneer to
the Nmnbern portion of the Union. The extent nf the
benefits of such nn establishment in our own countrv
is not ea-v to .tetermino South Carolina and Georgia
will have a home market for their cottons, nnd onr
people can snonlv themselves with -roods cheaper than
thev can he honvht in England nnd hrottshf to this
countrv. from the fart that cotton is hieher in England
than it is here, besides the freight we oav, custom
house duties, profits to merchants. &r. The manufac
ture of woollen goods, broadcloths. <fco., will giro a verv
great impetus to the raising of sheep. Sheep of the
best kind will he introduced i"tn our countrv. and. in
place of the little half perished dwarfs that we now-
have. filled with bars, we shall have the Merino, South
down. Greater pains will he taken in raising
sheen whenever we can find a ready market for our
difficult character, and ante less a hazard than ^ djsposlt j on to look at the subject in
that of exposing ourselves to l’ la «* b e ‘t I - |ts bearings with an impartial eye, I have not
!u»t, imputations ol infidelity to treaty s pula- been ab , ft to seethe ;ina!o g y which is claimed to
nous. The path he trod with such unfaltei m ■ be|ween thc , wo cases . Rut if it were even
iteps, and wfa.eh led to such beneficial resuU, ' {|m the able men who were, at fhose
has hitherto been pursued with unvarying hdel.- ( c tue periods, at the headofthegovern-
ly by every one of hts successors of whom it be-1 C0Bvicti#M „f t he impor-
coutes me to speak. . laru:e 0 f | be acquisition o.l Texas to the United
If out sympathies could induce a departure j g IateSi so f ar precipitated (heir measures for the
rom a policy which has so much in us com- I accom p]j s hmeot of that object, as to have endan-
- 3 “ j „ ere( i the good faith and pacific relations of the
j United States, (which I do not admit,) we could
" ’ ’ ' ' ” but
,.u,n « .„. jrhich has so much in its com-
meoce<nent to oousecrate it, and such advantages
to recommend its continuance, they would
doubtless draw us to the side ol Texas. 1 hat j st| |j on | v felicitate ourselves on their failure,
the happiness ef her people would be promoted j cou | ( | ,; ot thereby justify the preseut m
by the mantrenaoee of her independence, t nave i >Han , ;/ ,-icrhr in itself a.nd caoabb
no doubt. Few, if any. efforts for the extension
of the blessings of free government in any part
of the world Wave been made since the establish
move-
I ment, if it is not right in itseiQ and capable of
j justification on other grounds. I by no means
contend, that a formal recognition of the inde-
„ .'i' I pendenoe of Texas by Mexico is necessary to
nent of onr ww independence, that have failed j u9 j n assenting lo her annexation to the
0 excite our earnest and sincere wishes tor United States. Time and eircuinstances may
1 • iliM* lxnpvpr hPRn net*- . _1 :- •
their success. But they have never Ween per
nutted to withdraw uslrotn the faithful perlor-
tmnee of otr duty as a neutral nation. I hey
were excited, and deeply, too, ax me commence
ment of the French revolution ; they wet«e reviv
ed in the struggle of the South American States
for the establishment of their independence;
they have been put to their severest trial in this
verv contest between Texas and Mexico. Yet.
in «'hat whole period of time, amidst the con
vulsions ef empires, and the lawlessness of pow
work such a change in the relations between
those twocountries, as to render an act of that
character, on the part of Mexico, unnecessary
nnd unimportant. What J mean to say is, that
from all the information I have been able to-
acquire upon the subject, no change has vet
taken place in those relations, that would make
the objections which 1 have here detailed,
inapplicable.
It is said, also, that if Texas is not acquired
ilsions cfempires, and the lawlessness of pow- : nQW> tbf 0 pp 0r i U nity will be forever Jost—that
by which many off its possessors have been , some ot | le r power will acquire it; and indeed,
listinguished, it has been a cardinal point in the some o( - ,| ie rum ors of the day have gone so far
idministration of the effairs ol this re|/ublic to
id here with the strictest fidelity to the rule
vhich was laid down by Washington, entorc-
»d by Jefferson, and respected, with unabated s-.n-
:erity, by their successors.
There is aootlier circumstance which is well
ralculated to mislead us upen this subject.—
Many, if not most, of the persons to be affected
t y the decision of this question, were once cit-
zens of thc United States, and have still their
relatives and friends amongst us. I am not un
some of the rumors of the day have gone so far
as to say, that the Texan minister is already in
structed, in case of failure here, to proceed
(orthwithto Europe, with full authority for the
accomplishment of that object. We must not
forget, that besides great public considerations,
there are extensive private interests involved in
this matier; and we may therefore well be dis
trustful of the thousand rumors which are from
day to day put afloat upon this subject. What
a comparatively few individuals, acting under
datives and Irieucis amongst us. i am hoi ««■ j the influence of personal interest, may not desire
ivare of the haaard lo which 1 expose my j t0 have done, 1 will not undertake to say, or to
anding with the latter, in speaking thus un- conjecture. Bat that the people of Texas—so
— 11 —-a many of whom carry in thear veins the blood of
eservedly upon a point so well calculated to ex
;ite deep feelings. This is perhaps more par-
icularty applicable to that portion of my leilow-
fitizens, <vt whom it was aptly and appropriately
laid by one of their own number, that - they are
he children of the san, anil partake of its
varmth.” Yet, whether we stand or 4’all in the
estimation of our countrymen, it is always true
nisdom, as well as true morality, to held fast to
be truth. It is, moreover, a consolation to
tnow, that ifto nourish enthusiasm is one of the
effects of a genial climate, it at the same time
leldnm fails to give birth to a chivalrous spirit,
vhieh will not permit itself to be outdone in the
>xtent or sincerity of its sacrifices at the shrine
>f patriotism. To preserve our national escut-
;beou untarnished, has, consequently, if reli-
ince can be placed upon our public archives,
jeen itn-objecl of unoeasing solitude with South-
irn statesmen-
Nothing is either more true or more exten-
fively known, than that Texas was wrested from
Mexico, and her independence established,
hrough theinstnwnefftalily of citizens cf the Uni
ted States. Eqa*Uy<rue is it that this was done
sot only against the wishes, but in direct contra-
rention of the best efforts of our government to
jrevent our citizens from engaging in the en-
erprtse. Efforts have, nevertheless, not been
ranting on the part of those who are not over-anx-
ous for the credit of republican governments, to
misrepresent the views of ours in this respect—
o cause it to be believed that oar efforts to prevent
inlawful participation by our citizens in that
ilruggle were insincere; that we coveted this pot
ion of the territory of Mexico; and having failed
o obtain it by fair purchase, nr by negotation,
re saw in thia movement a preliminary step,
rhich would, in the end. fre equally subservient
o our views upon Texas. No one can have
sad better opportunities of knowing how un-
otir revolutionary ancestors—thousands of whom
are thoroughly imbued with democratic princi
ples—who achieved by their own gallantry, that
independence which we were the firstto acknowl
edge—who have established, and subsequently
maintained institutions similar to our own—that
such a people, and such a government, will ever
be found capable of sending a minister to the
crowned heads of Europe, to barter away their
young and enterprising republic, and all that
they have purchased with their blood, to the
highest bidder, is what I cannot believe ; in the
possibility of ^ so apostate and unnatural a con
nection,’ I can have no faith.
It is also apprehended by many, that the
British authorities will attempt to make Texas
a British Colony or dependency. I find it dif-
ficult to credit the exieteuce of such infatuation
on the part of any European power. I cannot
bring myself lo believe that any European gov
ernment which has not already made up its mind
to provoke a war with this country, will ever at
tempt to colonize Texas, either in form or in
substance. If there be auy such power, the con
siderations to which I have adverted would
soon lose most of their importance ; for oppor
tunities would not then be slow in presenting
themselves for the conquest of whatever territo
ry might, iu that event, be deemed necessary to
our security, in legitimate self-defence. Com
mercial favors Texas has, to the Fame extent as
other independent powers, the right to dispose
of as she thinks proper; subject only to the
penalties which are certain, sooner or later, to
follow in the wake of national injustice. But
European colonization of Texas is another and
a very different matter—a matter in respect to
the ultimate consequences of which no Euro
pean nation can possibly deceive either herself
or us. I have ao access to the sources of true
wishes of the people of the different Slates
should be consulted, and being ascertained, treat
ed with greater respect than those which relate
either to the admission of a ne-v member into
the confederacy, or'tbe acquisition of addition
al territory, with a view to such a result ; and
that, if anv application for annexation, tinder
such circumstances, were made to me, I would
feel it to be my duty to submit the same to Con
gress for a public expression of their opinion,
as well upon the propriety of annexation, as in
regard to the terms upon which it shoijltl take
place. If, alter the whole subject had been
brought before the country, and fully discussed,
as it now will be, the Senate and House of Rep
resentatives, a large portion of the former, and
the whole of the latter having been chosen by
the people after the question of annexation had
been brought before the country for its mature
' consideration, should express an opinion in fa
* vorof annexation, I would hold it to be my far
ther duty to employ the executive power to car
ry into full and fair effect the wishes of a ma
jority of the people of the existing States, thus
constitutionally and solemnly expressed.
There may, notwithstanding, be those, on
both sides of this great question, who are un
willing to confer their suffrage.* on one who is not
prepared to give them specific pledges in regard
to the course he would, if elected, pursue in re
spect to the various aspects in which this mat
ter may hereafter be presented. To all such I
have only to say—and I do so with the greatest
sincerity—that I have not the slightest disposi
tion to question their right so to regulate their
conduct, and will be the last to complain of its
exercise. If there be any one who they believe
can be more safely intrusted with their interest
in this or any other of the great questions of
public policy which are likely to arise in the ad-
I ministration of the government, or whose as-
5 snrancesas to his future cotjrse are more satis-
j factory to them, they will, without doubt, be
! well warranted in giving him the preference ;
* and they may be assured that no one will more
j cheerfully acquiesce in a decision, made from
I such motives, than myself. 1 have expressed a
1 willingness to dischargs, to the best of my abil
ities, the responsible duties of thc high office in
question, should the democracy of the United
States be able and willing to re-elect me to the
same. But I can take no steps to obtain it, by
!j which my ability to discharge its duties impar-
; tially and usefully to every portion of our com-
i inon country would be impaired ; nor can J, in
any extremity, be induced to cast a shade over
the motives of my past life, by changes or con
cealments of opinions maturely formed upon a
great national question, tor the unworthy pur
pose of increasing tny chances for political pro
motion.
I am, sir. vprv respectfully,
Your friend and obedient servant,
M. VAN BUREN.
Hon. W. H. Hammkt.
woolen one,
The Greatest Men from the ranks of Industry.- j maki »S mixed w3olenS - ,,
- - - - - - J - 3 I Alabama, too, it would seem, is engaging in
the enternrise. There are now fen factories in
In early life. David kept his father's sheep
his was a life of industry ; and though foolish
men think it degrading to perform any useful la
bor, yet in the eyes of wise men indnstiy is truly
honorable, and the most useful man is the hap
piest. A life of labor is man’s natural condition,
and the most favorable to mental health and
bodily vigor. Biqhop Hall says, 1 Sweat is the
destiny of all trades, whether of the brow or of
the mind. God never allowed any man to do no
thing.” From the ranks of industry have the
world’s greatest been taken. Rome was more
than once saved by a man who was sent for from
the plough. Moses had been keeping sheep
i for forty years before he came forth as the deltv-
j erer from Israel The Apostles were chosen
■ from amongst the hardy and laborious fishermen.
| From whence I infer that when God has any
great work to perform, he selects ns his instru
ments those who, by their previous occupation,
have acquired habits of industry, skill, and per
severance ; and that, in every department of so
ciety, they are the most honorable who earn their
own living by their own labor.—Selected.
I better opportunities oi Knowing uu- , or us . 4 nave no access io me suun.es m true
mded these injurious imputations were, than j information in respect to the degree of credit
self. As early as when President Houston | which may be due to these rumors ; but our
t went to Teias, I believe in 1829,1 was con- I government ought, without doubt, to exercise
Dixon H. Lewis has been appointed a Sena
tor from Alabama, iu place of \Vtn.^R. King rt (
signed.
1 “ We on the seobmud are a most fugacious people,
j but while we prate about the villainous black tat iff. tbc
j mountains will show us tint they possess nil the
l wealth, all the power ami all the population—und
it wealth and power is what all classes strive after, with
out regurd to tho crocodile tears of demagogues-
“ The immense investment made by a foreign com
pany in upper Carolina, our readers are already ac
quainted with. The villanous black tariff is certainly
working sad results. It is a pity that these spinning
j jennies will disturb the sylvan solitudes ot our own
lardy Georgia. And yet it will he so, despite of all the
fine spun theories of the talkers. Good cotton cloth
will be of better texture, last longer, and confer more
comfort than all the air woven fabrics of those who
oppose manufactures. Those who ten years hence go
to our mountains in search of picturesque seclusions
prise _
we were colonies of Great Britain, her policy
compelled us to resort to her workshops for the
manufactures which we required. That was
then our natural market—so at least otir mother
thought—and when we had escaped from this
vassalage, the handful of patriots who had achiev
ed our independence found ample employment
fora time in the labors to which they had been
accustomed—in commerce, in navigation and
in agriculture. They had border strifes to ad
just—thev had rich forests to subdue—they
had capital to accumulate—they had a govern
ment to form. A disjointed Confederacy was
not calculated to stimulate the enterprise of our
fathers, and they languished during its continu
ance. The new Government came, with inspiring
influences, and ver y soon ,he condition of the
European world, which made us the common
carriers of the nations, so extended our com
merce and navigation as to take away for the
time all motive for any other employment of our
capital and labor.
We came from the war in 1815 wilh mannfnc-
tures which bad grown up during our troubles,
and which requited the protection of the Gov
ernment to save them from prostration. South
ern patriotism. Southern liberality, came to tbetr
rescue. Massachusetts stood aloof from 1817
to 1828. unwilling; to withdraw from commerce
the capital which it profitably employed. The
great manufacturing State of Pennsylvania^ was
at one time the commercial rival of New York.
Tn every State the process hv which manufac
tures commended themselves to public favor was
not only gradual but slow. Tts progress seems
nevertheless to he steady. Tt has overrun the
Eastern and Middle Slates. New Hampshire per
haps excepted. Tts course is Southward. Mary
land is a manufacturing State; Virginia and
North Carolina are becoming so ; and the Slate
of South Carolina is now receiving into her bo
som an English manufacturing company. With
English capital and English operatives, she is
about to furnish to her citizens that which, if it
succeeds, will be in truth their natural market
o f purchase as well as sale. This English cap
ital will thus be added to our own, and these
English operatives will no doubt soon become
good American citizens, I read from the news
paper which I hold in my hand some account
i of this establishment:
“ Elbrrt CncsTY, Feb. 22, 1844.
i « Messrs. Morgan & Joke*:—I proceed to eite von
history, briefly, of a mannfact'irinj establishment on
what, in a question relating to revenue, was
more important, its tendency to increase the
quantum of imports for consumption in the
country, from which the revenue was to arise.
The honorable Senator will. I think, find a
full explanation of our extraordinary prosperity
during this period, in the fact, to which he has
adverted, though for another purpose, that
the stars and s'ripes of this young nation then
floated over a great part of the commerce of
the world ; that the wars which grew out
of the French revolution, and made Europe
one great battle-field, made us also the
caniers of all nations ; and that these wars—
commencing in 1793,and only temporarily inter
> our moumimis in scare a oi pH-iureatiu*; » i « » - . tom ...k- u
ill be as much disappointed us Rousseau was when rupted by the peace of A.mens m 1801, wh.ch
he stumbled upon a stocking factory in a romantic
glen in the Swiss Alps, where he fancied he could
Itve retired, forgetting the world and by the world
forgotten. Shady and leafy glens, and tumbling cas
cades, tint make those precincts vocal where..
* Human foot hath ne’er or rarely been,’
are very good in their wav: but they are better in
summer than in winter, and liie plashing of one good
waterwheel that aids in manufacturing comfortabh
might more properly be denominated a truce—
extended beyond the first period embraced by
his table ; although after 1808 our own situatiou
denied to us the benefits which we had before en
joyed from that of the European world. We
were during this propitious period, in a condition
similar to that of Holland before the British nav
igation act, and the awakening of other nations
to the conviction that thev could do for them-
meet the question, if then presented to me, with I f(,ot ill this part of the country, which may not be unin-
in M.uiiui nr«
influenced by local or sectional feeling. I am I ^anufacturi'i^.Vestnbiuhment. The result i*. tbnt sairl
not, I need hardly say to you, an untried man in ; P?Pnt has settled down open » location at the heao of
respect to my disposition or ability to disregard i Xrntter’s Shoals, on the Savannah River, nine miles
anv feeling of that character in the discharge of of- i „hnve Petershurj. The situation was the pmnertv of
ficial duties. You, as well as a 1 ! others, have j Jntn-s Edward Calhoun, and w-as purchased bv ther
therefore at least some grounds on which to j nsent at sixtv thousand dollar*, inebtdins eiebt tbott-
forill an opinion as to the probable fldelltv with ! 'and nrres of land. Tt is said that fortv fumiUPs rom
which these assurances would be observed. | Manchester are on their wav. or are on ninsr on
, , ,| j , r- , i . f i to prepare for a verv large htieinpss; hence entscorer
1 sha add a few words on another aspect of i ; p y . f , „ „r
, . ... 1-1 t • . lliaf the manufacture of everv description ot roltmx
the question, and then dismiss the subject.—
Mexico may carry her persistence in refusing to
acknowledge the independence of Texas, and in
destructive but fiuitless efforts to reconquer that
State, so far as to produce, in connexion with
other circumstances, a decided conviction tin
the part of a majority of the people of the Uni
ted States, that the permanent welfare, if not
absolute safety of all. make it necessary that the
proposed annexation should be effected, be the
consequences what thev may. The question
may be asked, what, under such circumstances,
would be the use you would make of the execu
tive power, if intrusted to your hands 1 Would
it be wielded to defeat, or to carry into effect the
ascertained wishes of our people ? My reply
to such a supposition is, thai I can conceive of wn«l. ^ _
no public questions, in tespect to which >t is I “ T f ’* eratifvtnar to t .e rv-or
' . j 11 . . j • vvp shall n Inr"** fimnnFuotii
more eminently proper that the opinions and 1
ipt*# 1 to believe tlmt.
r town spring up n*
by mnorir on tbe mnr<rm of obi K!b r rt.
“ Land* in tbn viri. itv will -n <lo>ibt advance, nnd
indeed have advanced atreadv. People living near
will find sale for everv tiling thev have to snare, nnd
the old women are beeinnine to talk prettv strong about
turkeys, chickens, p£T2*, &c. for the factory*. C.
But the march nf this manufacturing spirit is
1 still onward and southward. Georgia is awak-
i ing to the conviction that a portion of her pro-
I ductive labor mav bo better emploved. Hitherto
she has confined it lo the cultivation of two great
staples. A propitious season and a favorable
market gave an abundance which tempted to
prodigality. The failure of either subjected to
genera] embarrassment. She is becoming daily-
more and more convinced of the advantage nf a
division of labor. Here is some account of her
progress:
“Among tbe resource* of Georgia pow Hevelopinr-
fbetpselves. are her mnuufnrtures of east ami wrought,
iron, located in onr mountain region Several are now
in operation or springing into existence. \\ e will only
mention that in Cn = * rountv. twelve miles from Gnss-
ville nnd six east nf tbe railroad, is a furnace where
large quantities of hollow-ware nnd other eastings nre
- ade of a very fair quality. These sell at tbe factory
at four cents per pound. Bar iron is also made there
and sold at six rents, nnd enough demand. A new es
tablishment for the purpose nf rolling nnd cutting nails
is erecting on the Hightower river. On the Altoonev
creek, nrte mile from the railroad, another furnace is
now erecting for tile purpose nf manufacturing wrought
iron only. In a few years th" people of Georgia need
not look bevond the limits of their own State for anv
of these articles, and will also supply most of the cotton
manufactures necessary for her consumption [What
tio tbe Georgia manufacturers of cotton and iron think
nf the tariff 11 There are also mnnv articles of provi
sion*, such a* flour, bacon, Irish potatoes,butter. Arc.,
which will soon be furnished hv onr Cherokee region
sufficient for our consumption, and distributed by our
railroad* through the State.”
In Clark connty alone, there are five or six
factories, one of which runs some 3,000 thros
tles. For instance, there are the Athens Facto
ry, the Princeton Factory, the Georgia Factory.
Dr. Poullain'a. known as the Skull Shoals Fac
tory. besides which, there is one on Barber’s
Creek, and another, whose name and locality we,
do not remember. In Newton county, there
are the Cedar Shoals Factory, the Jackson Com
pany Factory, and the High Shoals Factory.
Tn Pike county, there are two factories, the
Flat Shoals and the Campbell Company. There
are two factories in Upson county; there are
two in Muscogee near Columbus ; there are two
in Richmond county; there is one in Elbert
county ; and ihere is the McDonough Factory in
Henry county; and there is one going up in
Lowndes county. In Cobb county, there is
the Roswell Factory, which employs 75 hands,
runs 2500 throstles, has 20 power looms, and
operates with a capital of $70,000. Tueywtll
consume, the ensuing season, about 1,200 bales
of cotton, making 800 yards a day of various
kinds of cloth, and a superior cotton bagging.
There is, too, in connection with this factory.
running several machines, and
clothing for an industrious population, is worth all the j se | ves what Holland had heretofore done for
cascades in creation. But we can have the cascades J | ia( ] deprived her of the privelege of being
and the mills too. The falls of Montmorency tui n a \ carrier of the world. It might well there-
m.ll without any disgrace to the water. j p ore happen that a population amounting to from
Our Northern brethren will not. therefore, it i p ollr to sev en millions, during a period of pros-
would seem, be permitted any longer io play this | |> e rity like this might sustain an amount of im-
game altogether alone. They must divide the j poriation, and consequently produce and steadi-
“ plunder,” and share with us of the South some j j y preserve an amount - of revenue, much great-
ot those ‘‘enormous profits’ which they have’ er than even double their number could have
been hitherto exclusively enjoying. | sustained and produced during the last epoch of
Mr. President, if we could divest ourselves of the honorable senator, without looking to the
a long cherished attachment to iheoiies—an at- j rate of duty to explain the diversity,
tnebment which has become stronger from the j This would be more obviously true, if, at the
exciting scenes through which the defence ol | commencement of the latiet epoch, the country
them has conducted us—and come to the con- j was just emerging from a war. which had exhaus-
sideration of this question of protection in a bet- ; ted her resources, and broken up. however tein-
ter and calmer spirit, it would be found that the) porarily, the pursuits of industry of all classes of
diversities of opinion which exist between us are ; her citizens; and if its progress had been mar-
not so great as he who listens to the denuncia- I ked by a series of commercial revulsions, neces-
‘ tions which are uttered here and elsewhere would j sarily and directly affecting a revenue almost ex-
be led to imagine. The advocates ot protection , clusively derived from imports. In both cases
claim, as I understand them, that the expert-' the operative cause was from without. The
ses of the Government shall be defrayed by a dn- condition of the country was, I apprehend, very
ty on imports, and that, in collecting the neces- I little affected by the rate of duty which was im-
sary revenue, a discrimination shall be made for J posed. But l will not pursue this inquiry fur-
the protection of domestic industry. This pre- \ tlier. I cannot avoid, however, adding that I
sents three questions : ! marvelled at the regret expressed by the senator
1. The power to discriminate. ; at lhe falling off in the exportation of bread
2. The expediency ol so exercising it. j stuffs; which, notwithstanding the diversion ol
3- The extent of the protection to be afforded, j agricultural labor to the cultivation of cotton.
On the first question there is, I apprehend, | have still been produced in greater quantity, but
verv little diversity of opinion. The mere pow- j have been consumed at home. 1 nis has result-
er seems to be either expressly Admitted, or to j from the increased demand and increased a-
be a necessary inference from what is admitted, j biliry to consume, created by the protection af-
even by the advocates of the present bill. The forded to our domestic industry employed in
power to impose taxes, ex vi termini, implies the j manufactures. That our farmers should have
right to determine what shall be taxed, what; found a market for their flour and corn at home,
articles shall be free, and what shall be the rate of J instead of being obliged to send it abroad, seems
taxation ; in other words, to discriminate. This! me matter of gratulation, rather than of re
power of discrimination may, however, be exer-! ? ret -
cised for two purposes: first for revenue; sec-1 Mr. President, it is pressed upon us in this
ond, for protection. The Senator from South ’ argument that the act of 1842 imposes undue and
Carolina admits the first, in the definition : peculiar burdens on southern industry—on the
which he gives of a proper revenue tariff, and planting interest of the South. This, sir, is to
i in the different rates of dutv which he pro- me an awakening suggestion—the burden, if
proves on the luxuries of tbe rich and the'ne-j it exists, operating alike on my constituents and
cce jsaries of the poor. The Senator from Mis-j myself, and upon me personally to the whole
son ri admit both, and is unwilling to abandon! extent of the productive property which I pos-
the protection to a proper extent “and in a pro-! R ess. A little reflection, however, relieves me
per degree, of the domestic industry of onr peo-j from apprehension. 1 know that any tax which
pie. As between him, therefore, and those who the government can impose, in so far as it oper-
are denominated advocates of protection, the ares upon consumption, can only compel thc
difference is merely a quesiionufdegree, Buti southern planter to share in the burden which
doe s not the same consequence, as to the ques-l a h consumers have to bear. Experience satis-
tioa of power, result inevitably from the argu- me, too. that this cannot be to the whole
limit of the senator from South Carolina ? He! amount of the duty, but that the foreign produ-
wo;i Id discriminate for the purpose of revenue ; j cer must bear his proportion ofit in the diminish-
tha? is, he would impose duties on such articles «1 profits of capital. I knot/ that the price of
and at such rates as would best secure an ade- southern produce has not fallen since these
qua? e income to the government. Thus far 11 dmies were imposed. I know, too, that the
agre \ his discrimination is for revenue merely. 1 prices of articles of southern consumption have
I But he goes further : he would discriminate be- not risen, but have beet, sensibly diminished —
! ttvetr n the articles which minister to the luxury • I find, therefore, that the injury which we have
i of ill e rich and those which subserve the neces- sustained must consist, not in what we have ac-
fsitiei of the poor, and in favor nf the latter. The
t inot-t.-e is good ; the act would be praiseworthy,
{ifth s purpose could not he better accomplished
j othi trwise; but this surely is not discrimination
I for . .he purpose of revenue. On the contrary,
i that in many cases would require an exactly op-
i posi te course, as revenue may be collected ini
i area iter abundance and with more certainty from experience.
I nee jssaries than from luxuries. The discrimi-! Sir, this doctrine, that the whole of the duty
'nati an then would be made for the purpose of imposed on an article of import falls upon the
; relit -ving the poor from the pressure of tnxa- consumer—and not only so, but that he is com-
I a t io a—not for revenue, but from motives of pelted also to submit to an equivalent increase
Icha. *ity. In my judgement, sir, this vields the '» the price of similar articles manufactured at
who leargutnent. lf we may thus discriminate be- home—I think finds no countenance in any work
I twet >n the rich and lire poor, not to increase rev-1 on political economy, whether of domestic or ot
j ent. e, but to lighten its pressure on the victims foreign origin. 1 do not so read either Adam
inf | loverly—if we may thus discriminate for Smith or Jean Baptiste Say, though both are
i the relief and protection of the poor, so far as advocates of free trade. On the contrary, I find
i the * question of 'power is concerned, the advo- the latter, to whom alone I have recently refer-
i t .aie s of protection may well ask whv we may red, stating that the distribution of these bnr-
j not i in like manner discriminate between foreign dens between producers and consumers is infin-
and domestic labor, for the protection of the; itely diversified according to the circumstances
I latte r ? It would be difficult, I apprehend, sir. j of the individuals, and distinguishing the various
to a nswer this question, enforced as it might be cases in which they fall on the producers, or
bv t be suggestion that this exercise of the pow- are divided between them and the consumers of
eroi 'discrimination must have been foreseen by j the commodities which are taxed. This is af-
. the convention, since such was the usage of ail firmed in relation to taxes which are internal.—
com mercial nations, and adding that it was actu- It may be more strongly asserted where the
allv resorted to, and for this avowed purpose, by producer of any article has to encounter an im-
the! irst Congress which assembled under the con- port duty in the market to which he sends it;
stitu tion. f° r tfi 60 ’ ” fi at portion of the tax can be thrown
T ■ i _ , i , I upon the consumer must depend upon the de-
I cannot avoid, moreover, the aeknowiedg- 1 . . . . , ,
...... , r .. . mand in that market, and this w. of course be
men t that there is much force in the argument _. , . , .’ . .. . . . '
whi. :h was so ably presented and so happilly ii- &,feclecl b * th f e ar ancles of do-
lust rated bv the chairman of thc Committee or. ,neSt l ' C '"Mnfiictnre. The reduct.nn of profits
Fin ince—that a just and wise discrimination in ° wb,cb h ? submits « the pr.ee which he pays
favo rof the domestic industry of the countrv, ,or ,he P r,vlle K e <* that market, and the extent
tually lost, but in what we might by possibility
have gained, if this law had not been passed.—
This opens a wide field for speculation, conjec
ture, and for the exercise of imaginative power.
Theoretical reasoning mav range over it at large,
and revel in tile conviction that it is safe from
the assault ot its natural enemies—those of fact
otner meaos ol obtninin^ retCDiie. Can
burden the people with direct taxes fo" .7
support of both governments? No sir. ty 6
too, must depend upon customs. Fre e U .J'
cannot, then, exist between two nations so c *
cuinstanerd. The true principle for us. is » n
expressed by a periodical writer of the dav r
quote from recollection : “ Reciprocal Voo. 1
merce with foreign nations, and perfect free t rHl i
among ourselves.” The only question betwee*
two such nations as the Unitod States and Gr* n .
Britain relates to tfie comparative burdens win. k
they respectively impose. That e»rapa ri8 L
would show how much we lag behind her j n the
butdens imi»osed upon commerce. I will d H t v
you only to advert to two or three particulars, 'pj *
amount of duties from customs in Great R r j, .
in 1839. was c£22, 962.610—equal to 8110,220°
528. Of these, '.here was collected on article^
produced in the United States, and exporter!
Great Britain. 826,849.477—nearly one-finm”
of the whole revenue from customs. The whole
revenue from customs in tbe United State. *
that year, was less than eighteen millions, fa”
Great Britain levies on two articles of our ejl
ports—viz. cotton and tobacco—an amount of
duty greater than we collect on all articles j m
ported from foreign countries.
Thus, the receipts from customs in the Uni’eJ
Stales, in the years 1838, 1839 and 1840. „•...
$52,798,227. On cotton and tobacco. Great {' ti '
tain levied during those years, $73,63g so*
And yet cotton is subject to a low duty, becau "
indispensable to her manufactures.
1 have before me a table containing a list of
forty-seven articles, which we do, or could ex
port to Great Britain, if the course of trade
equal, on which the average rate of duty j 3 ->4
per cent. On thirty-three of these articles.
makes a discrimination in favor of her own c ,; 0
nies, against us, of 102 percent.
If we omit cotton, on which a regard to her
own interest makes her impose a low dutv. t] Je
average duty on these articles would be 330 r . fcr
cent. Whatever motives may exist, then, for th*
reduction of our tariff of duties, none certain y
is found in the liberality of Great Britain towards
us. Looking, therefore, to this question as an
American cirizen, I do not fee 1 at liberty. i n tl.e
actual condition of the country, to disturb t e
existing system of tevenue, by the adoption of
a measure so fleeting and transient as anv bill
would be, which could become a law at the pre
sent session of Congress. It could at most en
dure only until the next should assemble.
Tills is also my judgment as a southern min.
my verdict as a southern planter. So far as tfet
interest is affected. [ have as deep a stake as anv
man can have, for whatever of productive oro-
pertv I possess is employed in southern a ti-
culture; and while no man has more, or mure
imperative claims upon him than I have, this is
the source of their supply.
Sir, it is precisely because I am a southern
man, with southern feelings and southern inter
ests, because nothing which affects that people
can be foreign to my heart—and because, in an
swer to this appeal to our interest, I lee! that
when the pocket nerve of the southern planter
is touched, mine is as liable to vibration as that of
another—that 1 have addressed you on this occa
sion. I know how iittle influence mv judgment
on this question will have, or can claim to have,
with the great body of my countrymen.— Valent
vtllere quantum protest. I desire to bear to them
this testimony ol the unwillingness of one por
tion ol the South at this moment, and under the
circumstances iu which we are placed, to disturb
all the pursuits of industry, for the purpose of
instituting a vain experiment, which cannot en
dure beyond this parenthetical epoch of our his
tory. We have all much to to learn and to un
learn upon this subject; and when we shall have
passed away, many problems connr.eeted wi.h
it, will yet remain to be solved by those who
come after us. Theoretical reasoning will ex
haust itself in vain attempts to accomplish it;
and imperfect deductions from statistical tables,
however accurately they may be collated, will
be equally tallacious. It is thc part of wisdom
to pause here, and to profit by the lesson which
another year's experience will afford us. The
polical darkness w hich overshadows ns. will then
have been dispersed, and • brighter hour$ will
come for whoever may be ‘ loro’s of the ascend
ant,* we ahull have, (or a time at least, svstettv
and stability. The interests of eighteen mil
lions of people are confided to our care. We
should not put these to the hazard of vain and
trdYisient experiments. That year’s experi
ence will show its the defects of the existing
system of revenue, if it be defective, and will
guide us in the application of the remedy. Let
us not refuse its ;wd, nor be too confident in our
own wisdom.
I offer my respectful acknowledgments to the
Senate, fur the attention with which thev have
favored me, and will not further trespussupon
their indulgence.
j bv a tiding to the national wealth, and consequent-
I ly t. j the ability o( individuals to consume, may
\ tern I directly to increase the revenues of the
; gov eminent. Nor am I insensible to the high
jeon sideraiions of public policy and of public
!dut v which this question involves. If this pow-' , . r , , , .
ere im be exercised for purposes so beneficial, 1 " ou d r a el . ,eve me from ,he P^mem of that duty,
'without unduly pressing on the productive in- |
of it must depend upon the vigor of the com
petition which he encounters there.
As an agricultural producer of an article which
is subject to a heavy duty on ils importation in
to Great. Britain, where it is usually sent, I should
be glad to learn that the English consumer
itlm-lryof any |K»rtion of this great community
i of iiiates, 1 cannot conceive any higher oliliga- j
rough, or paddy, and another and higfier rate on
rice which is pounded and fitted lor use. Ob-
.tioi,. if we except those of maintaining the re- ? eirve ’ first ’ lhe f ca,e wll, . ch ? he tak " s t0 P rotec ‘
I gul ated liberty which the constitution secures. h * r , own »-«»«fociures.n these different rates
j and.of preserving the public morals, than the ; “ ? 1 sh,ll,D f S ' per , qua ^
1 dui.v of increasing national uid individual wealth j
ter. equal to lOJd. per bushel ; on clean rice, it
dut.y ot increasing national mo individual wealth . .. '.... , ’ . ’ ” , 1
by thus'stimulating the productive energies of !f 6 J>'fo r H2 pounds It takes twenty
ou/ people. Sir, when 1 look to the condition ! bush . e!s of >?.?> t0 % . °^ r " T,*’
of this favored land; to the extent of itster.ito- I we, f bn !§ C°° bs. .net On 20 bushels of paddy,
rv, stretching from ocean to ocean : to its diver- i at 10ld ’ per bush f ] ’ ,be du I?“ 17s ' 6d ’ , rile
sky of clime; its variety of production ; the | quanmjrtO form of clean nee, makmg
abundance which it yields of whatever may ex- j a barre ' of 600 Ibs ’ net ' at Cs ’ per 112 lbs ” pa >' s
excise the skill or employ the industry of man: i a ™ ' ~ 3 .' rr , , , , , _ ,,
when I consider the rapid increase of its popu-! ™us tt I send these twenty bushels of paddy
latino, and reflect that there are those now liv-! f0 b « cleaned tn England, they will pay an tru
ing, who, if this confederated government. ; P<»rt duty ot l,s. 6d. Ill employ American la-
Ijuvanfe. shall happily continue brightening its 1 bor ’ a ' ,d bave “cleaned m this country they
j bond of union and still preying onward with the ! pa >' 3 c 2s ' f / 1,18 d^erence .s, ol couree, for the
same decennial speed wh.el. has hitherto marked benefit of tlie pound,ng mills m England But
its progress; .hat there are those who are even j e,th . er ,:ase ’ ,he « paid by the planter;
J now breathing this air of freedom, who will live to “ » « aken . mto account by the purchase,
see a popular,on of fifty millions of men spread | ^re whether it is sold m the form of clean nee
! over this vast territory, speaking one and the or ot paddy What renders this less_tolen.b e,
same language, animated bv one and the same j ,s \ that lh,s dut - v . '? exac,ed v > ola !'on of the
spirit, trained up in the maxims of civil liberty j ex,stln « commercial treaty. Great Britain ad-
under the influences of one and the same glori- ! ,nlts . rlC , e r “ m tl,e , west coast of A at , a n \ ere
ous constitution, acknowledging one common ' l,nm,nal du *’ and vve ." e entitled under that
bondol union, and bowing in fervent gratitude '; eal >'. 10 ‘‘ ,e 8ame P r,v, l?ge- Mr Stevenson
for all these blessings at the altar of one and the thought, when he was England, that he had
same God, the inquiry is pressed upon me with i ,ecured bm the P , re | s,deDt M5 " 9 08 ln h »™«-
a force which I can very feebly express, can it j sa ? e , atthe opemugot the present sesston. that tt
be that these myriads of freemen, thus furnished ! ,s yet ,n controversy, and st.ll the subject of ne-
that State, and tbe Alabama Times of the 2/th
ultimo has the following:
- We are glad to learn that preparations are makintr
to begin an extensive spinning and wearing esiabiisb-
ment'at the Tallapoosa Falls, in the neighborhood of
Tallasgee, twenty one or two miles from this city.
The location and'waler power is thought in be as good
or better than any other in the Slate. This is ju*t
what the South ought to do.”
The infection has extended to our extreme
southwestern boundary- Hear the Van Burea
(Arkansas) Intelligencer of the 24th ultimo :
“ Cotton Yarn.—We have just been shown a hank
ofcotion yarn manufactuted by Mark Bean, Esq., of
Cane Hill, Washington county. Excellent judges pro
nounce it a superior article, and equal to any manufac
tured in the Eastern Slates. We take pleasure in no
ticing this evidence of improvement in our State.-
From the tokens before us, we can venture to predict
that prosperous and happy times are in store for us if
we but follow upthe enterprising nnd industrious course
that we have commenced. Mr. Bean informs us that
he manufactures six hundred dozen hunks of this
thread per week.”
And here is the comment of a southern editor
on these various operations—a little rough, to be
sure, but serving to indicate an awakened spirit;
i my t
by the bounty of Heaven with all which can
j minister to their wants or to their wishes, can it
i be that they are destined to be dependent on
| the work- shops of Europe for the necessaries or
! the conve niences of life ?
Mr. President, they are few in number, I be
lieve, who will answer this question in the affir
mative. ‘With the greater porton of those who
advoeMe low duties, but who would be unwilling
to withhold protection from manufactures, the
question if* one of degree merely. That is an
inquiry whiich, when the proper time arrives, I
shall desire to examine with the utmost care.—
The Senato r (rom Missouri supposes it is answer
ed by the post history of our country. To show
this, be divides that history into two great epochs,
and scanninj; these with philosophic eye. seeks to
extract from them the principle he maintains,
thatflow dut ies conduce to the prosperity of the
county- Sit, this is a high intellectual operation.
It can be sue ccssfully performed only by an accu
rate knowlea ge of results, and by a capacity to
trace anddulw to estimate the causes, often various
and sometimes seemingly contradictory, whose
combined inf luences have contributed to produce
them : rerun i coguoseere causas, et suani cuiqui
tribuere. TI le defect, however, as it seems' to
me, in the honorable Senator's argument, con
sists in the failure to appreciate at its full value
the peculiarl.v favorable condition of this coun
try during the earlier epoch of which he speaks,
and its inflitonce in producing the result which
he exhibits. His attention had been called to
the fact, for he notes ils influence “ in promo
ting imports for re-exportation,” overlooking
gotiaiion. But if the consumer pays this dutv,
why are we so anxious to obtain its remission ?
Why do we seek to obtain the admission of this
and other articles of our produce into foreign
ports, at a moderate duty? And if we have to
pay this duty for the privilege of the English
market, how is it that the English manufacturer
can escape the same consequence, in relation to
duties imposed here, to enable him to enjoy the
privilege of our market?
But the most extraordinary of all the proposi
tions which this debate has produced, is, that
Great Britain is disposed to adopt a system of
free trade, and that we ought to act in a recip
rocal spirit. What is this free trade, and where
does it exist ? Is it in England ? Is it here? Can
it be tolerated by either country ?
Can Great Britain tolerate it, encumbered as
she is bv debt, the provision for the interest on
which, demands all her resources ? She receives
rom customs annually upwards o( twenty-three
millions sterling. Can she dispeuse with this? And
how would she supply the deficiency ? She has
already, in addition to all her other burdens, an
income tax, which has been heretofore resorted
to, only in times of great emergency. She has
already taxed almost every thing which is taxa
ble ; but after all, the heaviest of her taxes is
that which she levies, or attempts to levy, ou
the credulity of other nations, when she affects
to be the advocate of free trade.
Can we dispense with duties and imposts as
the chief source of our revenue ? adopt this prin
ciple of free trade, and throw your ports open to
all nations freely and without charge ? Can we
LETTER FROM MR. CLAY.
To the Editors of the Salional intelligencer.
Washi.xgton, May 3, 1644-
Gextleme.v :—I’rior to the comrnencemen 1 ,
and during the progress of the* journey which
I have recently made to some of the Southern
Slates, I received numerous invitations to visit
my fellow-citizens at various points of tfie Union-
I was compelled ro decline accepting the great
er number of them, and, in most instances, trans
muted answers accordingly ; but. as I may have
omitted to reply to some of them, and as otbers
addressed to me may not have reached me, to
all such I request to be allowed, through the
National Intelligencer, ro communicate a gen
era! and respectful answer, and to state the
ground on which I shall feel constrained to
place any similar invitations with which I may
be in future honored.
These popular demonstrations of friendship,
attachment, and" confidence towards me, aie high
ly gratfving to my feelings, and are entitled ro
an expression of my profound and grateful ac
knowledgements. If it were suitable aad prop
er, in my judgment, to meet assemblages of mv
fellow-citizens no tbe occasions proposed, 1
would embrace the opportunity with pleasure,
and should exchange friendly salutations wi
them with a warmth and enthusiasm, oa my pam
not exceeded by their own. But an event ot im
portance took place on the first instaot in Bala-
more. A convention of Delegates from the
Whig party, coming from all parts of the Uoii«2
Stares, acting in conformity with the well-as
certained wishes and sentiments of the. YY1 8 I
of the U. Stares, has formally announced mj j
name as a candidate for the office ol President I
of the Uoited S'ates, and from a high sense ol
duty, I have accepted the nomination. It has
been, moreover, ratified bv another Convention,
composed of Delegates from every part of the
United States, who its.serubied on tbe 2d instant
in Baltimore. Being thus placed, with my o»n
consent, in tbe atti! tide of ;> candidate for th^
high offii e, I feel mvselt bound to respect and
pei form all the duties ond obligations which aj>-
pertain to me in that chararter.
The election of a Chiet Magistrate of a free,
great, and enlightened nation, is one ot^the gra
vest and most momentous functions wnich the
People can exercise. It is emphatically, and
ought to be exclusively, their own busiuess -
Upon the wisdom of their choice depends tb*
preservation and soundness of free instituiions.
and Ihe welfare and prosperity of tliemselves.-
In making it, they should be free, impart^-
and whollt unbased by the conduct of a cau
date himself. Not only, in my opinion, is it b»
dutv to abstain from all solicitation, director in
direct, of their suffrages, but he should avoid j
being voluntarily placed in situations to seek, m
in w hich he might be supposed to seek, to .n -
fiueoce their judgment.
Entertaining these views of what becomes a
candidate for the exalted office of President f' 1
the Uni’ed Slates, I shall act'in strict conform-
ity with them. Hereafter, and until the pending j
Presidential election is decided, 1 cannor acre;* I
nor attend any public meeting of mV fcfto* I
citizens, assembled in reference to that ob F'' 1 '
to which I may have been or shall be invited *' I
It is rr.y wish and intention, when I feave tbis cHJ. I
to return home as quietly and quickly as P 0!- ‘ |
hie, and, employing myself in my private busm 1 * j
and affairs, there to await the decision ol t-*
Presidential election, acquiescing in it, wbatei |
it may be, with the most perfect submission.
I hope those who have honored me with «
tations to which I have not yet leplied, anu t "* _
who may have inteuded ine the honor of !r
milling others, will accept, without disappro
tioc, this exposition of the motives by w. ic
am governed. , ol
I am, gentlemen, your friend and o > ■
fipru:.nt. H« EL
Virginia-—Tbe Richmond Enquirer
Virginia Senate will consist ot 21 Locos and , Jjj
and tbe House of 61 Locos and 73 l' 1 h'r
the JVliig m’.joriiy on ioiiit ballot, trc.