Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, August 06, 1861, Image 2

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Newspaper Page TextToombs, bis Secretary of State, both de clared in the Seuate that they would he satisfied, and for which every Southern Senator and Representative voted, never, on any one occassion, received oue solitary vote Irom the Republican party in either House. The Adams or Corwin amendment, so called reported from the committee - of thirty three, and the ouly substantive amendment pioposed from the Republican side, was but a bare promise that Congress should never he authorized to do what no one man ever believed Congress would un dertake to do—abolish slavery in the States where it exists; and yet even this proposition, moderate as it was, and for which every Southern member present vo ted, except one, was carried through this House by but one majority, after Jong and tedious delay, and with the utmost diiticul- ty—sixty-five Republican members, with the resolute and determined gentleman from Penusy vauia [Mr. UickmauJ at their head, having voted against it aud fought against it to the very last. And not this only, but, as a part of the liistorv of the last session, let me remind you that bills were iutroduced into this house proposing to abolish aud close up certain Southern ports of entry ; to author ize the President to blockade the South ern coast; and to call out the militia aud accept the service of volunteers, not for three months merely, but without any lim it as to either numbers or time, for the very purpose of enforcing the laws, collect ing the revenue, and protecting the pub lic property ; and were pressed vehemently and earnestly in this house prior to the arrival of the President in this city, and were then, though seven States had sece ded and set up a government of their own, voted down, postponed, thrust aside, or in gome other way disposed of, sometimes by large majorities in this house, till at last Congress adjourned without any action at all. Peace then seenied to he the policy of all parties. Thus sir, the case stood at 12 o’clock on the 4th of March last, when, from the Uastern portion of the Capitol, aud in the presence of twenty thousaud of his country men, but enveloped in a crowd of sol diery, which no other American President fever saw, Abraham Lincoln took the oath of office to support the Constitution ; aud delivered his inaugural—a message, I re gret to say, not written in the direct and straight forward language which becomes au American President and au American statesman, and which was expected from the plain, blunt, honest man ol the North west, but with the forked tongue and crooked counsel of the New York politi cian,! eaviug thirty million of people in doubt whether it meant peace or war.— But whatever may have been the secret purpose and meaning of the inaugural, practically for six weeks the policy of peace prevailed ; and they were weeks of happiness to the patriot, aud prosperity to the country. Business revived ; trade re turned ; commerce flourished. Never was there a f airer prospect before any peo ple. Secession in the past languished and was spiritless and harmless ; secession in the future was arrested, and perished.— By overwhelming majorities, Virginia, lVentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Missouri, all declared for the old Un ion, aud every heart beat high with hope that in due course of time, and through faith and patience aud peace, and by ulti mate and adequate compromise, every State would be restored to it. It is true, indeed, sir, that the republican party, with great unanimity aud great earnestness aud determination, had resolved against all compromise and conciliation. But, on the other band, the whole Democratic party, and the whole Constitutional Union party were equally resolved that there should he no civil war upon any pretext; aud Loth sides prepared for an appeal to that great and final arbiter of all disputes in a free country—the people. Sir, I do not proposed to inquire now whether the President and his cabinet were sincere and in earnest, and meant really to preserve to the end in the policy of peace ; or whether from the first they meant civil war, aud ouly waited to gain time till they were fairly seated in power, and had disposed, too, of that prodigious horde of spoilsmen and office seekers, which came down at first like au avalanche upon them. But I do know that the peo ple believed them sincere, and cordially ratified and approved of the policy of peace, not as they subsequently responded on the policy of war, in a whirlwind of passion and madness, but calmly aud soberly, and as the result of their deliberate and most solemn judgment; and believing that civil war was ab solute and eternal disunion, while seces sion was but partial and temporary, they cordially indorsed also the proposed evac uation of Sumter and the other forts and public property within the seceded States. Nor, sir, will I stop now to explore the several causes which either led to a change in the apparent policy or an early devel opment of the original and real purposes oi the administration. But there are two which I caunot pass by. And the first of these was party nec essity, or the clamors of politicians, and especially of certain wicked, reckless and unprincipl^ conductors of a partisan press. The peace policy was crushing out the Republican party. Under that policy, sir, it was melting away like snow before the sun. The general elections in Rhode Island and Connecticut, and municipal elec tions in New York and in the Western States, gave abundant evidence that the qeople were resolved upon the most ample and satisfactory constitutional guarantee to the South as the price of a restoration of the Union; And then it was, sir, that the long and agonizing howl of defeated and disappointed politicians came up be fore the administration. The newspaper press teemed with appeals and threats to the President. The mails groaned under weight of letters demanding a change of policy; while a secret conclave of the Governors of Massachusetts, New York, Ohio, and other States, assembled here, promised men and money to support the President in the irrepressible conflict which they now invoke. And thus it was, sir. that the necessities of a party in the pangs of dissolution, in the very hour and article of death, demanding vigorous meas ures, which could result in nothing but civil war, renewed secession, absolute and eternal disunion, were preferred and hark cned to before the peace aud harmony and prosperity of the whole country. But there was another and yet stronger impelling cause without which this horrid calamity of civil war might have been posptoned, and, perhaps, dually averted. One of the last and worst acts of Congress, which, born in bitterness and nurtured in convulsions, literally did those things whicli it ought not to have done, and left undone those things which it ought to have done, was the passage of an obscure, ill-considered, ill-digested, and unstates manlike high protective tariff.” Just about the ssme time too, the Confederate Congress at Montgomery adopted our old tariff of j.8-57, which we had just rejected to make way for the Morrill act, fixing their rate of duties at five, fifteen and twenty per cent, lower than ours. The result was as inevitable as the laws of trade are inexorable. Trade and com merce—and especially the trade and com merce of the We3t—began to look to the South. Turned out of their natural course years ago, by the canals and railroads of Pennsylvania and New York, and diverted eastward at a heavy lost to the West, they threatened now to resume their ancient and accustomed channels—the water cour ses the Ohio and the Mississippi. And political association and union, it was well known, must soon follow the directions of interest and trade. The city of New York, the great commercial emporium of the Union, began to clamor now loudly for a repeal of the pernicious and ruinous tar iff. Threatened thus with the loss of both political power and wealth ; or the repeal of the tariff, and at last of both. New England-aud Pennsylvania, too, the land of Penn, cradled in peace—demand ing now coercion and civil war, with all its horrors, as the price of preserving eith er from destruction. Ay, sir, Pennsylvania, the great key stone of the arch, of the Union, was wil ling to lay the weight of her iron upon that sacred arch and crush it beneath the load. The subjugatiou of tire South— ay, sir, the subjugation of the South 1 I am not talking to children or fools ; for there is not a man in this house fit to be a repre sentative here who does not know that the South cannot be forced to yield obedience to your laws and authority until you have conquered and subjugated her—the sub jugatiou of the South, and the closing up of her ports, first by force, in war. and afterwards by tariff laws in peace, was de liberately resolved upon by the East. And, sir, when once this policy was begun, the self same motives of waning commerce aud threatened loss of trade impelled the great city of New York, and her merchants aud her politicians and her press, with here and there an honorable exception, to place herself in tho very front rank among the worshippers of Moloch. Much, indeed, of that outburst and uprising in the North, which followed the proclama tion of the loth of April, as well, perhaps, as the proclamation itself,was called forth, not so much by the fall of Fort Sumter— au event long anticipated— as by the no tion that the “insurrection” might be crush ed out iu a few weeks, if not by the dis play, certainly, at least by the presence of an overwhelming force. These, sir, were the chief causes which, along with others, led to a change in the policy of the Administration, and, instead of peace, forced us headlong into civil war, with all its accumulated horrors. But whatever may have been the cau ses or the motives of the act, it is certain that there was a change in the policy which the Administration ment to adopt, or which at least they led the country to believe they iutended to pursue. I will not venture now to assert what may yet some day be made to appear, that tho sub sequent acts of the Administration, and its enormous and persistent infractions of the Constitution, its high handed usurpa tions of power formed any part of a dclib erate conspiracy to overthrow the present form of the Federal Republican Govern ment, aud to establish a strong consolida ted government in its stead. No, sir, whatever their purposes now, I rather think that, in the beginning, they rushed heedlessly and headlong into the gulf t be lieving that, as the seat of war was then far distant aud difficult of access, the dis play of vigor in reinforcing Forts Sumter and Pickens, and in calling out seventy- live thousand militia upon the firing of the first gun, and aboye all, in that exceeding ly happy and original conceit of command- iug the insurgent States to “disperse in twenty days,” would not on the one hand, precipitate a crisis, while upon the other, it would satisfy its own violent partisans, and thus revive and restore the falling for tunes of the Republican party. I can hardly conceive, sir, "that the President and bis advisers could be guil ty of the exceeding folly of expecting to carry on a general civil war by a mere posse comitalus of three months militia, it may be, indeed, that, with wicked and most desperate cunning, the President meant all this as a mere entering wedge to that which was to rive the oak asunder, or possibly as a test, to learn the public sentiment of the North aud West. But, however that may be, the rapid secession and movement of Virginia, North Caroli na, Arkausas, and Tennessee, taking with them, as I have said elsewhere, four millions and a half of people, immense wealth, inexhaustable resources, five hun dred thousand fighting men, and the graves of Washington and Jackson, and bringing up too, in a singJe day, the fron tier irom the Gulf to the Ohio, and the Potomac, together with the abandonment by the oue side, aud the occupation by the other, Harper’s Ferry and Norfolk Navy yard, aud the sudden gust and whirlwind of passion in the North, coin pelled either a sudden waking up the Presi dent and advisers to the frightful signfi cance of the act which they had commit- ed iu heedlessly breaking the vase which imprisoned the slumbering demon of civil war, or else a premature , but most rapid developement of the daring plot to loster and promote secession, and then to set up a new and strong form of government in the States whicli might remain in the Un ion. Congress was not assembled at once, as Congress should have been, and the great question of civil war submitted to their deliberations. The representatives of the of the States and of the people were not all owed the slightest voice in this the most momentous questions ever presented to any Government. The entire respon sibility of the whole work was boldly as sumed by the Executive, and all the pow ers lequired for the purposes in hand wore boldly usurped from either the States or the people, or from the legisla tive department ; while the voice of the judiciary, that last lefuge and hope of liberty, was turned away from with con tempt. Sir, the right of the blockade—and I begin with it—is a belligerent right, in cident to a state of war, and it cannot be exercised until war has been declared or recognised ; and Congress alone can de clare or recognise war. But Congress has uot declared or recognised war. On the contrary, it had but a little while before expressly refused to declare it, or to arm the President with the power to make it. And thus the President, in declaring a blockade ot certain ports iu the Slates of the South, .and in applyiug to it the rules governing blockades as between in dependent Powers, violated the Constiu- tiou. But if, on the other hand, he meant to deal with these States as still iu the Un ion, and subject to Federal authority, thou he usurped a power which belongs to Cou- gre&s alon e—the power to abolish aud close up ports of entry; a power too, whicli Congress had also refused a few weeks beforetoexerci.se. And yet, with out the repeal or abolition of ports of en try, any attempt by either Congress Of the President to blockade these ports, is a violation, of the spirit if not of the letter, of that clause of the Constitution which declares that “no preference slim be giv en by any regulation of commerce or reve nue to the ports of ono State over those of another.” Upon this point, I do not speak without the highest authority. In the very midst of the South Carolina nulificatiou contro versy, it was suggested that in the recess of Congress, and without a law to govern ffiim, the President, Andrew. Jackson, ment to send down a fleet to Charleston and blockade the pftrt. But the bare sug gestion called forth the indignant protest of Daniel Webster, himself the arch ene my of nulifination, and whose brightest laurels were won in three years conflict in the Senate Chamber with its ablest champions. In an address, in October, 1832, at Worcester, Massachusetts, before a Natioaal Republican Convention—it was before the birth, or christening at least, of the Whig party—the great ex pounder of the Constitution said: “We are told, sir, that the President will immediately employ the military force, and at once blockade Charleston. A military remedy, a remedy by di rect belligerent operation, has thus been suggested, aud nothing else has been sug gested, as the iutended means of preserv ing the Union. Sir, there is no little rea son to think that this suggestion is ture. We cannot be altogether unmindful of the past, and therefore we cannot be altogeth er unapprehensive of the future. For one, sir, I raise my voice lef'orehand against the unauthorized employment of military power, and against superseding the authority of the laws, by an armed force under pretence of putting down nul lification The President has no authority to blockade Charleston.” Jackson ! Jackson, sir ! the great Jack- son did not dare to do it without authori ty of Congress ; but our Jackson of to-day, the little Jackson at the other end of the avenue, and the minnie Jacksons around him, do blockade, not only Charleston harbor, but the whole Southern coast, three thousand miles in extent, by a sin gle stroke of the pen. “The President has no authority to employ military force till he shall be du ly required”—- Mark the word : “required so to do by law and the civil au thorities. His duty is to cause the laws to be executed. His duty is to support (he civil authority.” As in the Mcrryman case, forsooth ; but I shall recur to that hereafter : “His duty is, if the laws be resisted, to employ the military force of tlie country, if necessary, for their.support and execu tion ; but to do all this in compliance only with late and with decisions of the tribunals. If, by any ingenious devices, those who resist the laws escape from the reach of judicial authority, as it is now provided to be exercised, it is entirely competent to Congress to make such new provisions as the exigency of the case may demand.” Treason, sir, rank treason, all this to day. And yet, thirty years ago, it was true Union patriotism and sound constitu tional law ! Sir, I prefer the wisdom and stern fidelity to principal of the fathers. * * * * * # Next after the blockade, sir, in the cata logue of daring Executive usurpation, comes trie proclamation of the 3d of May, and the orders of the War and Navy De partments in pursuance of it—a proclama tion and usurpation which would have cost anf English sovereign his head at any time within the last two hundred years. Sir, the Constitution not only confines to Congrss the right to declare war, but expressly provides that “Con gress (not the President) shall have pow er to raise and support armies;” and to pro vide and maintain a navy.” In pursuance of this authority Congress, years ago, had fixed tbe number of officers, and of the regiments, of tho different kiuds of service ; and also tbe of ships, officers, maiines and seamen which should compose the Navy. Not only that, but Congress repeatedly, within the last five years, re fused to increase the regular Army. More than that still ; in February and March last, the House, upon several test votes, repeatedly and expressly refused to au thorize the President to accept the ser vices of volunteers for the very purpose of protecting the public property, enforc ing the laws aud collecting the revenue. Aud yet the President, of bis own mere will and authority, and in violation of the Constitution, has proceeded to increase, and has increased, the standing army by 25,000 men ; the navy by eighteen thou sand, and has called for and accepted the the services of forty regiments of volun teers for three years, numbering forty- two thousand men, and making thus a grand army or military force, raised by executive proclamation alone, without sanction of Congress, without warrant of law, and in direct violation of the Con etitution and of his oath of office, of eighty- five thousand soldiers enlisted for three aud five years, and already in the field. Aud yet tbe President now asks us to sup port the Army which he lias thus raised ; to ratify his usurpations by a law ex post facto, and thus to make ourselves parties to our own degradation, and to his infrac tions of the Constitution. Meanwhile however, he has taken good care, not on ly to enlist the men, organize the regi ments, and muster them into service, hut to provide in advance fora lot of forlorn, wornout, aud broken down politicians of bis own party, by.appointing,either by him self, or through the Governors of States, Major Generals, Brigadier Generals, Col onels, Lieutenant Colonels, Majors. Cap tains. Lieutenants, Adjutants, Quartermas ters, and Surgeons, without any limit as to numbers, and without so much as once say ing to Congress—“By your leave, gentle men.” Beginning with this wide breach of the Constitution, this enormous usurpation of the most dangerous of all powers—the purse and the sword—other infractions and assumptions were easy ; and after pub lie liberty, private right soon fell. The privacy of the telegraph was invaded in the search after treason and traitors ; al though it turns out significantly enough, that the only victim, so far is one of the appointees and especial pets of the Admin istration. The telegraphic dispatches, preserved under every pledge ofsecresy for the protection aud safety of telegraph companies, were seized and carried away without search warrant, withou t probable cause, without oath, and without descrip tion of the places to he searched or of the things to he seized, and in plain violation of the right of the people to be secure in their houses,persons, papers, and affects, against unreasonable searches and seizures. One step more, sir, will bring upon as search and seizure of the public mails ; and final ly, as in the worst days of English op pression—as in the times of the Russells and the Sydnies of English martyrdom— of the drawers and secretaries of the pri vate citizen; though even then tyrants had the grace to look to tho forms of the law, and the execution was judicial mur der, not tmlilary slaughter. But who 6hall say that the future Tiberius of America shall have the modesty of his Roman predecessors, in extenuation of whose character it is written by the great historian arerlit occulos, jussitique scclera spectarit. Thus it is sir, that here, ip America, in the seventy-third year of the Republic, that great writ and security of personal freedom which it cost tho patriots and freemen of England six himflred years of labor and toil and blood to extort aud to hold fast from venal judges and tyrant kings, written in the" great Charter at Ruunymedc by the iron Barons, who made the simple Latin and uncouth words of the time, nullus liber homo, in the language of Chatham, worth all the classics ; recovered and confirmed a hundred times afterwards, as often violated and stolen away, and final ly and firmly secured at last by the great act of Charles II, and transferred thence to our own Constitution and laws, has been wantonly and ruthlessly trampled in the dust. Ay, sir, that great wiit, bearing, by special command of Parliament, those other uncouth but magic words, per stratu- turn tiiccssimo primo Caroli secundi regis which no English judge, no English minis ter, no king or queen of England, dare dis obey ; tbat writ brought over by our fath ers and cherished by them as a priceless in heritance of liberty, an American President has contemptuously set at defiauce. Nay, more, be has ordered his subordinate mili tary chiefs to suspend it at their discretion ! And yet, after all this, lie coolly comes before this House and tbe Senate and the country, and pleads that he is only pre serving and protecting the Constitution ; and demands and expects of this House and of the Senate and the country, their thanks for his usurpations of power , while outside of this capitol, his myrmidons are clamoring for impeaelimcut of the Chief Justice, as engaged in a conspiracy to break down the Federal Government ? Sir, I am obliged to pass by, for want of time, other grave and dangerous infrac tions and usurpations of the President since the first of April. I only allude cas ually to the quartering of soldiers iu pri vate houses without the consent of .the owners, and without any manner having been prescribed by law; to the censorship over tbe telegraph, and the infringeroet repeatedly, in one or more of the States, of the right the people to keep and bear arms for their defence. But if all these things, I ask, have been done in the first two months after the commengement of this war, aud by men not military chieftains, and unused to arbitrary power, what may we not expect to see done in three years, and by the successful heroes of the fight 1 Sir, the power and rights of the States and the people, and of their Representatives, have been usurped ; the sanctity of the private house and of private property has been invaded ; and the liberty of tbe per son wantonly aud wickedly stricken down ; free speech, too, hasbeen repeated ly denied; aud all this under the plea of necessity. Sir, the right of petition will follow next—nay, it has already been shaken ; and the Ireedom of the press will soon fall after it, and let me whisper in your ear, there will be few to mourn over its loss, unless indeed, its ancient high and honor able character shall be rescued and re deemed from its present reckless mendac ity and degradation. Freedom of religion will yield, too, at last, amid the exulant shouts of millions, who have seen its holy temples defied and its white robes of a for mer innocence trampled now under the polluting hoofs of an ambitious and faith less or fanatical clergy. Meantime na tional banks, bankrupt laws, a vast and permanent public debt, high tariffs, heavy direct taxation, enormous expenditure, gigantic and stupenduous speculation, an archy first and a strong government af terwards, no more State lines.no more State governments, and a consolidate monarchy or vast centralized military despotism, must all follow in the history of the future, as in tile history of the past they have, centuries ago, been written. Sir, I have said nothing, and have time to say nothing now, of the immense indebtedness and tbe vast expen ditures which have already accrued, nor of the folly and mismanagement of the war so far, uor of the atrocious and shame less peculations and frauds which have disgraced it in the State Government and the Federal Government from tho begin ning. The avenging hour for all these will come hereafter, and I pass them by now. ****** The Cougvess of the United States meets here again to-day; but how chang ed the scene. Instead of thirty-four States, twenty three only, one less than the number forty years ago, are in the oth er wing of the Capitol. Forty-six Sena tors and one hundred and seventy-three Representatives constitute the Congress of the now United States. And of these, eight Senators and twenty four Represen tatives, from four States only, linger here yet as deputies from that great South which from the beginning of the Govern ment, contributed so much to mould its pol icy. to build up its greatness, and to con trol its destinies. All the other States of that South are gone. Twenty-two Sen ators and sixty-five Representatives no longer answer to their names. Tbe va cant seats arc indeed, still here ; and the escutcheons of their respective States look down liov/ solemnly and sadly from these vaulted ceilings. But the Virginia of Washington, and Henry, and Madison, of Marshall and Jefferson, of Randolph and Monroe, the birthplace of Clay, the moth er of States and of presidents ; the Caroli- nas ofPinckney and Sumter, and Marion, of Calhoun, and Macon ; and Tennessee, the home and burial place of Jackson ; and other States, too, once most loyal and true, are no longer hero. The voices and th.e footsteps of the great dead of the two ages of the Republic, linger still, it may be in echo, along the stately corridors of this Capitol ; hut their decendants from nearly one-half of the States of the Repub lie will meet with us no more within these marble halls. But in the parks and lawns, and upon the broad avenues of this spa eious city, seventy thousand soldiers have supplied their places; aud the morning drum-beat from a score of encampments within sight of this beleagured capital, give melancholy warning to the Represen tatives of the States and of the people, that amid arms laws are silent. Sir, some years hence, I would fain hope some months hence, if I dare, the present generation will demand to know the cause of all this and some ages hereafter, the grand and impartial tribunal of history will make solemn ind diligent inquest of the authors of this terrible revolution. What they think of the Georgia Boys,—Iu a letter received from one of the Oglethorpes, he says : “On oifr retiring from the hill (where the skirmish took place on tlie 7th) it was taken possession of by a Virginia regiment, but the Federalists soon drove them front the position. Their Colonel up braided them, and told them it was a shame to run from a place which a handful of Georgians had held all day; that he could send to camp and get one company of Georgians and retake the hiU if they were afraid to do it. They then made a charge and retook the hill without the loss of a man. So yon can see the estimation in which Georgians are held.’’ [ C'crrespendewec of the Savannah Republican.} Army op the Potomac, ? . Manassas, July 23d. $ The details of the great battle of Stone Briuge are coming in hourly, and until they are all receiv ed, digested and arranged by those iu authority, it will be impossible to do more tbau to give such particulars as one can pick up here and there. And lest I should do injustice to some officer or regiment, I shail say but little of a personal char acter until official data are obtained. I find that 1 have already been led into error by relying upon the reports of others in certain particulars, and it will he my duty to correct the error in the course of this letter. Gur victory was far greater and more complete than even Gen. Beauregard was aware of on Sun day night. It is now thought that we had 18,(H>0 men engaged, and never did the same number of 'men make a more gallant light since the founda tions of the earth were laid. We now kuow that the enemy’s force was a little over 53,000: for offi cial papers have been found upon the battle field, that were probably lost by some of the Federal of ficers, which contain the orders from head-quarters, the plans of the enemy, and the number of his forces who were to make the fight. These papers, as before remarked, call for a little over 53,000. The exact fraction I have not heard, but my in formant has seen the papers, and there can, there fore, be no mistake in the general accuracy of the statement. What heroes our brothers are when 18,000 of them stood up in the broiling sun for tive long and weary hours, and exposed their bo dies like a wall of fire against such tremendous odds ! Our wonder and admiration are increased when we remember that many of our men had just arrived after fatiguing mulches, some from Win chester, like the 7th and 8th Georgia Regiments, and some by railway from the far South, and who had never before been on the field. One’s heart swells with pride and his e^es will overtiow with tears when he thinks of the fiery ordeal through which they passed and the more than Grecian or Roman v^lor which they displayed. Thank God for the goodly land He has given us, and for the race of heroes He lias planted along its valleys and among its Hills—a sure defence against the taint of the infidel and the tread of the invader. The route of the enemy, as he proceeded on his retreat, finally became complete and disgraceful. He neither stopped at Centreville, where General Scott had his head-quarters, nor at Fairfax, but continued to fly until his broken columns entered Alexandria. Many of the men had lost their shoes, caps, clothes, and ail the outfit of a soldier, and rushed into the town amost a naked and fam ished mob. It is said that some of them forced their way onto Washington, where serious trouble was apprehended on account of their insubordin ation and panic. You will be glad to learn that Gen. Beauregard has already ordered, a column forward to occupy Ceutreville and Fairfax, and the impression prevails that we shall advance up on Alexandria by the end of the week. It now appears that the enemy’s loss in killed and wounded and prisoners, will reach 4,000.— Of these about 800 were killed, 1,000 taken pris oners, aud 2,000 wounded. Their wounded and dead were left upon the field, without any effort being made by Scott or McDowell to have them buried or cared for, and our own men have been engaged for two days in performing this humane duty to their enemies. Scores of them still remain unburied, a horrrid spectacle to the living and a prey to the vulture; while many of their wounded have been left two days and nights, without a cup of water. Our men have done all they could to relieve them, after giving their first‘attention to our own sufferers; but their number is so great, that we have not been able either to bury half their dead or relieve a third of their wounded. Tlie poor wretches seem most grateful for the least attention. Ellsw-orth’s famous New York Fire Zouaves were terribly cut up. A gentleman who went over tbe battle-field to-day says he counted nearly 200 ot their dead upon about three acres of ground. The full result of our captures was not known at the date of my letter yesterday, and new facts are constantly coming to light. Instead of 34 guns, including Sherman’s famous battery, and Rickett’s and Ramsay’s batteries, it now appears that we took 51 guns and any number of small arms. A number of their guns got blocked up at Hanging Bridge, over Culib s creek, on .the re treat, so that they could not be extricated. These we jjot, though not the horses; for these the fright ened Hessians cut loose aud mounted, and rushed back to the Fotomac at a pace that John Gilpin never attained. Tlie road for miles was strewn with arms, canteens, caps, shoes, broken wagons, an<l all the wreck of a broken and panic-stricken army. 1 stated in my letter of yesterday that an impor tant order from Gen. Beauregard to Gen. Ewell had miscarried, and I endeavored to explain to you how we might have destroyed the enemy, and captured possibly half his army, if tlie order had been received aud carried out. This is one of^ilie errors into which I fell. It would now seem, that the order was delivered, that Gen. Ewell proceed ed, after the loss of one hour, to execute it, that having moved a part of the way. to where he was ordered, he halted for half an hour, and then re turned to his camp, that after another hour he again started his column m the direction he had been ordered, and nearly reached the enemy's rear, when fresh orders came to him to hasten to the relief of our left, where the battle had been raging so long, and where he finally arrived just as the fight ended. The last order never would have been given if he liad obeyed the first, or if lie had attacked the enemy’s rear early in the day as he was directed to do, we should have needed no reinforcements upon the left. His conduct is a mystery, but I shall refrain from further remark, except to say, that if Beau regard’s orders had been carried out, the Federal army would have been destroyed, and tbe war virtually ended. There was another error in my letter of yester day in relalion to the part which the lamented Bartow and the 7th and 8th Georgia Regiments took in the fight. Gallant as I represented their conduct to be, it now appears that only the half was told. Gen. Evans’ brigade occupied the ex treme left along the line of Bull’s Run. Next came Gen. Bee's brigade, and next to bis Col. Bartow’s and after his Gen. Jackson’s. The ene my opened a battery upon Gen. Evans by way of feint, but continued to push on his flank move ment. Gen. Bee was despatched to hold him in check, but so great were the numbers opposed to him, that he was gradually forced back, while the enemy slowly but surely advanced along our flank. It was at this point that Col. Bartow’s brigade was ordered up. Meanwhile a battery of six guns had been planted to our left to protect tlie steady march of the Federal column, and to drive back our forces as they endeavored to head it off. As Col. Bartow was proceeding to take his position, he met Gen. Beauregard, who tcld him that every thing depended upon his taking the position to wheih he had been ordered and checking the ad vance of the enemy and silencing the battery if possible. Upon this bloody duty be immediately started at the head of the heroie bth. He was ex posed to a galling lire, for nearly an hour, from which the regiment suffered terriblj’. His horse was killed under him by one ball, while his sword was shivered to pieces by another. Ilis horse came near falling upon Capt. Dawson, of the Ste phens Light Guards, who behaved with great gal lantry as did his whole company. At length it be came necessary to retire the dtn, so much had it suffered, in order to give it time to reform its line. At this point Col. Bartow brought up the 7rh. which had been ordered to lie fiat upon the ground until called for. During this time the enemy's line contined to stretch away to the left and grad ually to force ours back, when Gen. Jackson was Ordered to bring his brigade into position. Plac ing himself at the head of the 7th, and taking the colors in his own hands, (the color bearer having been wounded, not killed as represented,) Colonel Bartow proceeded again to occupy the position to which he had been ordered. He had procured another horse, and was not on foot when he fell as I stated yesterday. The 7th was exposed to the same raking fire from w hicli tlie 8th had suffered so inifch, though not for so long a time. Indeed, the fighting along the entire line in this part of the field was terrific. It was here that the for tunes of the day vibrated first to one side and then to the other, and nothing but the almost su perhuman exertions of the Confederate troops gave us the victory. You will be glad to learn that even the prisoners taken from the enemy pay the highest tribute to the Georgia brigade. They say they never saw men fight as they did, and when told that there were only two regiments of them, they were utterly astonished, for, judging by the terrible execution of our muskets, they liad supposed them to number four times as many. 1 passed over that part of the field the night the bat tle was fought, in search of Bartow’s body, and the heaps of the dead on the enemy’s side, as seen by the pitiful moonlight, and the groans and cries tbat everywhere saluted inj- ears, told but too plainly tbat good old Georgia had that day dealt a giant’s blow at the head of the aggressor. The 7th aided by the 8th, which had been par tially restored to-order, continued to hold their pc sition with varying fortunes, and never did quit the field until the battle was won. Bartow bad promised Gen. Beauregard to maintain his posi tion, and he did it as long as he lived, aud the brigade did it after he had fallen. And the result was the capture cf the battery (Sherman’s) that had decimated our forces by its fire, and tbe final route of the adversary. To no two regiments on the field is the country more indebted than to the glorious 7th and 8th from Georgia. Every man was a linn-hearted hero, aud every company a wall of fire. P. \V. A. IIead-Quarteks, Akmv of the Potomac, ( Manassas Junction, July 25. } This is the fourth day since- the great battle of Stone Bridge, and yet there is scarcely a man in the Army of the Potomac who fully appreciates tho magnitude of the victory achieved by our ar mies. Every hour fresh information is being re ceived, which compels us to alter and add to oo» figures as to the tremendous loss of (he enemy ii killed, wounded, missing and prisoners, and o' arms, baggage and provision wagons, amniuni tion, camp equipments and all the outfit of an ar my. What was considered a success on Sunda; night, is now known to be one of the greatest an’< most complete triumphs ever won by one armv over another. If, therefore, I am obliged to altei my figures in each successive communication, you should not ascribe it to negligence or recklessness in statement, Lut to the fact shat each succeeding hour brings to light some fresh incident or addi tional particulars. Tlie enctny commenced to retreat in good order, but lie had not proceeded far along the turnpike, (which is very straight,) that leads to Centreville and Fairfax, before Kemper's battery from Alex andria followed iu pursuit, aud from each succeed ing hill sent a plunging fire in the ranks of the re treating army. This battery was fonght with great skill, and did immense damage. Meanwhile the First Regiment of Virginia cavalry, Col. Stewart commanding, engaged in the pursuit. They rush ed upon the rear of the flying army with uplifted swords'and deafening shouts, hewing them down and dispersing them into the woods and fields, as far as Centreville. At this point, a brigade which had been pushed forward from our centre, saluted them with a deadly- tire. The panic by this time had seized the whole army—ofti -ers, privates, am ateur congressional fighters, and newspaper cor respondents, ali—and a perfect stampede ensued. They rushed down the turnpike and through the fields and woods as if a stream of burning lava had been pursuing them, and the broken, frightened and demoralized multitude never did stop until they got to Alexandria, a distance of thirty miles trom the battlefield. Many of them even went in to Washington. The road as far as Centerville was strewn with their dead, and along the entire route to Alexandria were to be seen great piles of baggage, arms and accoutrements that had been lay in the woods near Centerville, one of vas Col. Farnam, the successor of Ellswrrtv le had been wounded, and the other. *. •ehind to take care of him. rCIBai1 ^ There are some additional facts tonebinir i leath of the lamented Bartow, and the -.art »i- he Seventh an Eighth Georgia Regiment. ^ formed in tbe gTeat battle of the 21st. which 1 b ibtained from eye-witnesses, and which c- '*** ail to interest your readers. Col. Bartow'T* vhea he. was leading the Seventh in a chare Rickett’s battery, not Sherman’s; Liect Moon, of the Atlanta Confederate Guard J p Linley, of the Cobb county Confederate Gn /' J. L. Dobbs, of the same company, and a V’-*’ ian picked him tip and bore him off to the rrl. His last words, uttered when they started off *,'7 him, as repeated to me, were : “Bovs, they h* killed me, bnt never give it up.” "They c ar * T j him off seventy-five or a bnndred yards from w h he fell, aud laid him down :'but the fell thick about him, that they remor»d b' further down the hill, where they procured R0 ? water. He drank a little, aud then seemed to to speak, bnt was not able. They then *nn|S the canteen to bis lips a second time, but he * unconscious and could not swallow the wate * Laying him back, he died almost instantly. a /i without a struggle. They took off his gloves placed them aud a cartridge box under his head ffir a pillow. He did not live more than tw f . m minutes after he fell. When I first saw him. aboj 10 o’clock that night, his face wore a smile of v7 torious satisfaction that led me for a moment t doubt the reality of his death. Hearing of his f s p° Gen. Johnston sent a detachment to brino- body to headquarters, which was done, and on the following day, by order of President Davis, j remains were taken to Richmond to Mrs. Bartow His sword which had been previously broken by a ball, was saved, aud yesterday I succeeded :j getting bis belt.,. While on a visit yesterday to the Seventh B e ,- _gajre, - - thrown away—broken carriages and wagons, ri- I iment I had the satisfaction to examine their deriess horses, aud wounded aud disabled fugi- It has fourteen bullet holes in it, and the flag tives. j was struck in four places. After Col. Bartow The panic was not confined to the soldiery, but ’ ~ extended to the authorities at Washington; and gentlemen from that city and Alexandria say, we might have driven the enemy out of both places on Monday, without firing a guu, if we had but continued the pursuit. Even tie- Washington Star admits the utter route of the Federal forces. It says there is no use in trying to conceal the truth, and that the defeat and route of its army has but one parallel in history, aud that is the battle of Waterloo. It calls upon Congress to vote another 100,000 men and another §100,000,000. They will certainly find it necessary to raise fresh troops; for those who met us on Sunday will never do it again. I have seen a number of prisoners, including several Surgeons, who are in attendance upon tbe enemy’s wounded. They assure me, that the rank and file of the Federal army had no dream there would be a battle on Sunday. The idea had been inculcated among them, tllat we would fall back upon their first appearance, as we did (for strate gic reasons) at Harper’s Ferry and Fairfax. Gen. McDowell issued a general order Sunday mornin After Col. fail, Lieut. Paxton of Virginia asked leave, the color-bearer being wounded, to carry the flair His request was granted, and he, and W. L. X or . man, one of color guards, of DeKalb cotintv were the first to plant it upon tlie captured batl tery. Eli W. Hoyle of the Atlanta Confederate Volunteers was the first to mount the battery. There is another incident which deserves pub!i» mention, and which shows of what kind ot stnff the Georgia boys are made. Wm. DeJarnett of the Rome Light Guards, having been slightly wounded and left behind, concealed himself in the bushes. The second Rhode Island Regiment pass- ed by, without seeing him, but Col. Slocum who commanded the Regiment and who came on be- hind it, discovered him in the bushes. AtteinpUno to draw his pistol, he said. “ your life, you rebel. " For some reason he could not get out his pistol ea sily, aud seeing DeJarnett level his musket at him, lie cried out, “ don’t shoot.” But the Georgian did shoot aud killed him too. He then took to his heels through the**.hicket and the Regiment sent a show er of bullets after him but to no effect. I saw Slocum’s grave yesterday iu a little cabbage gar- before tin y left Centerville, in which he stated den by the road side net far trom the battle field, that the army would proceed to Manassas Jun< - ; and also found there Maj. Baliou, of the sameR-g. t i , 1 . i ,-i 4-li *• — w — r,., 1 .4 An 1- r. /I t • . *1 w. J a a 11 1 111 M111 W* I I I Cl 11 rl I C l Of c li A f 11 tl iment w ho had his leg shot off. But I must stop: for if I were to go on to tell ail tion, where they would take dinner and stay all night. Next morning they would take up the line of march fur Richmond, where they would arrive the gallant acts of our boys, my supply of paper by the end of the week. It was expected tbat wonld soon be exhausted. All the officers iu both there would Le a little skirmishing, but nothing Regiments and every man in the ranks did their more, aud that the bridges along the route would whole duty. Maj. Cooper is the only field officer be destroyed. To meet this latter difficulty, lie ; > a the Eighth, and Col. James F. Cooper, the oniv had brought with him a corps of carpenters, with | one in tbe Seventh who escaped injury. Colonel their tools, aud several wagon loads of bridge tim- Gardner, who had his leg broken by a Minnie ball, ber. which had been prepared and was ready to be ' 3 now at farm house near this place and doing put up. Among our captures were these tools and ~ 11 11 J timber. They tel! me also, that the army was accompa nied by Senators "Wilson of Massachusetts, Foster of Connecticut, Anthony and Simmons of Rhode Island, and Trumbull of Illinois, and by Messrs. Lovejoy of Illinois, Ely of New York, and others whose names they did not remember, who went were killed, J51 wounded, and 11 are missing—194 along to add eclat to the triumphal march of the : in nib more than one out of every three. In the grand army from Washington to Richmond. Oglethorpe Light Infantry, Col. Bartow's old com- These gentry, including a corps of correspondents pany, only ]tj men out of 87 escaped without a and telegraphists from New York and Washing- wound or mark of some kind either upon their ton, were provided with horses, buggies and car- . bodies or their clotbin riages. liquors and cigars, indeed with a full outfit r ” L - for a dainty taste of camp life in the “rebel prov incc-s.” Mr. Ely, as I have already informed you, was captured, and it is now known beyond all doubt, that Senator Foster was killed in his car riage by a shell during the retreat. It is equally well known that we came near bagging the other Congressmen also. One may imagine with what pleasurable antici pations these carpet knights with their kid gloves and peg top pantaloons, set out from Washington and brought up the rear of the invading army ; but what state of imagination will we be able to comprehend tho wild fright and frantic horror with which they beaded the retreat, and appeared in the streets of the Federal Capital ? As they marched out, a triumphant army led the way; as they fled back, a panic-stricken rabble came thundering at their heels, crushing and trampling each other in their headlong flight, and more terrible in tbeir cowardly fright than in their boastful valor. “Veri ly, how have the mighty fallen !” They went clad in purple and gold; they came in sackcloth and ash very well. Maj. Dunwoody, of the Seventh, re- I ceived a slight wound in the shoulder, while his ' horse received four shots without being killed. I send herewith a list of the casualties in the Eighth Georgia Regiment. There were only abont 530 m< n in the Regimeut when it wentintoactioii, owing to sickness and other causes, and vet IS There is still another fact, which I cannot for bear to record. After the terrible fire which the Eighth Georgia had been exposed,aud which they rectived with the immobility of marble statues. Gen. Beauregard rode past the little remnant of the Regiment that was still left, and ’ which was ready to strike yet another blow. Raising his cap ! with undisguised admiration and sympathy, he said—“ Eighth Georgia, I salute you What a scene! aud how much it implied! P. W. A. Casualties in the Eighth Georgia Regiment. Killed.—Col. F. S. Bartow, Adjutant John L. Branch. | WonDded Severely.—Lieut. Colonel Wm. 11. Gardner. Rome Light Guards. Killed—J. B. Clark, J. T. Duncan, D. C. Har grove, C. B. Norton, G. T. Stovall. Wounded Dangerously.—J. H. Anderson, 11. D- MeOsker, J. T. Howard, J. A. Stevenson. Mounded Slightly.—Capt. E. J. Magruder, G. . L. Aycock, A. J. Bearden, J. T. Shackleford. K. It is impossible even now-to give a correct state- j DcJarnette, J. D. Jones, A. R. Johnson ment of tlie prisoners taken; for they are still be- Missing.—Corp. J. J. Black, W. A. Barron, J. ing brought in from the woods, or of the number R- P a y ne i M. A. Ross. of guns and small arms taken, or of the vast piles of provisions, munitions and ammunition captur ed. The number of baggage and provision wag ons which we got is estimated at 150. These were heavily laden with supplies for the march to Rich mond, Among other things that fell into our hands, was a handsome camp chair which was ad dressed to Gen. Winfield Scott, Richmond, Va. The chair will probably be taken on to Richmond by order of “Little Beaury,” and will await the arrival there of Gen. Scott". The Northern papers aro fruitful in excuses for the disaster which has overtaken the Federal arms. Some attribute it to ottr terrible “masked batte ries” which crowded every hill; whereas we did not have a solitary piece of ordinance in five miles of the battle field except our flying artillery. Oth ers ascribe their defeat to our overwhelming num bers, which is equally false: for the most mode rate calculation puts down the enemy’s force» at Oglethorpe Light Infantry. i Killed.—M . II. Crane, G. M. Butler, J. A. Fer rell. B. Morrell, Thos. Purse, Jr. Wounded Dangerously.—J. A. Belvin, G. Card- lan. H. E.still. L. Lippman, S. McDonald. Wounded Severely—R. q>. Baker, F. B. Bevel, E. Davis, B. Dunivan. John Fleming, Gira- deau, R. J. Godfrey, C. C. Hardwick, Jas. Hun- ter, Ivey, J. H. King, Lentz, A. Tins ley. Wounded Slightly.—Sergt. W. Shellman.K. H. Cole, M. Franklin, L. Graybill, J. L. Martin, J- Montmollin, H. Raysor, M. Usina. Missing.—Corp. S. Branch, L. Eastmead, T. Holmes. Macon Guards. Killed.—W; Allen, Leonidas Lamar, William M. Jones. Wounded severely.—W. It. Ainsworth, Wm. three times those of the Confederates. Another G ar ey, A McKenan, H. J. Peters, G. McLeod, fellow, who is cuter than all the rest, says that a Charles Gamble, E. J. Collins. ■Wounded slightly.—W. F. Blue, W. M. Bear den, T. R. Christian, W. C. M. Dunson, Joseph M. Goff, M. A. Malsbey, M'. Poe* W. D. Wood, C. P. Wilcox. Missing.—R. L. Gray, S. B. Bulkley. Echols' Guards (From Merrivcether.) Killed—Captain C. W. Howard, W. H. C. Gad- lev. prodigious column of Confederate cavalry, 5,000 strong, appeared upon a hill of indefinite dimen sions, and forming in the shape of a V, with the sharp end towards the Federal lines, they advanc ed, and just when they got up to.them, the terrible V opened in two parallel lines, disclosing in their midst a frowning battery of 32 pounders, which mowed down tiieir ranks like grass. All such statements are false. The truth is, it was a fair stand-up tight—such as the Tribune professed to desire—aud it took place upon an open field of the enemy’s own choosing. The battle was a decided success, and was a , fought with distinguished gallantry by all our I 1 ^ e PP er ’ troops who participated in it. It is but just to say, however, that the Fourth Alabama Regiment, Col. Jones; the Seventh Georgia, Col. Gartrell; I tin- Eighth Georgia, Lieutenant Colonel Gardner j Mobley, L. M’avborough. both under Acting Brigadier Hen. Bartow: the Fourth South Carolina, Col. Sloan; Hampton’s (S. C.) Legion. Col. Hampton; the Sixth North Carolina, Col. Fisher; and the Eleventh and Sev- M r oundod severely—Corp. J. P. Atkinson, R. Eppinger, L. S. Adams. M’ounded slightly—Sergeant B. K Tnck-r. L. P. Blount, A. H. Freeman) E. Glenn J. E. Porch. Missing.—Frank Ward. Miller Rifles (From Floyd.) Killed.—Frank Lathrop. (color guard) T. S- ! Wounded severely.—Sergt. O. B. Eve, Corp.T- J. Hills, Corp. J. M. Berry, M. Fauderbnrke, Wil- I liam King, N. S. Fain, Jordan Rese, W. W. Wart- eiiteenth Virginia, did the hardest, fighting suffer- ', ^ °ntidedIslightly.—Corp. B. F. Price, A. J. ed most, aud bore the brunt of the battle. Col. . "°* “‘ wln S Eason, John Minton, Thos, Sparks, W Kershaw’s aud Col Cash's (S. C.) legiment came j ^ ’ ^ rou G into action late, but did most effective service in the pursuit, which they continued nearly to Cen terville. General E. K. Smith’s Brigade, a portion of General Johnson’s Winchester forces, reached Atlanta Grays. Killed.—Sergt. J. S. George, A. M. Orr, R.B. Hamilton. Wounded severely.—M. C. Halsey, Lieat. B. U Mannass during the battle, and rushed to the field, ! Smith, Wm. Brooks", G. C. Elliott. Isaac Avcock a distance of seven^ miles, through the broiling j T. M. Holtzclaw, J. B. Martin, E. H. Guest, G- sun, at double quick. As they reached the field from a double quick, they got fairly to runniug, their eyes flashing, the officers crying out, “On, boys, to tin- rescue /” and the men shouting at the top of their voices. M’hen Gen. Johnston saw Smith, he exclaimed: “The Blucber of the day has coma!” They soon arrived iu front of the enemy, and, with a shout that might have been heard from one end of the field to the other, they wore launched at the adversary like a thunderbolt. They delivered hut two fires when the enemy be gan to give way, and in a few minutes he was in full retreat. The Brigade is composed of one Tennessee and one Mississippi Regiment, and a battalion from Maryland. As they rushed by me into the fight, I could but recall, "with an appreciation I never felt before, tbe words of Holy Writ, “As terrible as an army with banners.” The Artillery compaiiies did good service also. Those engaged, were the N. O. Washington Artil lery, Latham’s battery from Lynchburg, Imbo- den's, from Staunton, Kempors from Alexandria: Thomas’s from Richmond, Pendleton's from Lex ington, Rogers’ from Leesbuig, and the Wise Ar tillery, Capt. Albertus. The M’asbingtpn Artil lery and Latham’s and Kemper’s batteries, were in a position to do most, but all the companies ma il reuvered wellaud delivered tbeir fires with great effect- I do not believe that I Lave informed you in any of my previous letters, that Col. Cameron of one of the, Pennsylvania regiments, bad been killed, and that liis brother, Lincoln's Secretery of War, had sent a friend—cue Arnold Harris, a lob by member about Washington—to ask for bis body. As he did not come under a flag of truce. Geu Johmtm ordered him into custody and sent him into Richmond. The Republican Secre tary chose to ignore the existence of uur authority, and the rank aud position of our officers, by send ing a verbal message and without a flag, just as the ministers of King George were wont to act towards Gen. Washington and the Continental Congress during the first revolution, aud therefore our offi cers chose to send the aforesaid Mr. Harris to pris on. I have just heard that five more of Ellsworth’s gouaves—old Abe’s pet lambs—were captured to H. Hammond. Wounded slightly.—J. F. Grambiing, J- ^f- Johnson, T. C. McGuire, J. A. Adair, Z. N- Parir, A. P. Henderson, Thos. Norwood, D. M. Croft, J- Yarborough, B. M. Watkins. Missing.—Corp. T. A. Hammond, Geo. Baker. M r . C. Humphries, S. Gavet, S. Reick, J. Kersba« E. H.Gamling. Pulaski Volunteers. Killed.—J. W. Carruthers, Abney Goodson, JoL Lowry, J. A. Scarborough. Severely wounded.—Thos. Boatwright, J- £ Floyd, J. Howell, A. R. Coley, IV. A. Bowen, n- J. Raines, M. Saunders, T. Smith, M. Ward. Slightly wounded.—Capt. T. D. S. Ryan. Serf- D. II. Mason, Abraham McLellend, J. V. G°"' H. Har- Floyd Infantry. Killed.—F Madrey, Wm. Chastain, shaw, A, Warnock, Sergt. G. G Martin. Wounded severely—Capt. J- F. Cooper, H- Burns, J. Dunn, WTn. Hidle, Corp. O. M. Porter. Thos. Wright, J. Harden. Wounded slightly.—Thos. Allen, J. Haden. Jas. Holbrook, J- Padget, L. Morrow, Geo. Sum mers. Stephens Light Guards (From Greene.) Killed.—Aug. Daniel. Janies Filmore, T- s - Howell, James Harper, George Heard. Wounded severely. Cain, A. W. Broom. W. R- Copeland, D. Moore, J. T. Lewis, T. rett, J- W. Bailey. T. W. Collins. Wounded slightly.—J.P. McCall, J. Brewer, J- Christopher, J. Daniel, G. Dobbs. Missing.—John Calvin, Jerry O’Brien. Oglethorpe Rifles. None killed. . Wounded severely.—Jesse Walton, F.L H ’ J. R. Brooks, J. R. Ramsey, J. L. Wririfc *5 . Langston, E. Lunceford, B. F. Lester, E. T- tin, T. D. Gillam. Wounded slightly.—A.S. Pettard.T. Maxer- J- T. Brightwell.T. M. Christian, M. D. L. A ‘ S. Williams.

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, August 06, 1861, Image 2