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VOLUME XL1I.
MILLEDGEYILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JANUARY 8, 1861.
NUMBER 2.
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^Allbusiness iu the liuc of Printing will meet with
prompt attention atthc REi£OHt>EK OFFI»tE^
T ie Addrew of the People of South Caio-
ina, assembled ;n Convention, to the Peo
ple of m? Slaveholdin- States of the Uni
ted States.
It is now seventy three years since tin*
L nion between the United States was
made by the Constitution of the United
States. During this time, their advance
in wealth, prosperity and power, has been
with scarcely a parallel in the history of
the world. The great object of their l'n-
ion was external defence from the aggres
sions of more powerful nations; which ob
ject is now attained from their mere pro
gress in power. Thirty-one millions ol
people, with a commerce aud navigation
which explore every sea, and with agricul
tural production which are necessary to ev
ery civilized people, command the friend
ship of the world. I3ut unfortunately, onr
internal peace has not grown with our ©x
teinal prosperity. Discontent and conten
tion have moved in the bosom of the Con
federacy for the last thirty-five years. Du
ring this time, South Carolina has twice
called her people together in solemn con
vention, to take into consideration the ag
gression and 1
RABUN &. SMITH,
Factors and Commission Merchants,
SAVANNAH, GEORGIA.
Orders for Bagging, Rope, aud other family
sunDlies promptly actaadad to.
July 24. I860. 30 Cm
RIVERS & STANLEY,
attorneys at law,
IRWINTON, GA.
Will practice in the Ocmulgee and Southern
Circuits. JONA. RIVERS,
April 10. IdiiO. 15 38t ROLIN A. STANLEY.
F. gTd a n a,
(LATE DANA & WASHBURN)
FACTOR & COMMISSION MERCHANT.
SAVANNAH, GEORGIA.
I CONTINUE th<' above business at the old stand
of DAK A & WASHBURN, 114 Bay Street, and
prepared to make liberal advances on all produce
consigned to my care.
August 7, 1800 23 26t
N EW LAW FIRM.
RLTIIERFORD & HARRIS,
MACON, GA.
W ILL practice Law in Bibb and adjoining
counties, and in the United States Court at
Savannah and Marietta.
—ALSO—
In any county in the State by Special contract.
John Ruthkrford. Charles J. Harris.
March 10 1860. ] 1 tf.
JONES & WAY7
(Successors to WAY & TAYLOR,)
FACTORS & C0MHISS10S MERCHANTS,
CORNER RAY AND DRAYTON STREETS,
SAVANNAH, QA.
JOHN JONLS, C. H . WAY.
Particular attention paid to selling Cotton, Rice,
Corn, Flour, Bacon and Produce generally.
Liberal advances made on consignments.
Jnly 12,1859 28 tf
HARDEMAN & SPARKS,
e house
AND COMMISSION MERCHANTS
ivTa-con, G-eo.
WILL GIVE prompt attention
to all business committed to their
charge and hope to receive a liberal
share of patronage.
TIIOS. HARDEMAN, Sen.,
OVID G. SPARKS.
Macon, August 21,I860 34 ly
ISAAC C. WEST & CO.,
AGENTS PLANTFRS’ convention,
—-AND
General Commission Merchants,
SA VANN A H GEORGIA.
COMMISSIONS—Fifty Cents per Bale for Cotton.
I. C* WEST. A. R. RALSTON.
August 14, 1800 33 6m
Tailoring
Establishment.
IIE SUBSCRIBER
now receiving
T
bis stock of
Fall and
Winter
'sS ‘‘UtliMif
and flatters himself that
he can please all tastes
iu his selections of
CLOTHS,
Cassimeres, cfcc.
Garments made to order, with NEATNESS and
dispatch.
Give me a trial and be your own judge.
THOMAS BROWN.
Milledgeville, Sept. 25, I860 30 tf
T^ILOPtlNGk
J. c. SPERLING,
thankful for past favors, would in
form his old friends and customers,
that lie is still at his business, and
can be found next door to the Re
corder office. Bis fits a»d
work, warranted to give
satisfaction.
September 25, I860 39 tf
Military and Fireman’s Hat and Cap
MANUFACTURER.
M. LENTZ, Milledgexille, Ga.. is
now prepared to fill any order in his
line of business. The Dress Caps of
the Governor’s Horse Guard, is a spe
eimen of his workmanship.
Particular attention given to renovating OLD
hats.
Milledgevilie,Nov. 15, I860 47 tf
WHEELER & WILSON’S
SEWING MACHINES.
Prices Reduced $5 to $11) on each.
AND
hemmkr included,
ill machines warranted one year.
3reat Central Agency for the State
—Machines of all kinds repaired by—
E. J. JOHNSTON & Co.,
WATCH MAKERS AND JEWELERS
n YOON,
December 4, 1860
49 tf
unconstitutional wrongs, per
petrated by the people of the North ou the
people of the South. These wrongs were
submitted to by the people of the South,
under the hope and expectation that they
would he final. But such hope and expec
tation have proved to be vain. Instead of
producing forbearance, our acquiesenco has
only instigated to new forms of aggressions
and outrage; and South Carolina, again
assembling her people in Convention, has
this day dissolved her connexion with the
States constituting the United States.
1 he one great evil from which all other
evils have flowed, in the overthrow of the
Constitution of the United States. The
Government of the United States is no
longer the Government of Confederated
Republics, but of a Consolidated Democ
racy. It is no longer a Free Government,
hut a Despotism. It is, in fact, such a
Government as Great Britain attempted to
set over our 1 athers, and which was resist
ed and defeated by a seven years’ strug
gle for independence.
I he Revolution of 1776, turned upon the
great principle ot self-government aud self
taxation, the criterion of self-govermcnt.
\\ here the interests of two people united
together under one Government, are differ
ent, each must have the power to protect
its interests by the organization of the
Government, or they caunot be free. The
interests of Great Britain and of the Colo
nies were different and antagonistic. Great
Britain was desirous ot carrying out the pol
icy of all nations towards their Colonies, of
making them tributary to her wealth and
power. She had vast and complicated re
lations with the whole world. Her policy
towards her North American Colonies was
to identify them with her in all these com
plicated relations; and to make them bear,
in common with the rest of the Empire,
the full burden of her obligations and ne
cessities. She bad a vast public debt; she
had an European policy and an Asiatic
policy, which had occ^ioned the accumu
lation of her public debt, and which kejt
her iu continual wars. The North Ameri
can Colonies saw their interests, political
and commercial, sacrificed by such a poli
cy. Their interests required that they
should not be identified with the burdens
and wars of the mother country. They
had been settled under Charters, which
gave them self-government; at least so far
as their property was concerned. They
had taxed themselves, aud had never been
taxed by the Government of Great Bri
tain. To make them a part of a consoli
dated Empire, the parliament of Great
Britain determined to assume the power of
legislating for the Colonies in all cases
whatsoever. Our ancestors resisted the
pretension. They refused to be a part of
the consolidated Government of Great
Britain.
The Southern States now stand exactly
iu the same position towards the Northern
States that our ancestors in the colonies
did towards Great Britain. The Northern
States, have the majority in Congress,
claim the same power of omnipotence in
legislation as the British Parliament-—
“The General Welfare” is the only limit
to the legislation of either; and the major
ity in Congress, as iu the British Parlia
ment, ‘’The General Welfare” is the
only limit to the legislation of either; aud
the majority in Congress, as in the British
Parliament, are the sole judge of the expe
diency of the legislation, this “General
Welfare” requires. Thus, the Government
of the United States has become a consol
idated Government; and the people of the
Southern States rfre compelled to meet the
very despotism their fathers threw off in
the Revolution of 1776.
The cousolidationof the Government of
Great Britain over the Colonies was at
tempted to be carried out by the taxes.—
The British Parliament undertook to tax
the Colonics to promote British interests
Our fathers resisted this pretention. They
claimed the right of self-taxation through
their Colonial Legislature*. They were
not represented iu the British Parliament,
and, tlrerefore, could not rightly be taxed
by its Legislature. The British Govern
nient, however, offered them a representa
tion in Parliament; but it was uot sufficient
to euable them to protect themselves from
the majority, and they refused it. Between
taxation without any representation, and
taxatiou without a representation adequate
to protection, there was no difference. In
neither would the Colonies tax themselves.
Hence they refused to pay the taxes laid
by the British Parliament.
And so with the Southern States towards
the Northern States, in the vital matter of
taxation. They are in a minority iu Con
gress. There represeutatiou in Cougress
is uselss to protect them against unjust tax
ation ; aud they are taxed by the people
of the North for there benefit, exactly as
the people of Great Britain taxed our an
cestor* in the British Parliament for their
benefit. For the last forty years the taxes
laid by the Congress of the United Sates
have been laid with a v’iew of subserving
the interest of the North. The people of
South have been taxed by the duties ou ina
ports, not for revenue, but for an object
inconsistent with revenue—to promote, by
prohibitions, Northern interest in the pro
ductions of their mines and manufactures.
There is another evil, in the condition
of the Southern towards the Northern
States, which our ancestors refused fo bear
towards Great Britain. Our ancestors not
only taxed themselves, but all the taxes col
lected from them were expended amongst
them. Had they submitted to the preten
sions of the British Government, the taxes
collected from them would have been ex
pended in other parts of the British empire.
They were fully aware of the effects of
such a policy in impoverishing the people
from whom taxes are collected, and in en
riching those who receive the benefit of the
expenditure. To prevent the evils of such
a policy was one of the motives which
drove them on to revolution. Yet this
British policy has been fully realized
towards the Southern States by the North
ern States. The people of the Southern
States are not only taxed for the benefit
of the Northern States, hut after the taxes
are collected three-fourths of them are ex
pended at the North. This cause, with oth
ers connected with the operation of the
Genet a! Government, haa made the cities
of the South provincials. There growth is
paralized, whilst they are mere suburbs of
Nortbern cities. The Agricultural pro
ductions of the South arc the basis of the
foieigu commerce of the United States; yet
the Southern cities do uot carry it on. Our
foreign trade is almost annihilated. In 17-
JO there were five ship yards iu South Car
olina, to build ships to carry ou our direct
trade with Europe. Between 1740 and 17
79, there were built in these yards twenty-
five square rigged vessels, besides a gieat
number of sloops and schooners, to carry
ou our coast and West India trade. In
the half century immediately preceding
the Revolution, from 1725 to 1775, the
population of South Carolina increased
sevenfold.
No man can for a moment believe that
our ancestors intended to establish over
their posterity exactly the same sort of
Government they had overthrown. The
great object of the Constitution of the Uni-
St t s, iu its internal operation, was, doubt
less, to secure the great eud of the Revolu
tion—a limited free Goverumeut—a Gov
ernment limited to those matters ouly,
which were general and common to all por
tions of the United States. Ail sectional or
local interest were to be left to the State.
By no other arrangement would they obtain
free Government, by a Constitution com
mon to so vast a Confederacy. Yet by
gradual and steady encroachments on the
part of the people of the North, aud acqui
escence on the part of the South, the limi
tations in the Constitution have been swept
away; aud the Government of the United
States has become consolidated, with a
claim of limitless powers ii* its operations.
It is uot all surprising, whilst sncli is the
character of tho Government of the United
States that it should assume to possess
power over all the institutions of the coun
try. The agitations on the subject of sla
very, are natural results of the consolida
tion of the Government. Responsibility
follows power; and if the people of the
North have the power by Congress “to
promote the general welfare of the Uni
ted States,” by any means they deem ex
pedient, why should they not assail aud
overthrow the institution of slavery in the
South ? They are responsible for its contin
uance or existence, in proportion to their
power. A majority in Congress, accor
ding to their interested and perverted
views, is omnipotent. The inducements
to act upon the subject of slavery, under
such circumsances, were so imperious as to
amount almost to a moral necessity. To
make, however, their numerical power avail
able to rule the Union, the North mu«t com
solidate their power. It would not be uni
ted on any matter conunou to the whole
Union—in other words, on any constitu
tional subject—for on such subjects divis
ions are as likely to exist in the North as
in the South. Slavery was strictly a sec
tional interest. If this could he made the
criterion of parties at the North, the North
could be united in its power, and thus car
ry out its measures of sectional ambition,
encroachments and aggrandizement. To
build up their sectional predominance in
the Union, the Consitution must be first
abolished by constructions ; but that being
done the consolidation of the North to rule
the South by the tariff’aud slavery issues,
was in the obvious course of things.
The Constitution of tho United States
was an experiment. The experiment con
sisted in uniting under one Government
different peoples, living iu different cli
mates, and having different pursuits of in
dustry aud institutions. It matters not
how carefully the lititntions of such a
Government be lain dowu iu the Constitu
tiou. Its success must at leat-tjjdepend up
on the good faith of the parties to the
Constitutional compact iu enforcing them.
It is uot in the power of human language-
to exclude false inferences, constructions
perversions in any Constitution; aud when
vast sectional interests are to be subserv
ed, involving the appropriation of the
countless millions oi money, it has not
been the usual experience oi mankind that
words on parchment can arrest power.—
The Constitution of the United States, ir
respective of the interposition of the States,
rested on the assumption that power would
yield to faith—that integrity would be
stronger than interest; and that thus the
limitations of the Constitution would be
observed. The experiment has been fair
ly made. The Southeru States from the
commencement of the Goverumeut have
striven to keep it within the orbit prescri
bed by the Constitution. The experiment
has failed. The whole Constitution, by
the constructions of the Nortbern people,
has been absorbed by its preamble. In
their reckless lust for power, they seem un
able to comprehend that scemiug paradox
—that.the more power is given to the Gen
eral Goverumeut the weaker it becomes.
Its strength consists iu the limitation of its
powers to objects of common interests.—
To extend tho scope of its power over sec
tional or local interests, is to raise up
against it opposition and resistance. In
all such matters, the General Government
must necessarily be a despotism, because
ell sectional or local interests must ever be
represented by a minority iu the conucils
of the General Government, having no
power to protect itself against the rule of
the majority. The majority, constituted
from those who dc not represent these sec
tional or local Interests, will control and
govern them. A free people cannot sub
mit to such a government. And the more
it enlarges the sphere of its power, the grea
ter mast be the dissatisfaction it must pro
duce, and the weaker it most become. On
the contrary, the more it abstains from
usurped powers, and the more faithfully
it adheres to'tlie limitations of the Consti
tution, the stronger it is made. The Nor
thern people have had neither the wisdom
nor the faith to perceive, that to observe
the limitation of the constitution was the
only way to its perpetuity.
Uuder sack a Government, there most
of course, be many an endless “irrepressi
ble conflicts,” between the two great sec
tions of the Union. The same faithless
iicss which has abolished the Constitution
of the United States, will not fail to cany-
out the sectional purposes for which it has
beeu abolished. There must be conflict
and the weaker section of the Uuion can
only And peace and liborty in an inde
pendetice of the North. The repeated ef
forts made by South Carolina, in a wise
conservatism, to anest the progress of the
General Government in its fatal progress
to consolidation, have been unsupported
and she has been denounced as faithless to
the obligations of the Constitution by the
very men and States who were destroying
it by their usurpations. It is now too late
to reform or restore the Government of the
United States. All confidence in the
North is lost by the South. The faithless
ness of the North for a half century has
opeued a gulf of separation between the
North and the South which no promises
nor engagements can fill.
It canuot be believed that our ancestors
would have assented to any union w hatev
er with the people of the North if the feel
ings and opinions now existing amongst
them had existed when the Constitution
was framed. There w as then no Tariff—
no fanaticism concerning negroes. It was
the Delegates from New England who
proposed in the Convention which framed
the Constitution to the Delegates from
South Carolina and Georgia, that if they
would agree to give Congress the power ot
regulating commerce by a majority, that
they would support the extension of the
Africa slave trade for twenty years. Af
rican slavery existed in all the States but
one. The idea that the Southern States
would be made to pay that tribute to their
Northern confederates, which they had re
fused to pay to Great Britian ; or that the
iustitntiou of Africau slavery, would be
made the grand basis of a sectional organi
zation of the North to rule the South, nev
er crossed the imaginations of our ances
tors. The Union of the Constitution was
a union of slaveholding States. It rests
on slavery, by prescribing a representation
in Congress for three fifths ot our slaves.
There is nothing in the proceedings of the
Convention which framed the Constitution
to shew that the Southern States would
have formed any other Union ; and still
less, that they would have formed a Un
ion with more powerful non-slavcliolding
States, having a majority in both branches
of the Legislature of the Government.—
They were guilty of no such folly. Time,
and the progress of things, have totally al
tered the relations between the Northern
and Southern States since the Union was
established. That identity of feelings, in
terestsaiul institutions, which once existed,
is gone. They are now divided, between
agricultural aud manufacturing, and com
mercial Statos ; between slaveliolding and
non-slaveholding States. Their institu
tions aud industrial pursuits have made
them totally different peoples. That
equality in the Government between the
two sections of the Union which once ex-
ted no longer exists. We but imitate the
policy of our fathers in dissolving a Union
with nouslaveholding confederates, aud
seeking a confederation with slaveliolding
States.
Experience has prorcJ that slaveliolding
tkates cannot be safe in subjection to non-
slavcliolding States. Indeed, no people
can ever expect to preserve its rights and
liberties, unless these be in its own custo
dy. To plunder and oppress, where plun
der and oppression can be practiced with
impunity, seems to be the natural order of
things. The fairest portions of the world
elsewhere have been turned into wilder
nesses ; and the most civilized and pros
perous communities have been impoverish
ed and ruined by anti-slavery fanaticism.
The people of the North have not left us
in doubt, as to their designs and policy.—
United as a section in the late Fresiden
tial election, they have elected as the ex
ponent of their policy, one who has open
ly declared that all the States oi the Uni
ted States must be madefree Stale* or s/acc
State*. It is true, that amongst those who
aided in bis election there are various
shades of anti-slavery hostility. But if
African slavery in the Southern States
be the evil their political combination af
firms it to be, the requisitions of an inexo
rable logic must lead them to emancipa
tion. If it is right to preclude or abolish
slavery in a Territory, why should it be
allowed to remain in the States? The
one is not at all more unconstitutional than
the other, according to the decisions of the
Supreme Court of the United States.—
And when it is considered that the North
ern States will soon have the power to
make that Court what they please, and
that the Constitution ucver has been any
barrier whatever to their exercise of pow
er—what check can there be in the unre
strained couuscls of the North to emanci
pation l There is sympathy iu associa
tion, which carries men along without
principle ; hut wlicu there is principle, and
that principle is fortified by long existing
prejudices and feelings, association is oin
nipotent in party influences. In spite of
all disclaimers and professions, there can
be but one end, by the submission of the
South to the rule of a sectional anti-sla-
very government at Washington, and that
end, directly or indirectly, must be—the
emancipation of the slaves of tho South.—
The hypocrisy of thirty years—the faith
lessness of their whole course from the
commencement of our union with them,
show that the people of the non-slavehol
ding North, are not, and cannot be safe
associates of the slaveholdiug South, under
a common Government. Not only theii
fanaticism, but their erroneous views of the
principles of free governments, render it
doubtful whether separated from the South
they can maintain a free government a-
mougst themselves. Numbers, with them,
is the great element of free government.
A majority is iulallible and omnipotent.
“The right divine to rule in kings,” is on
ly transferred to their majority. The very
object of all Constitutions, in free popnlar
Government, is to restrain the majority.—
Constitutions, therefore, according to their
theory, must be most unrighteous inveu
tions, restricting liberty, l$pue ought to
exist: but the Body politic ought simply
to have a political organization to bring
out and euforea the will of the majority.
This theory may be harmless in a small
community, having an identity of into ’eats
and pursuits; bat over a vast State—still
more, over a vast Confederacy—having
various and conflicting interests and pur
suits, it is a remorseless despotism. In
resisting it, ss applicable to ourselves, we
are vindicating the great eanse of free gov
ernment, more important, perhaps, to the
world than the existence of all the United
sicn of the Legislature, to hold which
would involve an expense of a hundred
thousand dollars, at a time when the treas
ury is nearly exhausted and a debt accumu
lating upon tbe State.
Leller froiit Rev. ¥. T. Brantley.
By permission, wc publish an extract
from a letter to a friend by Rev. W. T.
Brantley, who is too well known in Geor
gia to require any guaranty for ability
aud truth. It w ill be seen that his views
on Lincoln’s election strongly corroborate
those, expressed iu the first number of
“Pincknev,” a correspondent'of the Consti
tutionalist :
Pim.kDRi.PuiA, Dec. 24, 1S60.
Y’ou know that my profession keeps me
aloof from ordinary political excitements,
but the emergencies of the times compel
men in every position to give utterance
to their honest convictions. I need not
tell you how 6trougly I sympathize with
von iu the grievances of which you justly
complain, and for which you are seeking
ledress. A native of the South, my ear
ly childhood and much of my manhood
passed in Georgia, receiving at the hands
of her people uniform kindness through a
series of years, my wile and children born
on your soil, many of my kindred and con
nexions yet residing there—though provi
dentially at the presentjfime a resident of
Pennsylvania—I cannot but he deeply
moved by whatever gives you trouble.
In the recent canvass which lias terminat
ed so unhappily, my position precluded
me from taking any active part. All I
did was to express the apprehension in a
private way that the election of Lincoln
would destroy the Confederacy. And
when I was about to go to the polls, I said
to one of the electors-,.who was ot my way
of thinking, that I (Tegjrgd to make as
strong an an ft Lincoln mark as possible.
He gave me the ticket which in his judg
ment did this most effectively, and I voted
it.
The opinions is current with you that the
supporters of Lincoln in the North are irre-
coneileably hostile to your institutions;
and that the recent election must be taken
as a guaranty of fnither infringements up
on your rights until these have been utter
ly overthrown. If this opinion were just,
the law of self preserDn^jon would compel
you to break off, even in violence and
blood if it must he, all political connexion
'with the people wiio are seeking to stab
vour vital interests. In suce a case, it
w ould he certain destruction to remain in
the Union — it could be no more out of it,
and it might he comparative safety. But
the opinion in question does great injustice
to multitudes here, even of those who voted
for Lincoln. I will not speak for other
States; but in Pennsylvania, where the
' President; elect received (I regret to say)
j a large majority than in any other North
j ern State, I have the best reason for know-
\ ingthat the masses are overwhelmingly in
j favor of doing full justice to the South.—
Were the question submitted to the poo
! pie of this State to day, Are you in favor
J of allowing .slaveholders equal rights with
j yourselves in the teiritories? I belivc
i that they would answer affirmatively by
! a majority of one bundled thousand. If,
States. Nor iu resisting it, do wc intend
to depart from the safe instrumentality,
the system of government we have estab
lished with them requires. In separating
from them we invade no rights—no inter
est of theirs. We violate no obligation or
duty to tbem. As separate, independent
Slates in Convention, we made the Con
stitution of the United States with them ;
and as separate independent States, each
State acting for itself, we adopted it.—
South Carolina acting in her Sovereign
capacity, now thinks proper to secede from
the Union. She did not part with her
sovereignty in adopting the Constitution.
The last thing a State can be presumed to
have surrendered is her Sovereignty. Her
Sovereignty is her life. Nothing blit a
clear express grant can alienate it. Infet-
ence has no place. Yet it is not at all
surprising, that those who have construed
away all the limitations of the Constitu
tion, should also by construction, claim
the annihilation of the Sovereignty of the
States. Having abolished all barriers to
their omnipotence by their faithless con
structions iu the operations of the General
Goverumeut, it is most natural that they
should endeavor to do the same towards
us, in the States. The truth is, they,
having violated tlic express provisions of
the Constitution, it is at an cud, as a com
pact. It is morally obligatory only on
those who choose to accept its perverted
terms. South Carolina, deeming the com
pact not only violated in particular fea
tures, but virtually abolished by her North
ern confederates, withdraws herself as a
party from its obligations. The right to
do so is denied by her Northern confede
rates. They desire to establish a section
al despotism, not only omnipotent in Con
gress, but omnipotent over the States ; and
as if to manifest the imperious necessity
of our secession, they threaten us with the
sword, to coerce submission to their rule.
Citizens of the slaveholding States of
the United States! Circumstances le-
yond our control have placed us in the
van of the great controversy between the
Northern and Southern States. We
would have preferred that other States
should have assumed the position we now
occupy. Independent ourselves, we dis
claim any design or desire, to lead the
counsels of the other Southern States.—
Providence has cast our lot together, by
extending over us an identy of pursuits,
interests and institutions. South Caroli
na desires no destiny, separated from
yours. To be one of a great Slavehol
ding Confederacy, stretching its arms over
a territory larger than any power in Eu
rope possesses—with a population four
times greater than that of the whole Uni
ted States when they achieved their inde
pendence of the British Empire—with pro
ductions which make onr existence more
important to the world than that of any
other people inhabiting it—with common
institutions to defend, and common dan
gers to encounter—we ask your sympathy
and confederation. Whilst constituting a
portion of the United States, it lias been
your statesmanship which has guided it in
its mighty strides to power and expansion.
In the field, as in the cabinet, you have
led the way to its renown and grandeur,
lou have loved tlie Union, in whose ser
vice your great statesmen have labored,
and youi great soldiers have fought and 1 then, you ask how it Aime to pass that Lin
conquered—not for the material benefits it , coin received so large a majority, I answer,
conferred, blit with the faith of a generous j it was not opposition to the South, but op-
and devoted chivalry. You have long liu- : position to the Administration. They
gered and hoped over the shattered re-j feel here towards .Mr. Buchanan just as
mains of a broken Constitution. Compro- | your own Chronicle Sentinel feels when,
inise after compromise, formed by your a few days ago, it expressed the hope that
concessions, has been trampled under footj Mr. Buchanan would resign. I have been
by your Northern confederates. All fra-; reading newspapers of all sorts, conversing
ternity of feeling between the North aud with intelligent men, and personally obser-
ing the movement of the day in Feu nay I
cant company compared w ith those who
are prepared to protect all your rights. If
at your approaching Convention you state
auy reasonable conditions ou which yon
will consent to remain iu the U nion,I have
no doubt that what is asked can be secur
ed. Your proposals if refused, would give
you a union at home which you do not now
possess, and would greatly increase the
number of persons here who would justify
you iu such measures of redress as may be
deemed essential to your safety.
But I must not tax your patience lon
ger. Excuse this hasty and rambling let
ter. It comes fiotn a heart which loves tho
South and loves the Uuion which has been
confessedly to all of us the source of great
good. Iu the Union Georgia has become a
powerful commonwealth. Her success is
no longer an experiment. Is it certain that
she will do better to withdraw l May a
merciful God preside over your delibera
tions and conduct you to wise conclusions,
is the prayer of Your friend,
W. T. Brantley.
the South is lost, or has been converted
into hate ; and wc, of tiic South, are at
last driven together by the stern destiny
which controls the existence of nations.—
Your bitter experience, of the faithlessness
and rapacity of your Northern eonfecic
rates, may have been necessary to evolve
those great principles of free government
upon which the liberties of the world de
pend, and to prepare you for tho grand
mission of vindicating and re establishing
them. Wc rejoice that other nations
should be satisfied with their institutions.
Contentment is a great element of happi
ness, with nations as with individuals.—
We are satisfied with ours. If they pre
fer a system of industry, in which capital
and labor are iu perpetual conflict—and
chronic starvation keeps down the natural
increase of populatioii-and a man is work
ed out in eight years—and tho law or
dains, that children shall be worked only
ten hours a day—and the sabre and bayo
net me the instruments of order—be it so.
It is their affair, not ours. YVe prefer,
however, our system of industry, by which
labor and capital are identified in interest,
and capital, tnerefore, protects labor—by
which onr population doubles every twen
ty years—by which starvation is un
known, and abundance crowns the land—
by which order is preserved by an unpaid
police, and the many fertile regions of the
world, where the Caucassian cannot labor,
are brought into usefulness by the labor of
the African, and the whole world is bles- (
sed by our productions. Ail we demand
of other people is, to be let alone, to work
out our own high destinies. United to
gether, and we must be the most indepen-
dent, as we are among the most important
of the nations of the world. United to
gether, and we require no other instrument
to conquer peace, than our beneficent pro
ductions. United together, and we must
be a great, free and prosperous people,
whose renowu must spread throughout the
civilizod world, and pass down, we trust,
to tbe.remotest ages. We ask you to join
us, in forming a Confederacy of Slavehol
ding States.
Fable and Fact,
Once upon a time two inen were pad-
dliug over a lake in a cauoe nude of birch
en bark. The canoe was iight, substan
tial, aud skillfully constructed ; nothin^
could be better suited tor the navigation
of the waters over which it floated ; but,
like all structures of the kind, it required
some little care to keep it in trim, and pre
vent it from capsizing. One of the inen
sat at the stern, the other at the bow. As
they paddled on, the shades of evening
gradually fell upon them, and star after
star became visible in the dark blue heav
ens. The inau at the stern suddenly ex
claimed, “I wish I had a farm as big as
ail the sky,” to which he at the bow re
sponded, “I wish I had as many cattle as
there are stars.” “Where would you pas
ture them 7” said the first. “In your farm,”
said the second. “No, you wouldn’t,” was
the rejoinder. “And why not,” continued
his companion. “Because I wouldn't let
you, and I am strouger than you.” This
provoked a somewhat angry letort, which
was returned in a corresponding spirit.—
The dispute waxed hotter and hotter, till
at last they simultaneously dropped their
paddies, aud grappled with each other.—
He who had vaunted his superior strength
made his words good. He got his antago
nist under; but in the sttuggle the canoe
was overturned, and the rash combatants
were both drowned.
This is our fable ; and the interpretation,
or moral, is this. The canoe is the gov
ernment of the United States. The man
at tbe stern represents the North, and the
man at the bow tepresents the South.—
1 lie government is a very good govern
ment ; but it requires care, forbearance,
and wisdom to cairy it on, because of tbe
antagonism between the North and the
South. But the North and the South have
got into a quarrel upon a subject as un
practical and abstract as that we have
mentioned in our fable. The South says :
“I insist upon the right to carry slaves in
to the unoccupied territories of the coun
try, and to have my property in them pro
tected ; but for all that I do not expect to
take any of my slaves there, ir> point of
fact.” The North says : “I am well a-
ware that you don't intend to carry any
slaves there, but a3 a matter of principle—
to snow you how much I dislike slavery—
I insist npon it that yon shall not have the
right to do so.” The South threatens to
secede ; and the North threatens to pre
vent secession by force. The North is
stronger than the South; that is. more
wealthy, more populous, and more rapidly
increasing in wealth and population. In
case of a struggle—of civil war, in other
words—the North might prevail. But
vania for fouryears; and if I were to classify j w 'here, at t lie end of it, would the govern-
Governor Houston, of Texas, lias issued
au address to the people ol that State, ex
plaining why he does not call au extra ses
sion of the Legislature. He declares that
he has no intention or desire to thwart the
wishes of the people, and belives the time
has come for the South to make a firm
stand for its rights; hut he believes that
tbe precipitate action of two or three ex
treme Southern States would involve the
Border State* iu destruction, drive slavery
from them at once, and ruin their citizens.
He baa transmitted to the Governor of each
Southern State tbe Texan legislative res
olutions providing for the election of seven
delegates, to meet delegates from other
slaveholding States, to confer upon uieas
nres for preserving the rights of the Sonth
in the Union. He has also taken measures
for tbe election of such delegats in Texas.
This, he thinks, is sufficient, as but tew
counties have petitioned foe an extra ses-
the elements which united in the support
of the sectional* 1 candidate, I would say
that four-sevenths of those who sustained
him acted from hatred to what they call
Democratic misrule; two-sevenths voted
for Lincoln because they believe that the
great industrial interests would be. most ef
ficiently protected under his adiniusitra
tion ; the remaining seventh voted for him
on anti-slavery grounds. .Much has been
said about the “Personal Liberty bills” of
this State. Whatever lawsinay be on the
statute book, I lenote that Pennsylvania off
ers no parctical obstruction to the com
plete execution of the fugitive slave law.
Repeatedly since iny residence in this city,
have slaves been returned to their cli
mates. On one occasion when a mob of
negroes attempted a rescue, they rverc
eaten oft’ by order of our Mayor—a man
who was elected to his ofice by the same
party who have just voted for Lincoln.
Some of the best friends of the South who
have investigated the matter tell me
that there are no laws of the State which
at all conflict with full justice to the South
in this respect. If there be any real
ground ot complaint, I have no doubt that
the Legislature, about to convene, will, on
the discovery of the fact, erase the offensive
provision from their books. When G<>v.
Packer relinked tiie John Brown sympa
thizers in a letter which has been publish
ed in your papers, lie expressed seniimeuts
in which the State concurred almost unan
imously.
If'the South had united en John Pell,
he wool' 1 have received the support ol this
State, and to day he the President elect.
They rallied around Lincoln not because
he was au Abolitionist, but because he was in
their judgment, the emly candidate trho ceroid
orer/hrotc the democracy. The lion. How
ell Cobb lias truly said, that opposition t<>
slavery is the principle which binds togeth
er the repellant elements of the dominant
party in the Northern States. Butihetiie
which binds the wheel is but a small part
of that wheel, and when broken, the wheel
falls to pieces. The slavery clement,
though holding together the Lincoln party,
is only the tir^ Drive out of your federal
politics this vexed subject as you may—as
you must if you wonld have peace—and
the whole party is dismanded and destroy
ed. So odious was the name of Republi
can iu this State, that the party so called
in other States were here generally knowi.
as the “People’s Party,” and it was uuder
this title the triumph was won,
I am not of those who believe that the
South should submit uncomplainingly to
what has just transpired. 1 believe that
sbe should insist upon a redress tor her
grievances. But the remedy is not iu son
dering ligaments which may result in hor
rors of which I shudder to think. You have
millions of true friends in tbe North, and
when the opportunity is afforded they will
demonstrate the fact. That there aiepeo-
ple here who hate yott with a hitter hatred,
is uot denied ; bet these arc ait iurigatfi-
ment, the Constitution, be ? Just where
the canoe was. in our fable, at the end of
the contest between the man at the stern
and the man at the bow.— Boston Courier.
A letter from Gapt. M. F. Maury, in the
Fredericksburg News, states that a move
ment is now going on in New Jersey, “to
effect a settlement,” and “secure the Un
ion of the States.”' The letter says that
New Jersey is to send a Commissioner to the
Conventions of Alabama and Mississippi,
etc., to ask of the sovereignties there assem
bled a statement of the terms and condi
tion upon which they will be content to
remain in the Union. Having thus obtain
ed from tbe people of the Sonth, those of
each State acting iu their sovereign capac
ity, there ultimatum, she is to bring it be
fore her sister States of tbe North for their
action, with the request that those who are
willing to accord to it, will instruct their
Senators, and request their representatives
to go for au act incorporating the terras
<>f it as amendments to the Constitution,
to be thence referred according to its provis
ions, back to the States for ratification.
Thus, our friends at the North will have
something around which the solid men, tbe
quiet men of the country, both North and
South, East and West, may rally. Having
thus fairly ascertained directly from the
South, what will satisfy them in this union,
it will remain for those of the North to ac
cede to it, and save tbe Uniou or to refuse
it and so break up the Union.”
A correspondent of the New Y~ork Time*
writes from Washington;—It is understood
that Gov. Brown, of Georgia, has solicited
from tbe Secretary of War, and obtained a
year’s leave of absence for Col. Hardee,
late Commandant at West Point, to go to
Europe to purchase gnns and munitions of
war for the State of Georgia. I receive
this information from excellent authority,
which there is no reason to question.
A sermon preached by Rev. Mr. Van
Dyke, in Brooklyn, recently, in which he
boldly met the Abolitionists, and denoun
ced their principles as infidel in their ten-
icncy and their course as destructive, is a
very able production. YVe have no relish
for political sermons, at best; but this is
really something that was probably want
ing just iu the neighborhood of Beecher.
\ Alexandria Gazelle.
Henry Clay’s YYoros.—If this Union
>ball become separated, (said Mr. Clay,)
jew Unions, new Confederacies will arise ;
tnd with respect to this, If there be any—I
•tope there ia no one *in the Senate before
■rhose imagination is flitting the idea of a
'real Southern Confederacy to take possea-
iion of the Belize aud the mouth of the Mis
sissippi— I aay in my pUflh-urer, merer,
never will we who occupy the broad waters
of the Mississippi and its epper tributaries
consent tliat any foreign flag shall float at
the Belize or npon the tenets oftha Cresent
city. Never! Narcat