Newspaper Page Text
Lctlcr from iliin. Joshua Hill.
Madison, Ga., August 81st, 1863.
Livullnnctt — l am in receipt of your fa*
vor calling my attention to certain charg
es 'made against me by some of my assail
ants, and asking me to reply, and allow
you to publish my vindication. Ollier
iblish my vindication,
friends have written me letters of similar
tenor. In order to relieve all honest mis
apprehension, I make the following state
ment, which I trust will at least be satis
factory to all who are. willing to think, fa
vorably of me- Such of my correspond*,
ents as remain unanswered, will please
consider this as an answer to them.
A few of the public journals of this
State have suggested my name as one lit
to be voted for in the approaching election
for Governor. It has been done without
any agency or management of mine. Per
haps it has proceeded from, a few ardent
friends who had determined to compliment
me with their votes—without regard to
any reasonable prospect of success. That
1 have some such devoted friends, I Have
reason to know. To these I have always
said, ‘while I could not complain of a well
intended kindness, 1 would not consent to
.occupy the position of an aspirant or seek
er for any oilice.” 1 now repeat that dec
laration. Not that 1 was afraid or ashamed
to disclose my opinions <>n public affairs—
but that I felt contempt and disgust for
the business of wooing popular support. 1
liavo blit little of self reproach on that ac
count, atid 1 am resolved not to add to it.
1 am well satisfied that Our present condi
tion as a people, is mainly attributable to
the prevalence of that demoralizing cus
tom. The people have themselves to
blame—that they have generally bestowed
their confidence upon those who were most
adroit in this despicable art. Have they
had enough of it?
I have never felt the desire to occupy
the Executive office, even in ordinary
times. Now, with its vast responsibilities
and its immense patronage, it is surely not
a place to be coveted by any modest, con
scientious man. He who accepts it with
any other view than to devote his time aud
talents to the welfare and happiness of
the people, is unworthy of the station.
It suits the purposes of those accustomed
to kill of adversaries by detraction, to as
cribe opinions and designs to me that I
never entertained. And friends, who have
had sufficient experience to know how lit
tle reliance is to be placed on pledges and
platforms, “ask for a sign.” It is charged
that 1 am in favor of a reconstruction ol
the Union—opposed to the prosecution of
the war, and to the administration of l*rcs
ident Davis. I answer these charges to
gratify a class of friends, who are really
ignorant of my sentiments, and not with
the hope or desire of appeasing the wrath
of enemies, who regal'd me as having de
signs on their Commissar j Department.
Men will light desperately for subsistence.
Since tnv resignation of iny seat as a mem
ber of the Congress of the United States,
which occurred immediately upon the with
drawal of my colleagues, I have taken no
active part in politics. I had often ex
pressed my honest convictions, that the
destruction of the Union would be follow
ed Ly a long aud bloody war, disastrous
beyond precedent in its results, to every
section ; and that the idea of dissolving
the Union, with the hope of reconstruct-
m it, on a basis more permanent aud
protective of the rights of the slave States,
was fallacious and absurd. 1 compared
the effort to accomplish such an iuipnssi
bility, to the lolly of taking the most deli
cate glass vase and crushing it to atoms,
in the vain hope of collecting the scatter
ed fragments, and, by re-uniting them,
making the shattered vessel more comely
aud durable tiiai it was before. It was a
strange delusion—without which tlieU nion
could not have been broken. 1 believed
what I said of tire impossibility of recon
struction. Time and events have deepen
ed these convictions.
I felt little comfort in the flippant as
suranccs of sanguine orators, "that the
Yankees could not fight if they would, and
would not if they could.” I knew that
the time was when they had fought, aud 1
believed that, by collision with our brave
troops, they would learn to do it again. In
war, as in politics, it is unwise to under
rate your adversary.
The war, with its afflictive train of suf
fering, privation and death, lias served to
eradicate all idea of reconstruction, even
with those who made it the basis of their
arguments in favor of disunion. I always
regarded it as impossible, except by the
success of the Northern arms, and then on
ly the Union in name, and not the free
Government of our fathers. I want no
such Union as that, and will not accept it.
The best argument in favor of disunion,
and the ono jnost relied on by its advo
cates, was apprehension for the security of
our slave property. If it was not then in
danger, it is in extreme peril now. So fai
as Mr. Lincoln and the Abolitionists are
concerned, there is nothing left us hut to
resist to the last, by all the means at gui
command, their efforts to destroy and
despoil us.
They present us no alternative hut ruin
or victory. No fraternal appeal comes
from the fanatical abolitionists, to pause
and consider of terms of peace, lie is re
solvetl to conquer us and extirpate slavery,
or failing in this, to intensify the hatred
of the two sections to such a degree, a>
will create an impassable gulf between tbe
people of the United States and those of
the Confederate States, that shall make
them enemies forever. Surely, no -true
Southerner can desire peace, with the sur
render of our invaluable institution. In
dependence itself would be but an empty
sound, if obtained at such a cost.
I am not the eulogist of any Tiring mail,
and never in tetri to be. Indiscriminate
praise is as worthless as indiscriminate cen
sure. I shall continue to exercise my
right as a freeman, so long as I am free, in
expressing an honest opinion as to- the
merits of any measure of pub!it policy. In
doing this, 1 shall endeavor to be guided
by my convictions of right aud expedien
cy, and not to he influenced by personal
dislikes. 1 am not aware that 1 entertain
any such feelings towards any of our pub
lic men. While 1 have not approved of
every act of President Davis’ administra
tion, I ain not prepared to say that I know
of another, more capable observing the
Confederacy in the discharge of the em
barrSssing duties that devolve upon his
high office. I sympathize with uo factious
opposition to his administration.
Occupying the position ( did, I did not
think it becoming me to attempt to out
strip the leaders of the revolutiou iu their
efforts to stimulate the youth of the aoun
try to volunteer. .1 made no inflammatory
appeals to their patriotism, but 1 denied
them not my aid and sympathy in their
trying afflveflture. I was impressed with
the idea, that example was superior to any
power of words, and since I declined to
volunteer, I did not feel willing to ur?c
others to do what I i^ad failed to do my
self. Early iu the struggle, the youth of
my own household, aud those of my near
est kindred, flew to arms. The soil of
Virginia has drank deep of the life-blood
of u;y gallant young kinsmen.
If to mourn the fall of the thousands of
youthful victims ; if to pity the sufferings
aud trials of the maimed and wounded if
to lament the havoc and inhumanities
wrought by a cruel foe , if to regret the
pains and privations of tlu* sick and war
worn soldier ; if to desire that he should
receive sufficient pay to supply his wants;
if to sympathize with wretched and help
less women and children ; if to sigh for
the return of peaco—an honorable, lasting
peace, constitute opposition to tbe war,
then am I opposed to it.
With my thanks for the friendly inter
est you manifest iu my behalf, 1 remain,
gentlemen, your friend and ob’t serv’t,
JOSHUA HILL.
To Messrs. George W. Adair, John J.
Thrasher aud James M. Calhoun, At
lanta, Ga.
[From the Richmond .Seutinel, Aug. 2b ]
Leller of llie Secretary of llte Treasury to 3ir.
Hunter.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, C. S. A., |
Richmond, Aug. 24, 1863. f
Hon. 11. M. T. Hunter. Lloyds, Va. :
Sir: In reply to your inquiries about
the finances, I send you a condensed state
ment of the issue of Treasury notes, and
of the funding operations of the Treasury.
You will see from this statement, that the
fuuding has been eminently successful;
and you will learn, also, tli'at the amount
of outstanding Treasury notes is still with
in the limits of the depreciation which I
reported to Congress at the last session.
My report then estimated the amount ot
circulation which the country could proba
bly' bear, at 8150,000,000.
The statement now made, shows that ■
the outstanding Treasury notes, used as |
general cunency, amouuts almost exactly ,
to three times this amount. But, when it
is considered that a very large portion of
these notes aro across the Mississippi, it
will be apparent, that in the Atlantic
States the estimate of three to one is rather
over than under the mark. Two absorb
ents are now added, which will keep down
the excess from new issues—namely’ : the
taxes and the sale of cotton bonds—and
when the tax in kind begins to contribute
its portion to the support of the army, there
is every reason to believe that the currency
can ho well sustained.
It is obvious from this statement, that
the popular notion ol estimating the value
of the currency by a comparison with gold,
is altogether fallacious; for, while the ac
tual volume of currency’ lias only been
increased three fold, its proportion to gold
rates at more than double that amount.
The fact is, as you well know, that situated
as we uro, gold is as much a commercial
commodity a& platina or tin, and its price
ALABAMA Li •TUBE.
The Legislature adj 1 sine die last
uight, after.a session ot week*. The
most important acts passe* - ere,
The Militia Bill.
The Exemption Bill.
The bill appropriating an additional
million of dollars for the relief of indigent
families of all soldiers from ihistState, ex
cept substitutes.
The bill authorizing Probate Judges to
impress provisions for the benefit of indi
gent families of soldiers, where provisions
cannot-bo bought for them on satisfactory
terms.
The bill to provide salt for the iudigeut
families of soldiers.
The bill to punish those who feed or
harbor stragglers or deserters.
The Militia Bill includes all between
the ages of sixteen and sixty, not legally
exempted. It divides the persons em
braced by’ it into two classes : The first is
confined to service in the county, and cou
sists of all between the ages of sixteen and
seventeen, and all between the ages of
forty-five and sixty. The second class is
the travelling and fighting class, and in
cludes.all between the ages of* seventeen
and forty-five.
The Exemption Bill includes ministers
of the Gospel who are in the regular dis
charge of their duties,- doctors of seven
years standing, teachers of three years
standing and who have twenty-five schol
ars, overseers who are exempt by the law
of Congress, one blacksmith in each beat,
where there is no negro blacksmith, rail
road employees, such as engineers, con
ductors, machinists. &c.
The deliberations of the General As
sembly were characterized by ability, har
mony’ aud patriotism.—Mont. Mail, oOt/i.
Wild Set (lie Call ill Motion ?
FAERIE Knowk, August 27, 1863.
Editors Atlanta Confederacy:
In your issue of the 25th instant, I find
a communication from Major Mark A.
Cooper under the above head. Iu the
general accuracy ot Major Cooper’s com
munication I concur. There is, however,
an error in the last paragraph, which I
have no doubt Major Cooper will be pleased
to have corrected. He says :
“The mover of secession put the hall in
motion, and the II011. John A. Jones, of
Paulding (Polk) county, Georgia, was the
first publicly avowed mover of it known to
us. We belie ce ho we vet, Mr. llhett's were
m advance of Mr. Jones'.” It is iu the last
clause which I have italicised, that Major
Cooper errs.
When the Tariff Act of 1828 was passed,
without limitation as to time, Guicue &
Jones edited tbe Southron. The first
leader iu that paper, after the passage ol
the act was. known, warmly urged separa
tion. In that leader we said*, speaking of
the Northern people : Let us say unto them
as Abraham said to Lot, “Let there be no
; strife between us, for \vc are brethren ; the.
i world is before us, do you go to tbe right,
and I will go to the left, or do you go to
the left and I will go to the right.” To
our people we said, ‘Touch not, taste not,
handle nut the unclean thing, which is
theirai and as Cicero said of Cateliue aud
his followers, let a wall he erected between
them and us.” That leader was near two
^flutjjcrn JUcflrj&tu
MI -Li L E D GEVILLE:
TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 18j63.
FOR GOVERNOR.
T. IvH. FTJRLOW,
OF SUMTER.
Correspondence.
Milleugeville, Sept. 2, 1863.
Dear Sir—In referring to the use wfl made of
your name in the last Recorder, in connection with
the ;office of Governor, an exchange paper says
that we failed to “state that Maj. Furlow has con
sented to occupy that position.” As your name
is now before the public, and only a few weeks
remain until the election, we hope you will at once
favor us with your consent, aud also with an assu
rance that we have not misapprehended your po
sition as a supporter of President Davis and the
policy of Congress for the active prosecutiou of
the war until the independence of. the Confederate
States shall be fully established.
Respectfully yours,
R. M. ORME &. SON.
lion. T. M. Furlow.
is governed by the law of demand and j years before the publication of the Colletrtn
supply. As 1 have already shown in the
report referred to wheat and corn afford
much more reliable standards of value,
when their price is not controlled by some
local obstruction; and, by referring to
these, it will be seen that the currency
hasmaintained itself at the ratio which
the outstanding issues indicate. You will
perceive by the statement, that uniting all
the various appliances for funding, there
has been funded iu bonds 8282,101,670 ; to
which, according to estimate, there is yet
to be added about 870.000,000 more, which
are yet iu the hands of t'ue Treasury officers
to be funded, making, in all, about $302,-
000,000—add to this 815,112,000, deposi
ted iu the five per cent, call loan, aud we
have an aggregate of nearly §818,000,000
withdrawn from the currency.
This result is certainly very favorable,
and shows that the measures adopted by
Congress have been quite as successful as |
any of us had anticipated. . It is-some-j
what letnarkablc, that the Yankee Govern- j
meut should have adopted exactly the !
same ’ measures for withdrawing their
circulation, and, according to a statement
published iu limit’s Merchants’Magazine,
for July, they have funded in call loan
aud bonds, not more than -82,000,000.
These figures show that there is no
reason for distrust as to our currency ; and
if, wlieu Congress meets, you will all ad
dress yourselves vigorously to’ measures
which will restraiu its further increase,, we
shall be fully able to maintain our cause.
I would suggest to you two matters foi
consideration : Ono is, tbp export duty
which I proposed ; aud the other, is a
renewal of the call loan for all Treasury
notes, upon the same principle with the
six per ceut. eall loan, which was reported
at the last session.
It is worth the experiment to try, wheth
er* by allowing a diyiosit iu the Treasury,
on interest we may not be able to attract
and retain there ail the Treasury notes
not actually required for circulation.
Very truly, ynuis.
C. G. MEMMlNGEIi,
Secretary of the Treasury.
Stute.fiie.Ht ’of outstanding Treasury Notes, August
Hth, 1863.
Total of all kinds of General Cur
rency Notes $523,114,406
Estimated on hand for cancellation, 70,131,000
resolution the first public avowal of Mr.
Illiett’s opinions. That leader I wrote and
that leader was inserted iu the Southron
with the distinct pledge to my associate
that I would answer all iuipuguers, aud
think I did it successfully.
The views expressed in that leader 1
have never doubted, or repented of, from
that day to this, thougTI they have been
tb e cause of much persecution to me and
mine; nor have 1 ever. doubted for an
hour that dissolution would come. My
only fear was, that being an old inau I
might not live to see the glorious resuk
ruction, of the liberties, of my country.
Thank God 1 have seen it, and 1 can die
content. •
This much I have felt due to myself and
to history. 1 hope it does not savor too
much of egotism.
Very respectftiily,
JOHN A. JUNES.
$452,1)71),866
Aud prob ibly beyond the Mississippi, 150,600,000
$302,970,806
Statement of ltonds into which the Currency ha sheen
Funded, including a rails of the Produce Loan.
Total of 100 million loan $100,000,000
Funded since February 20. 1863— 124,31*,370
Funded of notes, May 16th, 1861.. 8.086,300
On liaml, to be funded by estimate..
Total funded
Five jHir cent, call, partly funded..
Total
$232,404,670
70,000,000
$302,404,670
.15,412,000
$317,846,670
The liichmoud Whig says that Ladies’
shoes can be made of squirrel skins, pre
pared as follows: ’l ack the skins to a
board, the hair uext to the board, with
hickory ashes sprinkled over them, fur a
few days, to facilitate the removal of the
hair, and thou placed iu a strong decoction
.of red oak bark, will, at the end of four
days, make excellent leather, far stronger
and tougher than calfskin. Four skins
will make a pair of Ladies’ shoes-
Our Duly to llrltigm.
We cannot tot* earnestly press this
subject upon the attention of our friends
in the interior. The unfortunate families
who fly fiom the plantations aigl cities of
the coast to avoid the cruel persecutions
of the enemy, have a claim to hospitality
and tender consideration. Arc they al
ways thus received and treated / We
have many reasons to believe that they
are not. We have heard complaints iu
Georgia of the great influx of fugitive from
Abolition tyranny, and the consequent iu
crease in the price of provisions, with its
attendant inconvenience. Citizens of
j Charleston who last week visited 'the
I interior of tliat State to settle their wives
and children beyond the reach of Yaukee
! shells, informs us that the cold shoulder
j was given to them at almost every turn,
, and they weic regarded as subjects to be
| plundered rather than as brethren of the
j same State to be taken iu aud eared for.
Every indication was given that they were
! unwelcome guests and the soouer they
1 left the better pleased would be the inhab
itants. ^ **'
Are people thus besotted with seUisfiness
worthy of the bobu of liberty ? Have
they souls, and do they recoguizu the
existence of a ^Go<#, that they expect to
harden tlfbir hearts and turn a deal ear to
the calls of coimnou humanity ? Shame,
shame upon al! such meanness! It is un
worthy of a Christian people, and if per
sisted iu will lead to results which we
forbear to contemplate, much more to por
tray. Let the indifferent and the hard
hearted remember that this war is not yet
brought to a close—that they owe some
thing to the people who have sacrificed
eveiything, and for two long years stood
as a bulwark between them and a remorse
less foe—that their day of tribulation aud
flight may yet come, when they will ap
preciate in ail its force that cruel fate
“man’s inhumanity to man,” which “makes
countless thousands mourn.”
| £>ar. Hep. 2d.
Gen. Holmes.—The following appears
iu the New York Herald, of the 22d ult.
, To the Editors of the Herald.-—The death
of General Holmes, of Arkansas, as report
ed in the Herald, by driukiug intoxicating
liquors, is false. I_ was present at his
death. It was caused by pneumonia.
Your obedient servant,
* ItoisKjtr Rainey,
of Napoleon, Arkansas.
Americus, September 5tb, 1863.
Messrs. R. M. Ormk &. Son :
Gentlemen—Your favor of the 24 instant asking
me to ratify “the use you made of my name in the
last Recorder, in connection with the oilice of Gov
ernor,” has been received. The.office of Governor
of Georgia, even in times of tranquillity, has, for
me, but few if any allurements ; and now when
its duties aud responsibilities are greatly increased
and complicated, by the perils which threaten us,
both as a State and Nation, there are certainly uo
inducements to aspire to the position, other thau
those prompted by a sense of public duty. Re
sides. I am not, nor have I ever been, ambitious
for political preferment. The strifes of party and
heated political contests, even when connected
with an honest purpose and anxiety to discharge
faithfully the duties of the office, to my mind
would more than counterbalance all the honor and
pleasure derivable from such positions. I have
never studied politics with a view to political hon
ors, and the least of my expectations has been,
that I would ever be called upon to be a candidate
for Governor. 1 am abundantly more happy iu
my domestic circle, and in managing my planting
interest, thau I could ever hope to be iu superin
tending the great and varied interests of Georgia.
I am hut a planter, having uo higher aspirations
thau by industry aud energy to contribute some
thing towards the proper development of our great
agricultural interests.
I have, by no word or ageucy, whatever, sought
the position .in which you and numerous other
friends desire to place me, but 011 the contrary,
have metallsuch solicitations with decided disap
proval. Within the last ten days, however, soli
citations to permit the use of my name in this con
nection have reached me, from a number of friends,
(whose opinions I greatly respect aud appreciate)
and have induced a change in my purpose, without
a corresponding change iu my opinion, as to my
Jituess for, or desire towards the Gubernatorial
chair. I will, therefore, reply to you, as I have
done verbally to others—that if, by the use of my
name as a candidate for Governor, iny friends feel
that they can effect any good to the .State, or in
any manner thereby promote the great aud glori
ous struggle for independence iu which we are now
engaged, they are at liberty to use it.
You certainly “hare not misapprehended my po
sition as a supporter of President. Ducis and the
policy of Congress for the active prosecution of the
war, until the independence of the. Confederate States
shall he full y established.’' 1 claim no credit, how
ever, for this position. It is the position of every
good citizen—of every lover of liberty, and of
every enemy to tyranny, to subjugation aud slave
ry. Iu giving, therefore, uiy humble,support to the
Administration, I feel that I but do my duty iu as
sisting my country to drive back the vandal horde
from its soil and to throw around my home aud my
household gods its strong arm of defence,.that they
he not desolated and polluted by the unholy tread
or touch of a worse thau savage enemy.
And when this is done throughout our entire bor
ders, let there he erected an altar of.liberty iu my
beloved South, around which, the children of our
brave soldiers, the children of each and all who
may have by life, or blood, or otherwise contribut
ed to our success, may worship in peace and secu
rity for generations to come. To enable the Gov
ernment to do this let us place at its command all
the men, wealth and every other means that it may
call for, and which as a people and Statu we can
supply; and then if there should he a failure
(which Ido not apprehend or fear) we will be
cheered in our last hour as a nation or as Individ
rials, that we have done our duty, our whole duty.
My position as Senator iu the State Legislature
for the past two years, has Itfeutified me with
every subject of State policy, that has beeu
brought before that body, for consideration, since
the beginning of this revolution. And likewise
iiianyfubjects involving directly or indirectly the
policy of the Confederate Government were con
sidered and acted upon during my connec
tion with the Senate of the State. Upon each and
Ell of such questions 1, in my judgment, so east niy
vote as to strengthen the Confederate Government
and promote the interests of Georgia.
I cheerfully gave my influence and vote to the
passage of all hills or resolutions intended to pro
mote the comfort of our soldiers, whether by the
iucrease of pay, the*supplying them with clothing
aud hospital accommodations, or the’appropri
ation of money, to the support of the families of in
digent soldiers.
I also with a majority of botli branches of the
Legislature, voted to reorganize the “Militia of
Georgia,” purposing thereby to increase its num
bers and efficiency so sadly needed at this time,
aud to give to all who held office under the ole or
ganization and were debarred by virtue of that office
from joining the Confederate Service, an opportu
nity to do so. This effort of the Legislature, . was
however defeated by the Veto of Lis Excellency
the Governor.
I find that I am extending this communication
beyond what I had intended. I’purposed only to
signify to you aud through you to other friends
iny consent to be a candidate for Governor at tbe
ensuing electiou. If thought necessary, I will du
ring the ensuiug week, prepare au address to the
voters of Georgia, giving more in detail my opin
ions upon tbe policy aud condition of our country.
I am, very respectfully, yours,
T* M FURLOW.
GOV. BROWN
The" orgnus of tbo Governor are very
tMJMitirc.Aud betray much excitement at
opposition. - He must bare every thing in
bis own way, and keep in office just so
long as be pleases. From the nature of
this demand, one would suppose that the
Governor was the most accommodating
man alive ; that be never crossed tbe path
of others, but always kept aloof from con
troversy. No person dare offer a reason
against bis re election, as if he held tbe
office as men bold their lands, in fee sim
ple. That be permits himself to share
'this feeling, in common with those who
have personal motives to retain him in
power, is muck to be regretted. It is an
infirmity to which lie has yielded to a far
greater extent than is compatible with
true nobility of spirit.
No candidate can be presented for Gov
ernor, without stirring up the whole nest
of hornets that cluster on the Executive
door posts. They dart furiously at all in
truders, and sting with all the venom of
their capacities. The real facts have no
influence, and such a thing as rotation in
office, or a division of patronage on just
principles, forms no part of their philoso
phy. They must rule or ruin.
Now, let us trace the example of Gov.
Brown, and see what conciliation he
bw» presented within the last two years-
If he cau afford to he aggressive, he should
allow the same freedom to others. Surely
it is no greater sin to complaiu in a small
way than on a large scale. If we arraign
the Governor, lie has the consolation to
know that he first arraigned the President
aud Congress of the Confederate States,
both of whom he indicted for violating the
Constitution, and depriving free citizeus
ot their personal liberty. That lie failed
iu convictiug them before tbe tribuual of
public opiuion, was uo-fault of bis as a
prosecuting officer, lie did bis best, as the
record will prove, quotations from which
will duly appear.
On the 16th April, 1862, Congress pass
ed the first conscription act, embracing all
white men between 18 aud 35 years of age
for military service in the Confederate
States. Iu his letter to President Uavis,
dated 22d April, Gov. Brown declared the
act unconstitutional, and refused to have
HON. JOSHUA HILL.
As an aci of justice to an able and up,
right citizen who has beeu presented ;V
bis frieuds for the office of Governor, We
publish tbe letter of Mr. Hill. \\* e
nothing in it to condemn, but much to R \
mire and approve. Tbe sentiment art
such as we expected from a mau of his p,
triotic aud honorable character.
It is proper to say, in this conation
that had such a letter appeared two , -
three weeks ago when Mr. Hill was
placed before the public, by the Atlant
Gazette, iu his present attitude, the recep-
tion of the announcement would have bee"
far more cordial and enthusiastic by the
masses. As silence wa3 expressly coup! eu
with his candidacy, and as Mr Hill had
tired from the U. S. Congress in a mann tt -
differeut from that of his colleagues, wh-
the ordinance of secession was official!-
notified to them, leaving ground to accu "
him of mental reservation, or other dj SH ,
fected purpose, we deemed it necessary ti la *
ho should declare his present feeling {o .
ward the Confederate administration ai
the war policy of Congress, before tbe
people could support him understanding
We believed it was due himself and tbe
public that a brief exposition of his view,
should be published, even though it migh-
be wrongfully construed into a hid f or
votes. We are puisuaded that Mr. Hill
has no personal ambition for place, an :
that lie lias yielded for what ho conceives
to be the public good. It is not in our na
ture, from past or present convictions rela
tive to that gentleman, to uttef a word to
bis disparagement. His election as Gov
ernor of Georgia, over tbe present inemn
bent, would be gratifying to us, though
we are not among his supporters.
In the Recorder of the 14th July,
admitted a communication urging tbe
claims of Maj. T. M. Furlow of Sumter
which we cheerfully endorsed. Last week
we formally annonuced him as a candi
date, and sLall keep bis name at our mast
head until the election. After specifying
the reasons why be should be elected, w*
added, iu tbe Recorder of 14th July, the
following remarks, to w hich we still ad*
here :
With such qualities, united to a sound
judgment aud much practical information.
the enrollment by bis own officers, as pro- ; Maj. Furlow is eminently tit for the Ex
posed by tbe Secretary of War. Tbe cor
respondence which thus originated occu
pies 52 pages iu pamphlet form, printed at
Atlanta by order of the Governor and ex
tensively distributed in tbe army and else
where, to weaken public confidence iu the
Government.
Following out his design, on tbe 6th of
November 1862, Gov. Brown sent a spec
ial message to the Legislature, reviewing
with marked severity’ the acts of Congress
j for replenishing the army, which be pro
nounces unconstitutional, aud appealed to
tbe Legislature to take action to prevent
their enforcement in the State. This mes
sage with a letter to the-President which
be uever answered, formed a pamphlet of
23 pages, of which wo learn many thou
sautl copies were distributed in tbe army,
to render the soldiers dissatisfied with tbe
President, aud to make them vote for
Gov. Brown.
Still intent upou worrying the Confed
crate Administration, and of bringing it in
to disrepute, Gov. Brown sent to the Legs
islature another special message dated
December 12, 1S62, which covers more
than five pages of tbe Senate and House
Journal. This message, with the resolu
tions prepared to carry out iis doctrines,
was printed iu separate form, aud large
bundles of them, we understand, forward
ed for distribution in the army.
At the called session of the Legislature,
Gov. Brown transmitted another special
message, dated April Gth, 1863, in which
he recommended tbe increase of pay to
private soldiers, to $20 per month.and
that of non commissioned officers in
the same proportion. A resolution was in
stantly offtred by Senator J. R. Brown
of Cherokee (brother of tbe Governor) re
questing out; Senators and Representatives
iu Congress to have such a bill passed,
which was “cordial/y approved April 13,
1863.’’ This message and resolution took
tbe track of its predecessors to the army*
where large quantities were circulated,
ami upon this platform Gov. Browu rests
his determination to run for a fourth term.
He believed the soldiers would bite tbe
money hook. This whole macbiucry will
be inspected at auother time.
ecutive office, aud we should feel gratified
to see him announced as a candidate, in a
manner that would be agreeable to himself
and to tbe many friends who would cor
dially bestow their suffrages in his favor.
Army Officers in Hie Legislature.
The laxity of oaths is too prevaleDi.
and we always felt pained to see member?
of the Legislature swearing that they had
not obtained their election “by bribing.
treats, canvassing, or other undue or un
lawful means,” when we knew that some
of them had literally floated in, as we Lai
been eye witness of their treating voters
to barrels of whisky, when such a mode of
electioneering was more common than it is
at present. But we should seriously regre:
to see honorable inen, wearing the insig
nia of office in tbe Confederate array, »■
far compromise their dignity as to accept
seats iu the Legislature in the face of the
following clause of the Constitution ot
Georgia, Art. II, § 1 :
“No person holding any military com
mission or other appointments, having any
emolument or compensation annexed there
to, under this State or the Confederate
States or either of them, except Justice?
of the Inferior Court, Justices of the
Peace and officers of the militia, nor any
defaulter for public money or for legs!
taxes required of him, shall have a seat in
either branch of the General Assembly- *
• It is no argument to say that seven,
gentlemen in the last Legislature, belong
ing to the army, were permitted from »
sense of delicacy alone to bold seats.—
The question was then new, and was not
sprung until after their election. Not
the case is different, and we hope uo e-
quivocal* measure will be attempted, ou
oath.
A destructive fiie occured at 10 o’
clock on the uight of 29th iust. by which
the buildings 011 three sides of the public
square in Thomastoii, Upson county, were
consumed. Tbe total loss is supposed to
be about $300,000 ; insurance only 17,000.
—
13^ Col. It. W. Folsom lias presented
tbe Governor the battle Flag of the 14th
Georgia Regiment. The patriotic em
blem, tattered and pierced by the bullets
of the enemy, has beeu handsomely ac
knowledged by Gov. Brown, who gives it
houorable preservation in the Executive
Department.
13^ The Eagle manufacturing Compa
ny of Columbus has donated $2500 to the
Mayor of Charleston, to be applied to such
charitable ones as he may direct.
We woul4.$all atteution to Dr. Trotter’s
circular, addressed to citizens of South
western Georgia. Dr. T. is said to be. a
refugee from Missiiifppi, who has suffered
from the invading enemy.
ty We learn that Edmund McGebee
Esq. about eighty years of age, residing
near Baton Rouge, Louisiana, has bee-
stripped of bis immense property by tbj
Yankees. lie owned 3200 slaves and -■
cotton and sugar plantations, including *
Cotton Factory which was worked by30u
of his own hands. A rail road 31 mi'e=
long, leading to his factory, had beeu con
structed by himself, with a sufficient roll
ing stock. AU the negroes, except »bo ; .
one liuudrcd, have been taken off by t !
Federals, bis Factory ruined, all his pi« r -'
tations desolated, bis rail road torn ufi
and about 5000 bags of cotton were burn,
by the orders of Mr. McGebee to proven?
its falling into the hands of the enemy-"
His loss in negroes and cotton alone is® 0
less than $5,000,000. He is mentioned -
Gov. Gilmer’s book, “Georgians, p-
The Yankee Vandals in Louisi*^
have made a rule to bum all houses a "
plantations near the places where the '•
si guerillas fire on boats navigating
Mississippi River. Above Baton L 0<1 o e
this work of destruction has been eXte
sive, where tbe boats have been modest
from the shore.
The country will be gratified
learn that the Vicksburg army u° w
iziug at Demopolis, Alabama,
commanded by Lieut. Gen. Hardee-
Nearly all the Mississippi "
diers who, it was said had deserts ^
Johnston, have returned to their cornu ^
Tbe President’s appeal , ‘* c a
feet.