Newspaper Page Text
the
Will be published entry SATURDAY Afternoon,
In the Two-Story Wooden Building, at the
Corner of Walnut and Fifth Street,
IN THE CITY OF MACOX, GA.
By WM.B. II VItEC I SO\,
TER M S :
For the Paper, in advance, per annum, $2,
if not paid iu advance, 00, per annum, i
!E?Advertisements willbeiuserted at the usual
rates —and when the number of insertions de
sired is not specified, they will be continued un
til forbid and charged accordingly.
O'Advertisers by t lie Year will be contracted
with upon the most favorable terms.
iO*Salesof Land by Administrators,Executors
or Guardians, are required bv Law, to be held on
the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours
of ten o’clock in the Forenoon and three in the
Afternoon, at the Court House of the county in
which the Property is situate. Notice of these
.''ales must be given in a public gazette Sixty Days
previous to the day of sale.
jLT*Sales of Negroes by Administators, Execu
tors or Guardians, must be at Public Auction, on
the first Tuesday in the month,between thelegal
hours of sale,before the Court House of the county
where the LettersTestamentary.or Administration
or Guardianship may have been granted, first giv
ing notice thereof for Sixty Days,ia one of the
public gazettes of this State,and at the door of the
Court House where such sales are to be held.
[CrNoticefor the sale of Personal Property
must be given in like manner Forty Days pre
vious to the day of sale.
to the Debtors and Creditors oi an es
ae must be published for Forty Days.
t cry Notice that application will be made to the
Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Ne
groes must be published in a public gazette in the
State for Four Months, before any order absolute
can be given by the Court.
(Xj’Citations for Letters of Administration on
an Estate, granted by the Court ofOrdinarv, must
bo published Thirty Days for I.ettersof Dismis
sion from the administrationofan Estate,monthly
far Six Months —for Dismission from Guardian
ship Forty Days.
for the foreclosure of a Mortgage,
must be published monthly for Four Months—
for establishing lost Papers, for the full space of
Three Months —for compelling Titles from Ex
ecutors, Administrators or others, where a Bond
has been given by the deceased, the full space of
Three Months.
N. B. All Business of this kind shall receive
prompt attentionat the SOUTHER. Y TRIBI NF.
Office, and strict care will be taken that all legal
Advertisements are published according to Law.
qj*All Letters directed to this Office or the
Editor on business, must be post-paid, to in
sure attention.
IT. OTTSLET & SCIT,
II .litEIIOUSE 4- COMMISSION MERCHANTS
Yl/JLL continue Business at their “ Fil*C
»> Proof Btiildmjrs,” «« Cotton
•Itenuc, Macon, Ga.
Thankful for past favors, they.brg leave to say
they will be constantly at their post, and that no
efforts shall he spared to advance the interest of
their patrons.
They respectfully ask all who have CO TTOJS
or other TltOl)I CE to Store, to call and exam
ine the safety of their Buildings, before placing
it elsewhere.
(□’Customary Advances on Cotton in Store
or Shipped, nn»* «tt U.,„.transacted at tile
UfUal rates.
June ’2
I> \ V I I> I« I- 3 »> ,
Justice of the Pence and Notary PuUic,
M A C O N , G A .
/ roMMISSIONER OF DEEDS, Sec., for the
V ' States of Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi,
fexas, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Missouri,
New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Penn
sylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Arkansas, iVe.
Depositions taken, Accounts probated, Deeds
and Mortgages drawn, and all documents and
instruments of writing prepared and authentica
ted for use and record,in any of the above States.
Residence on Walnut Street, near the African
Church.
O’Public Office adjoining Dr.M.S Thomson's
Botanic Store, opposite the Floyd House,
jttne 29 25—1 v
WILLIAiR IVILSOV.
HOUSE CARPENTER AND CONTRACTOR
Cherry Street near Third , Macon, Ga.
"\ TAKES and keeps on hand Doors, Blinds
-U and Sashes for sale. Thankful for past
favors lie hopes for further patronage.
may 25 20—Gm
WOO» & LOW,
GENERAL COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
NEW ORLEANS, LA.
may 25 20-ly
Ice Cream Saloon,
Cotton Arcnue, next door below Ross £,■ Co's.
OPEN from 10 o’clock, A. M. to 10 P. M ,
daily, Sundays excepted The Ladies'
Slaoon detached and fitted up for their comfort,
in a neat and pleasant style.
June 22 11. C. FREEMAN.
Millar’s Biscuit Bakery,
-Vo. 131 Meeting Street, opposite, tlic Market,
CHARLESTON, S. C.
TITHE Subscriber has constantly on hand
-L Pilot and Navy Bread, Soda, Butler, Le
mon,Water, Sugar and Dyspeptic CRACK ERS,
Ginger Nuts, &c., in barrels, kegs, boxes and
hulk, all warrated of the best quality, and at the
lowest prices. K. S. MILLAR.
july 6 26—ly
IIALL, A BUAKTLEY,
IT AYE just received a well selected ossorl-
L 1. ment of DR Y GOODS and GROCERIES,
which embraces almost every article iu their
line of business. These Goods make their stock
extensive, which has been selected recently by
one of the firm, and they ate determined to sell
their Goods upon reasonable terms, and at the
lowest prices. Whilst they are thankful for past
favors, they respectfully invite their friends and
the public to call at their Store on Cherry Street,
mid examine their Goods and prices, before pur
chasing elsewhere.
march 23 11
Macon Candy Manufactory.
r j' , lIE Subscriber still continues to tnnt ufac
-L ture CANDY of every variety, next door
below Ross & Co’s, on Cotton Avenue. Hav
ing increased my facilities and obtained addi
tional Tools, lain now prepared to put up to
°fder, CANDIES, of any variety, and war
ranted equal to any manufactured in the South.
I also manufacture a superior articleofLcmon and
other SYRUPS, CORDIALS, PRESERVES, S-r.
All my articles are well packed, delivered in
an y point iu the City and warranted to give
satisfaction. 11. C. FREEMAN, Agent,
march 9 9
THE SOUTHERN TRIBUNE.
KEW SERIES —VOLUME 11.
H o e i r a.
[for the southern tribune.]
HOSE HILL CEMETERY.
The oriental cypress here
Doth rear its graceful bead,
Where all is sad, and calm, and fair,
Oh! stranger lightly tread ;
For many loved and early lost,
Here lie beneath this sod,
Their lives were chilled by death's cold frost
And they now rest with God.
How lovely is their silent home,
Near deli and murmuring stream.
No l,tough! of earth should with us come
W hile now of death we dream.
Oh here ’tis sadly sweet to roam,
At day’s departing hour,
And think of that bright upper home
Where storms can never lower.
Now see the beauteous evening shades
Fall slowly all around,
While gently through the verdant glades,
Is heard the soft, low sound.
Ocmulgee of thy rippling wave,
As thou dost flow along,
Near rock and hill and new made grax*e
To ocean ever on.
So with the tide ofhuman life,
Wh icli hears us swiftly on ;
V\ T e ton must leave these scenes of strife,
And lie beneath the stone.
Why then should mortaieare or pain
Or fortune’s dark’ning frown,
Make tts forget that heavenly plain
Where we may wear a crown.
A crown of everlasting [Tence,
Bought by our Saviour’s blood ;
A way alluring earth ; oh rease
To draw tts from our God.
And Thou, oh Father throned on high,
In mercy deign to bless,
Us feeble worms who to Tltcc cry ;
Clothe us iu righteousness.
And may we wear a robe
Os spotless white at thy right hand
In thine own blest abode
Where ever chant the cherub band.
D.
Vincrillc, Ga.
ij uit 1 1 ca l .
from the Cherokee Jidcocatc.
To the People ol' Georgia.
In obedience to the will of the General
Assembly 1 attended the Southern Con
vention at Nashville, the proceedings of
which have already been placed before
you through the public prints. It is with
pleasure I announce to you, that the reso
lutions were adopted by an unanimous
vote; arid that few wete found to oppose
the addtess made by the Convention to
the Southern States of the confederacy,
and none from any hostility to the Resolu
tions or the principles maintained in them.
I hope those with whom I had the honor
to serve you, will not consider me as assu
ming too much in saying to you, that your
own delegation were unanimous in sup
porting both the resolutions and address.
These papers place before the country in
plain and mild tetms the constitutional
rights of the Southern States, the assaults
committed on them, the imminent peiil in
which they are now placed, and the
grounds of ejection to the measures before
Congress known as the Compromise act,
as a measure of adjustment. While Ido
not intend to impugn the motives or the
patriotism of the Statesman who proposed
that measure, as one of peace, I must he
permitted to say, that in my humble judg
ment, it is any' thing but a measure ofjus
lice, and makes a fatal sacrifice of impor
tant Southern interests, for which no equi
valent is given. If the object was to give
satisfaction to the South, and not to ag
grieve her by unjust, not to say unconsti
tutional Legislation, it is easy, now, for
distinguished Statesmen, and a patriotic
and independent press, to adopt a mode nr
line of adjustment, which will preserve
the integrity of the constitution and calm
the winds which disturb the political wa
ters. This line is suggested in the resolu
tions. Ry consenting to acquiesce in its
adoption, the members of the Convention
were well aware that they wete conceding
much of the constitutional right,but it was
a concession,in the temper of the Constitu
tion, and for the sake of quiet and peace.
For one,l believe that the Constitution is
the shield of the citizen to protect him
against domestic as well as foreign aggres
sion, and that no legislation is constitution
al which directly or indirectly conflicts
with the fundamental principles on which
the Constitution itself stands. The Con
stitution of the United Stales was estab
lished on principles of equality and justice,
with the design of promoting the interest
and prosperity of all the parties thereto.
The independent sovereignties which
framed it, came together for mutual pro
tection aud defence, sot mutual justice and
peace, and its provisions prove the power
of the minds, and the purity of the patri
otism of the men who so wisely adjusted
its various parts to accomplish these great
objects. To ensure peace aud prevent
MACON, (GA..) SATURDAY AFTERNOON, JULY 13, ISSO.
hostilities among the several Status of the
Union, each surrendered a portion of the
powers which belong to all independent
sovereignties; the power of making trea
ties, of entering into compacts, alliances
and confederations, and the power «.f ma
king and carrying < n war. lint this sur
render was not madewithout a guarantyof
tlie tights., for the protection of which, the
powers relinquished are used by indepen
dent sovereignties. Every thing wasdoue
to secure the rights of the people of the
several .States, in as full and effectual a
manner as if eacli State had retained its
entire sovereignty and hud secured them
by treaty. The couits are open fir the
legal redress of one citizen for the wrong
of an another, although of a different
State, iu as ample a manner, as if all were
inhabitants of the same jurisdiction; and
to obviate the power of u special local in
fluence, as far as possible, the aggrieved
party has, usually, the option of carrying
his case before a Slate or federal tribunal.
But in respect to slaves, the courts could
afford no adequate redress, for the reason,
that, in some States they are not regarded
as property, and the complaining party
could therefore have no civil remedy.—
Hence tlie necessity of a constitutional
provision, to stand in the place of a
treaty, for their delivery. The pow
er of executing the salvtary provisions
of the Constitution, was given to
the General Government, to which had
been surrendered by the States, the pow
ers used by the nations to enforce compacts
and treaties, and the obligation, in c> nsid
eration of this surrender, was imposed on
that government; hut to insure llie utmost
fidelity in the administration of the Con
stitution and that the State Governments
might he brought to the aid of the federal
authorities iu the fulfilment of their bgih
and responsible duties, the Executive,
Legislative and Judicial officers of the
several States are bound by oath or affirm
ation to support the Constitution of the
United States. The power of regulating
individual property and the title thereto,
was reserved by the Stales. In many of
the States, negroes are property, and the
Constitution of the United States pre
serves their character as property, though
they escape into a State which prohibits
slavery, by tequiring them to lie delivered
up on claim to the owner. In better days,
when a higher morality prevailed, and
when it was thought that the Constitution
would impose on even the unofficial citi
zen an indispensible obligation, the provi
sion of the Constitution for the restora
tion of fugitives from labor was deem
ed by some unnecessary, and the dis
tinguished Roger Sherman, of Connec
ticut, regarded the negro truly as property,
thought there was no distinction in that
respect between a negro and a horse, and
that the public might, with as much propri
ety be required to deliver one as the other.
He considered it a matter of course that
lie would be dlivered to his owner. For
many years after the adoption of the Fed
eral Constitution, the General Govern
ment and the States acted in good faith,
and the fugitive slave was delivered to his
owner without difficulty. Nor did Cou
gres attempt directly or indirectly, to ex
ercise jurisdiction over the subject, either
in the States, Districts or Territories
'1 he owner of the slave emigrated to the
public Territories, with his negroes, with
out let or hindrance and held them there,
except to that on which, by compact be
fore the Constitution, slavery was prohibit
ed. To that, observing the utmost good
faith to the constitution,he lias not attempt
ed to carry his slaces, nor lias he sought to
dis urb the harmony of the Government
and Union, by untiring and harassing
applications for the repeal of the con
stitutional inhibition. The change which
has taken place in Congress and in
the nan-slaveholding States, in respect
to your property in your slaves is
set foith in the Address of the Nashville
Convention to the Southern States. I |
will barely add to what is said there, that
the Hartford Convention, assembled under
various pretexts of complaint against the
policy and administrntion of the General I
Government, was the first to make an as- !
sault on the constitutional rights of the !
South, by proposing that the slavehohling j
States should be deprived of the little j
political influence, secured to the institu
tion by the Constitution. The object was
to impair the political power of the
South. The mad put poses of that miser
able convention were defeated by an en
lightened and patriotic people, and this !
and its other efforts to break the power of j
the government, failed. Frustrated in
this wicked attempt on your rights, the!
restless spirits engaged in it, true to their
purpose,have 4 boldly assailed the institution
of slavery itself, in the manner pointed out
in the address, as the best means of effect
ing their object. Your constitutional rights
are not only, not tespected by your own
countrymen, but they are almost every day
unscrupulously and insultingly violated, .
and no redress is afforded. If tho same
outrage were commited by a foreign coun
try, it would be a cause of war, if repara
tion were not made, Your grave and
sober remonstrances against her policy
and practices are unheeded, and there is
relaxation of zeal or purpose on the part
of those who aim at the subversion of
your rights. The posture of your affairs,
is, at this moment, critical in the last de
gree ; and the time has arrived when the
matter of political and constitutional tight
must he settled. If the power of num
bers, acting under obligation, higher and
more imperative, in their estimation than
the Constitution ilseif, is to set at defiance
your tights and trample them uiiderfont.it
j "ill he for you, whose lights ate to fall
■ with the Constitution, to determine for
yourselves what course you will pursue.
1 he admission of California with her con
! stitution and boundaries will settle your
! fate.
It was hoped; and the South looked to it
I vviilt great satisfaction, that the enlightened
j Committee raised irithe United States Sen
. ale to considci of mis grave matter, would
i propose some measure of adjusting it, hon
orable, equal and just to every section of
the country; that the rights of all would be
maintained ; that the principle would r.ot
be sanctioned that the first, occupants of
public territory might appropriate it as a
State, prescribe boundaries for them
selves, anti establish a government thereon
which conflicted with the rights of the
people of a large portion of the Union.—
Their report, however, and painful it is to
say it, has fallen far short of the public
expectation of the South. The purchase
from Texas of a part of her tetiiteiy will
j buy off'her power to prevent the erection
of free States on the territory which she
| may cede, ami furnish a plausible pretext
! (untenable, it is true,) to those who hold
1 the power, to contend that the compact,
by which Congress is compelled to admit
slave States carved from the territory, is
rescinded. There is no question of limits
to he settled between the United Stales
and Texas, or there ought to bo none ;
and the forcible possession of a part of her
territory by the Government is unauthor
ized and wrongful. Texas came into the
United Stales claiming boundaries which
she had prescribed for herself. It is true,
that the question of boundary bolweoen
it and Mexico was left open to he adjusted
with Mexico. It was good against the
world besides. Such questions can be
settled only by negotiation or war. Mex
ico refusing to negotiate, it lias been
settled by the sword, and the conquest of
the country by the American arms cannat
put the Government, which was bound to
establish the boundary of Texas, in the
attitude of an adverse claimant. This
provision if the comptomise act is hostile
to the rights of the South, gives the North
an unquestionable advantage, as long as
she repects the compact of admission more
than the constitutional rights of the South,
and considering the menacing ci cumstan
ces amending it, is a measure of the great
est injustice to'fexas. Like the robber,
the Government treats with a drawn sword
in its hand.
The provision of the act relative to the
delivery of fugitive slaves, if its details
were free from objection, is but an attempt,
to comply with the explicit guaranty of
the Constitution. The performance of
this duty is nothing more than the discharge
of au obligation already contracted. No
legislation however, it is fuated, can be
effectual which doesnot provide a compen
sation to the owner on his failure to re
cover his slave. Congress has no power
to restict or prohibit slavery in the terri
tories of the l nited States, and the for
bearance to do so, is only to forbear from
an usurpation.
1 beg to considet, a little more at large,
the provisions of the bill iu respect to the
admission of California as a Sate ; and 1
deny that Congress can adinit California,
under the circumstances in which she
presents herself, to membership in the
Confederacy, without a violation of the
Constitution. It is tine, that Congress
irry admit new States into the Union, but
if in doing this, it violates the constitutional
rights of the people of any of tho States,
or sanctions their violation, it is an infrac
tion of the fundamental principles on
which the Constitution is based, and there
fore a breach of the Constitution itself.—
The Gonverument of the United States,
to the extent of its powers, is based on the
same principles of other Goeruments, to
wit:” that the Government should protect
the rights of each individual member,” that
“in the act of association each individual
lias entered into engagements w ith all, to
procure the common welfare, and all have
entered into engagements with each in
dividual to facilitate for him, the means of
supplying his necessities and to protect and
defend him.” The end of a’lgovernment,
then, is the welfare and happiness, the
protection arid defence of the members
which compose it. and no power is given
to any constitutional government for any
other purpose. The power to admit new
Slates was not conferred on Congress as a
means of annoyance to the original States
of the Union, but, that neighboring sover
eignties might be admitted to our political
fraternity for the peace and welfare of all.
The term “States” in the Constitution,
means perfect sovereignties, such as they
were before they adopted the Constitution.
It is only by coming into the Confederacy
that they i> se portions of their sove
reignty.
A people who, of thomsclves, erect a
government, no matter where, by the act,
assume the power of sovereigns. If they
erect it on territory belonging to another
sovereign, without consent, it is an act of
aggression. It makes no difference that
they intend to offer themselves as members
of the sovereignty to which the territory
belongs, or to place themselves under its
dominion, partially or absolutely, for ii
they should not be thus incorporated, they
remain as they made themselves, an inde
pendent sovereignty, and aio bound to
sustain themselves. If they can, against the
sovereign on whose ten itory they have en
croached, anJ over which they have usurp
ed authority. Hence, will be seen, the
wisdom of the provision of the Constitution
which prohibits a people, who own both
the territory and ju; isdtction, from form
ing a S ate, without the consent of Con
gress previously obtained. Congress, in
yielding its consent, may pre-ciibe the
conditions on which it is given, and protect
the Government end the States, against
tlit# erection ofauimleponecnt sovereignty
within their limits, by declai iug that if it
was done, the people should relapse into
• heir former condition, in the event of; heir
not being admitted into the Union. If
people inhabiting one oi more States of
the Union were to form anew State, with
the consent oflbe Legislatures of the States
interested, but without the consent of Con.
gross, it would be a violation of the Con
stitution, and to admit a State thus erected
would be the sanction ofnn unconstitution
al act, and would itself be a breach of the
fundamental principles of the Constitution
If, then, h people owning both the soil and
jurisdiction, cannot form a State, without
the consent of Congress, can a people, who
own neither, exercise the power and cre
ate a State on the territory of the United
States, without such consent l It may he
done on the ten itory covered by the Or
dinance of 1757, but on no other. The
validity ot that Ordinance is recognized
by the Constitution, and the light of the
people inhabiting the territojy to which it
applies, to erect State governments and be
admitted into the Union is a constitutional
right, and the States erected thereon and
admitted, have, in their cons’ it ut ions,
placed their right on that compact. There
was no discretion in Congress. There was
no compact extending to other territoiy.
In fact, further acquisition of territory
by purchase or conquest was not looked
to; and the constitutional provision for
the admission of now States into the Union,
though it is general in its terms, was strict
ly applicable to States erected on territory
beyond the limits of, and not belonging
to the United States; on territory covered
by the Ordinance of 1787, and on terri
tory embraced within the limits of one or
more of the States. In the first case, the
consent of Congress could not bo neces
sary ; in lliesecond, the Ordinance of 1787
settled the right.— it is stipulatedfor in that
compact; and in the third and last case,
the consent is necessary by the express
terms of the Constitution. Tho people
of California, then, had no right to enter
on the public territory of the United States
and erect a Government thereon, whether
the light be tested by the law of nations
or the Constitution.
But, if Congress had given its consent
to the erection of the government,thepovy
erthus given could not be exercised to the
prejudice of the rights of the people of the
States; and Congress could not sanction
the exercise of the power, in such a man
ner without making itself a party to the
aggression, and violating the essential prin
ciples of the instrument from which it de
rives its authority. From tho nature of
our Government, all the people of all the
Stales have an equal right of ingress into
the public territory. They all have an
equal right to go thither with any properly
which, by the laws of any of the States,
they are entitled to hold, and if the Con
stitution and the Government are of any
value to the citizen, they give him effec
tual protection there. No law is necessa
ry to establish any kind of property. The
title and the right attach themselves to the
person, and the Constitution protects all.
I his right of property and right of protec
tion lies at the foundation of our iStato and
Federal Constitutions. An infraction of
them, with or without the sanction of Con
gress, or by Congress itself, is a violation
of the Constitution.
It. is fashionable to say that the people
inhabiting the territory may form a govern
ment, and provided it be republican, Con
gress is bound to admit it. This has been
said without due reflection. Congress is
hound, to admit no State. It may do it.—
The Constitution of the United States de
clares that Congress shall pass no law ins
pecting the es!abli.shment of a religion.—
'flic prohibition is to Congress, and not to
the States. But the people of the States
have looked to this matter for themselves,
and when a State has adopted a Constitu
tion, they have taken care to protect the
freedom of conscience. But if a State
m ere to think proper, it might change its
Constitution in this respect. But because
a State, as a sovereign, may establish a re
ligion and bring that curse into its political
system, would Congress so fur forget its
duty to the people of all the States as to
admit anew State with a Constitution es
tablishing a religion ] It would bo an
outrage upon the people of all the States.
It would be fundamentally wrong in Con
gress to admit a Slate with such a Consti
tulion. And why ? Because it would af
feet citizens out of the new Slate, and be
a sanction of the wrong. It would prevent
the emigration thither ofconseientiousmen
not devoted to the established religion. It
is the same thing in respect to a Constitu
tion prohibiting slavery, with this differ
ence, that the latter operates on the pro
perty instead of the conscience, and on a
part of the States and not on all. It is the
the same in principle, but not in degree.—
The people in erecting a government on
BOOK AND JOB PRINTING,
Will he exeerted in the nzOsl appr ocea
elnd on the Lest terms,at the Office, of the
SCTJTHSKXT TSI3TJMB
-BY—
WM. B. HARRISON.
NUMBER 27
, puulie territoiy, with authority, may adopt
: any regulu ions necessary to self piotec
t’.on—“the peaceful possession of piopeity
i and a method of obtaining justice with se
curity. ’ But they cannot go beyond, and
adopt regulations not essential to their
mvu security,which conflict with the rights
ot - theis, aud it they do, Coiigiess cannot
j constitutionally sanction them. In their
transmutation froin a (eiiiiorial or worse
condition to a State, this cannot be done,
j whatever may be done after their sove
reiguty id recognized by their admission as
a State. It is true, that Congress may do
anything by mere force of numbers, but
when I say it cannot be done, 1 mean that
it cannot be done consistently with tho
principles of the Cos institution, the purpose
and intent of its framers, at.d of the people
who adopted it.
California presents herself, holding in
her baud a constitution violative of your
rights, and asks you to ratify her act of
aggression. Will you ratify it ? Will
you sanction the ratification by others, out
numbering you, who, with yourselves, are
vested witli power to administer to the
common welfare, and not to the welfate of
sections. She has assumed boundaries,
which exclude you from the shores of the
Pacific, and your property fmm her limits,
and she is to come in with all her extrava
gant pretensions. 'Texas has been ad
mitted and she, too, pt escribed your boun
dary and welcomes you with your proper
ty. An armed fotce is sent to occupy a
part el her territory and exclude her from
iter possessions. With a military force on
her soil, a proposition is made to purchase
it. Why are the out rages us California to
he sanctioned and the tights of Texas to
he spurned ? It is a problem of easy so
lution. Slavery is prohibited by the one
and tolerated by tho other. There is no
thing then in the Compromise Bill to make
it palatable to the South. It is unequal,
unjust, aggressive and wrong. It is time
to consider these things most seriously—
to act. There ate men, patriotic men at
tho North, wlm have stood by the Consti
tution and have warned the people theie,
of the danger of disregarding your rights.
Some of them have fallen before the power
of fanaticism, an organized fanaticism,
which proclaims to its followers that there
is no danger. The apparent apathy of the
South has given them courage and repress
ed the efforts of those who would standby
you. The line proposed by the Nashville
Convention, up t» which the South will
insist upon its rights, is one on which the
country has acted heretofore. It is not
unreasonable—it is light—it is not subject
to constitutional objection, and those who
wish to preserve the Union, execute jus
tice and insure domestic tranquility, no
matter to what latitude they belong, will
rally to it. It is time to abandon the petty
conflicts of parly and save the Constitution.
If the blessings of liberty which God has
given us, are worth preserving, men who
appieciate them must act with resolution.
'1 bey can only be secured by maintaining
the Cunsli! ution, and if we but determine
to preserve the Constitution or pet ish with
it, all will be safe. The Compromise or
the newly named and misnamed “Adjust
ment Bill ’ will destroy you. The plan of
admitting California alone will have the
same effect. The Administration plan is
gradual death to your rights. The spirit
of freemen is in you. It is inspired by the
Constitution. Let it do its work in mod
eration, in fitmness, adhering to light, mo
rality and truth, and the God of justice
will be with you.
Charles j. McDonald.
Marietta, June 25, 1850.
An Action of the Beautiful.— l have
said a great deal about prospect and land
scape; l will mention an action or two,which
appear to me to convey as distinct a feel,
ing to the beautiful as any landscape what
ever. A London merchant, who I be
lieve is still alive; while ho was staying iu
the country with a friend,happened to men*
tion that he had intended, the next year,
to buy a ticket iu the lottery ; his friend
desired he would buy one for him at the
same time, which of course was veiy wil
lingly agreed to. The conversation drop
ped, the ticket never arrived, the wholn
affair was entirely forgotten, when tho
country gontlumun received information
that the ticket purchased for him by his
Itiotul had come up to a prize 0f.£20,000,
Upon his arrival iu London where ho
had put the ticket, and why he Ikul not in
formed him that it was purchased. ‘ I
bought them both the same day, mine and
your ticket, and I flung them both into a
drawer of my bureau, and never thought
of them afterwards.”
“But how do you tell one ticket from
the other ? and w'hj am I the holder of for
tunate ticket more than you 1” Why, at
the time I put them in the drawer, l put a
little mark in ink upon the ticket which I
resolved should he yours : and upon re
opening the drawer I found that the ono
so marked was tho fortunate ticket.” Now
tbisaction to me is perfectly beautiful; it is
Ic beau ideal iu morals, and gives that calm,
yet deep emotion of pleasure which eve
ry one so oasily receives from the beauty
of the exterior world.
