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THE DAILY SUN.
Tcaoux Morkiko. Aram l.
Mr- Office n the Su« Building, West
tide qf Broad street, Second Door South of
Alabama.
SST New Advertisements altatyi found
on First Page ; Local anti Business Notices
on Fourth Page.
IVroon.'il Notice.
A dung* luu n rrutly been made in
the arrangement of the matter for Tan
Daily Scin. The telegraphic dhpatclica,
together with oorreaponduueo and gener
al news matter, will occupy tho flmt pogo
of the paper. The second |mgo will be
devoted to editorial and selected luilitieal
matter. On tho third pogu will let found
editorial paragraphs and misoellaueona
matter. The forth page will be used for
city newt and local commercial reports.
Mew adrertiaemenUi will immediately fol
low the reading matter on the first page.
This arrangement has boon adopted as a
permanent one. It enables every page
of Thx Bun to be made up of the very
freshest matter at hand, and will giro ad
vertisers a good advantage in any part of
the paper. tf.
(Trail U.C Atlanta Dallj tax. of (be IMS Julr—Oe
published to meet the demand* of paw subscribers.]
The New York World Once More
of our U«ue to-day.
We have taken *uch time to respond to the World'i
•Ttriure la thie instead*, m we thought the great
gravity and high linpoit of tho eubjecte required—
We now reply la that tono and eplrlt lu which the
World indicates a disposition to dlecoaa the qnea-
tlou* Involved.
lu the first place. then, we must my. that we
which should be “laid away la the hoeius siccus,"
...a theoa which oi.tiuLl ita held up for public con
r condemnation et
■ ilcrntloa. sud popular ai proval
Uie jwdls.
.-a— thought
“explicit
On tlila point v
ly ‘-precise" ar
World haa not
what wa have kan tore said on
r views upou U in language ■
plain that t
ward
Memphis corbisponbunce
Politics <■ Tcancssee.
Memi-uis, July 20, 1871
Kditoh Sun : Your accession to
the ranks of journalism carrios me
back in History to tho 'better ami
purer age of our Federal Republic,
when such men us Jefferson and Mad
ison, Hamilton and Juv, Livingston
and Calhoun, Blair amt Ritchie, and
u host of others like them, did not
disdain, by their writings, to instruct
their fellow-countrymen, through the
public press, in the truo principles of
Constitutional Liberty.
It is ns lamentable us it is mortify
ing to think of the degeneracy of
modern times in this particular.
Many of those who now address the
public through tho Press arc hare ex
pediency men. Tho people urc al
most doily advised by this latter class
to surrender some right or to aban
don some principle. They never
teach, as did the greut men above re-
ferrod to, that constitutional liberty
can only be maintained ami preserved
by those who have the intelligence
and courage to defend it uguinst the
insidious encroachments of power.
Nor do we anywhere read where they
exhort their countrymen, os did those
great men, never to suffer un invasion
of their political Constitution, in
however unimportant a particular, to
pass without a stern comlcniiiaiion,
and a determined persevering resist
ance.
But the former were statesmen,
who had made the science of Govern
ment their study, while most of tho
latter rise to no higher dignity than
that of mere politicians, Tho former
hod learned from reading “old books,”
by exjioricnco, and from observation,
that one precedent creates another,
that these soon accumulate and be
come law, and are then resorted to as
pretexts by bad and ambitious men,
seeking to ovorthrow the liberties of
their couutry, in order the better to
conceal their real motives.
These men have appeared to us, of
late years, under so mauy names, that
I am* in doubt how to designate them
at this time! Only yesterday they
were known as CZnservalires; but,
the people discovering their real eliar-
aoter and design, and utterly repudi
ating them, they re-oppeur to-d«y,
under the new and captivating appel
lations of “New Departunsts,”
“ Young Democracy,” and “ Progres
sive Mon,” whichever will best suit
their particular localities, hoping to
mislead and entrap the unwary. Un
der whatever name they may operate,
the people may be assured of one
thiug—that tho leading spirits who
will eventually control the movement
are no friends to Constitutional Lib
erty, but, on the contrary, are among
its most determined and deadly euc-
mies. In this section of the country,
they assumed, os best suited to their
purpose, the name of “ New Dcpartu-
rists,” with which they had boon
dubbed upon their first re-appearance.
Borne politicians in this State, of
the olass who are always ou the look
out to get their fingers in the public
crib, lured by the tempting motto, in
substance, of “ Anything for Victory
mid Spoils," “ Anything to win,
with u haste that was as imprndent
in them as it was indecent for honora
ble men, lumped at tho bait thrown
out, aud hooked themselves ; but the
great mass of tho Democracy have
almost unanimously refused to give
it their approval or sanction, notwith
standing the unauthorised recom
mendation to this effect by the State
Central Executivo Committee of the
Party. This 1 know to be particular
ly true of the Middle ana Western
Sections of the State.
In the cities aud towns, one may
meet, here and there, with a “ New
Departurist,” to called, from the De
mocracy ; but it is almost impossible
to find oue suoh iu the country.
Your oourse is indorsed and approved
br the great body of the Democracy
of .this State. The Tennessee De
mocracy are sincerely aud devotedly
attached to tho Constitution of their
Fathers and will never stultify them
selves by sanctioning measures, which
they have, for years past, denounced os
“ usurpations, unconstitutional, revo-
lutionary and void.”
Klbeht.
An old bachelor says that giving
the ballot to women won Id not
amonnt to anything practically, Imm
rarnse they would keep denying tlufl
they were old enough to vote until
they got too old to toko any interest
in politics.
„ bee* 1 tl “^Whyuiedioa] au
thorities that “ if a man lias a good
appetite, aleeps well, and feel* baoy-
»nt in spirits after his weals, he
mould let his health alone, whether
irons.-* hogshead or as thin
ooo of its legitimate rueull* or not—i
question* relating to negro slaverr.
aa it previously existed In so*n* of (he
to them on Use part of any oue oi ordinary lulclloc-
tual coinpreheualoii.
Oar position thus BiicrinrH). but clearly stated, !»:
that all question# aud matter# pertaining l» the war.
growing out of aoroMHion—ita causes, conduct and
ac tual results—from Ita commencement to it* rloao;
from the ft ring on Fort Humter to tho aurreuder of
the laat Confederate armed aqtiad; from tho aeocs-
elon of ftonth Carolina to the restoration of the
Union, by the resumption of Utetr obligation* to it
under tho Constitution on the part ofthe States
whirls had attempted te withdraw from It, and the
claim by them of their reciprocal and equal right*
In the Federal Counclla-all those <iue*tIona and mat
ters. we say, which are embraced In tbeae clearly
defined lluilt*. should. In our Judgme nt, a* hereto
fore expressed. be “laid away." and comdgned to the
tomb, nsver to ba alluded again to aa entering in any
way, into the practical living Issues of Federal poll-
U Among these actual reanlta of tlse war-whether
~ -- — include all
servitude,
he slate* of the
because in point of tort, a11 Un to questions
were disposed of within tho lini'ls of tho period so
distinctly defined.
Iincnt to the Conslituliot
hkb (l,a urcv i(inaI v (tiu— n - -
some of
the States was forever abolished and prohibited, we
therefore consider no longer a tiring issue. It wa*
adopted within the period elated. All Use States ol
the Union had a hearing upon it. and an
equal voico upon it on ita adoptiou,
through Constitutional constituencies. We.
therefore, regard it a* valid: tor however reluctant
ly it may have breu ratified by the State* which had
attempted to accede, yet it wa* ratified by compe-
teut authority on the part of each of them—by acou-
etituoncy iu each of them recognized by the Consti
tution of the United State*; aud wa* so ratified lu
good faith by them without the slightest disposition
ou their part to disturb it. It la therefore, In oar
opinion, properly classed among the “dead iaauea;"
not because au attempt to disturb it wonld “kindle
Use whole oonotry into a contlagraUon." hut because
those affected by It have no deal re or wish te uu-
settle what they have agreed to. “in pood /««*. as
one of the actual result* of the war. whether a legit
imate one or not. Tbeso are oar reasons ft,r consid
ering the Xllltli Amendment both ru.id and nut te
bo reversed.
Bo ranch for the “dead laanei.’*
Now to those of a liriny character.
How is tt with tho XIVits and XVth Amendments,
so-called f If wa undoi stand the position of tho
World it la that theis should bo classed In the same
category aa the Xllltls. aud considered among tho
actual results of the war. whether legitimately or
rightfully ao or not; and that conaisteucy In reason,
lug on our part require* that wo should ao accept
them.
To this we eav. by no mean*. Thor are not results
of tliia war, either legitimate or actual. They arc lu
no way connected with it or its declared object*.
These are the results of opeu, palpable, aud avowed
loritr faction in Con-
moving in "Use serial region and cjoudlaud ■ f vague
declamation,*' lu thus characterizing aom* of the
hideous features of this ao called XIVtu AmeU'lment?
Arc these mouslrous act* nothing but shad
ows? Are they not. In fact, and In truth, mote
and pernicious realities to be mot, considered aud
condemned by the people, if Use liberties of this
country are to be preserved? We assure the World,
in all earnestness, that we so consider them. Not
only so. hut we look upou them as among the wool
pracUral and llveiaauos now to be presented to tbs
people of the United Htatc*.
Nor are wo. tn assailing Item. engaged iu any such
ridiculous adventure *» Don yuJxote iu hi* charge-
up«u the wind-mills, unless the poopb
mates are ripe for despotism. Nor are we engaged
in any such fantastic politic*! comedy as that of call
ing upon the people to repeal the uuconstltutiois**
Hoconstruction Aota, or auything founded ui*on
them. Unconstitutional acts, and everything that
rente upon them, are not laws. They are nothin)
unities. Ho Mr. Jefferson and the Democrac;
to declared the Alien and Sedition Acta to be.
H^y set out upon no such “ridiculous wind-mill*
contest as seeking to have nullities repealed. Tt
ouly ca led upon the people to declare them nullUit
by popular rote at tile polls, and toputinpowor inei
who would so declare them to be in their respective
official positions, lu this way the Alien and Sedition
of usurpation were gotten rid of, not by * tjieal,
but by electing men to office who held them to be as
they were, not valid laws, but nullities. These Acte
still remain upon the statute book as a monument
and record of the iniquity of their authors, and as a
n to guide p<
i) got rid of all
• * - * “le norm wu
theee fraudi
to dual with them
. as Mr. Jefferson antf the Democracy of JWKI dealt
with the Alien and Hodltion Acta.
Dt the people everywhere be aroused t*> a proper
sense of the dauger which now threaten* tho <
of their Institutions, aud called uix.u to
man for any office, from the Chief Magistracy
. who will give hi* sanction of validity to
measure based upon aucb usurpations a* those
called Amendments are known to be. Is not this
an easy, peaceful, and effective mode by which the
complete rectification of all these wrong* —- ‘
ured?
We assure the World that it is our object, above
every other osrthly consideration, fo save the insti
tutions of this couutry, if posaiblo, si
tablisbed by our ancestors. Ws belli-’
mtlruly upon the Democracy. To sin
harmony aud concert of a
i they were
re this depotii
-ccod, woW
| _ essential.
We have thus given fully, aud frankly, aud clear-
, we trust, our views of that line which distinctly
parste* the ’‘dead" from tho ••liriny issues," and
that liue of policy which, if adopted, will most surely
lead them to success iu tho coming conflict; but if
these views should not meet the approval of tho ma
jority, then wc «U%11 have oue thiug to ark (this wo
shall a skin the name nf eycrytblug that Is eacrod),
aud that is. that the masses of the party, in arraign
ing their opponent* for their misdeeds, shall not by
any platform or pronuticiamndo, bo committed to a
sanction of tho validity or policy of any measure
which Is based entirely upon “usurpation, fraud
aud perfidy." A. H
usurpation# of power by i
gres*. Since tho war—since me proclamation oi peace
—since the restoration of the Union by tho resump
tion of their obligation* ander the Constitution ou
the part of all tho State* which attempted to with
er owedly waged by the Federal authorities.
7 eud for
aoourdiug to all authorities
hlch it was waged
the subject, won
4T
These XIVth aud XVth Amendments
Aristotle and Cicero, to Qrotius. Vattol, and Wheaton
jtlinate, rightful or actual results of this
constitute a prominent part in another and anew teat
upou the CouAtitutiou. after the ends of tho other
were attained, aud rest entirely upon most flagrant
Inestimable right of local self-governinout on the
part of the Peoples of the aeveraiHtetea of the Union,
entirely intact aud unimpaired, while this new war,
of which these ameuduieuts are eoinc of the results,
thus far, was commeaoed, aud la being still waged,
at the tlrno the Union was formed. There would
have beou no lost to them, or either of them, of any
of the essential principles of Ulterty. The only pos
sible teas, lu this particular, would have been th*
greater security for the lualuteuance of these princi
ple* and rights, which H was one of fte leading ob-
jecta of Uie Union to ssUhllsh. Tho usurpations,
however, upon which these amendments rest, and
which marked the beginning of this new %car, were
thoroughly revoJidumary lu their character—boldly,
daringly, and confessedly revolutionary- lu tho fun
damental principles upou which tho whole fabric of
our free institutions waa baaed. This was the ob
ject of three Amendments aud the uauri*tloua of
which they are the offspring. In order to carry out
the object, ten Htetes of the Union were stricken from
the roll of Cuuiuodwealths, at tho very time the ob
ject of tho war against secession was accomplished,
In having them restored to tholr “practical
relations to the Union." Their entire popu
lations of over eeveu millions of people, with
life, liberty, aud property, were subjected to abso
lute military rule, without legal protection or even
the recognition of any oue aloulo civil right whatev.
er. These ten Ktetes were all (Am claiming their
equal rights in tho Federal Council*, to which they
were unquestionably entitled, but the right to l>o
hoard u)>on these Amendment* was denied them by
tho majority faction in Congress, in the faco aud
very teeth of the Coustitution, which declares that
“each Ntate shall have at least one Representative"
in the llouee, “aud that no State, without Us con-
•eut, shall be deprived of Its oqual suffrage lu tho
Benate." Nay. more; theee usurpation* making tho
beginning of this new war upou the Constitution,
ended, not In the expulsion of ten Htates from the
Federal Couuciis. hut attended to tho complete revolu
tion of all thair State Governments, reopeoUvely, by
force of arms. There Ameudiuants were nover sub
mitted for reUfloaUon, as th# ConatUntiou provides,
a* any constituency In those Htates known to the
Constitution of the United 8tatea;aud ratifications
by which they are now claimed to be part ol tho ore
ganio law, were carried, as is notoriously known, by
military force, aud not by the voiuntery action of
evan there creature# of tho revolutioua so affected.
There ratifications wore not the acta of these Htatea,
but the acts of a majority faction iu Congress. And
unless the monstrous doctrine be accepted, that
OahaUtutiona of the acreral Htates. aa they please,
there Amendment*, so proposed aud so carried, can
never be considered valid by any man or people
having any regard tos the principles of publto law or
public liberty.
But, aaya the World, the naurpaUona, monstrous
aa they ware, on which there Aniendmeute rest, are
ail obeulete-—iVy are defuuct—tkey cannot be re
pealed. for they no longer have any force—they have
done their work.
But la their work defunct? Are there stupendous
frauds, known aa the XIVth and XVth Amaudmenta,
obsolete? Are not these lnfkmous acta boldly
elalmed as actual result# of the new war now being
waged against the Conatitution, the rights of the
Mates, and the liberties of the people? They are.
and they, together with the daring usuri>aUona upon
which they rest, constitute living questions, aa we
maintain, for uublto cousideretiou aud popular con
demnation. can the fumlameutal law of the Uulon
ba ohanged by auch acta of violano*. perfidy aud
wrong ? We say it cannot be. The M'orld, lu a late
ertiolc, admitted that It ought not to be. Then why
_ . • *--* * of.
CD
there Amendments—tho results o
—after all. do not amount to mur
etvtl rights, including suffrage, to tbebl
as we have no disposition to disturb these righu
without a fair trial in oar own Htete. or tu any other
Mate where the people are willing to award them,
why not— It aaks—let there Amendments, with all
the usurpations upou which they rest, pare without
ensure or condemnation ? Why quarrel with the
term’* whan the “eabatanca'* la accepted? Why
'waste time over the husk* of a qae Jilon after aoccp-
Juattee of the Peace, by which they are declared
“disabled“ and "disqualified" from ever hereafter
holding auy place of public trust, either In the Ht%te
or Federal Government, “ nothing but aecuriny csoit
rights to the Uajsmot /**
la the desteratioo that no one laboring under three
“disabilities." exccjft by the gracious permission of
the a*ur|«rs, shall ever be qualified to represent tl-e
people in Congress, or serve the people of tl-wr
Htetes to auy public capacity, nothing but secur; ig
civil rights to negroes f Has not the Constitute *
declared at d fixed the qua'lflcalions of members
Cougres#? How then, in the face and teeth of thew
proiislons, does the XIVth Amendment assume to
add to these qualifications? We maintain that the
attempt to do ao by “bllle of attainder,*' acts of
“ disabilities,'* or “ teat-oaths," are as flagitiously
ting the kernel I"
te call the Progressive Democracy In atHwpting an
the whole ? This la th* tenor of the a
Now doe* th* World really think that "nyro oof-
ftSTi' '
•OUBtnr tfl
upon this a .
"keener la In depriving the Htates of the imwer of
regulating this, re othsr local questions, ra* h for it*
aelf and aa It pleases. This Amendment in its “ter-
ns 1“ strikes at the very foundation on which all our
institutions rvat It* object was. and effect will be,
If U ahull ever become an "aocomptisSed /act," to re-
thia principle. aimed at bv the “kernel * of the XVth
Amendment, which are t& lead to the reduction of
the Htetes of this Union, nocording to the idee of Mr.
Attorney-General Akermau, to mare corporations or
municipalities, which shall depend, even for their
existence, upon the will of an Imix-nal Dynasty.—
This la the “kernel** of the fruit of this wore than
Upas tree. It le the concentrated poreoe of the
whole, which strikes at the very heart and every vi
tal fibre of our whole system of local self-govern
ments. This, as we view it la ter from Uing -noth-
mg best ordsuning nsfrotufrage."
Again, to it true that the “subs
of the XIVth
right* to the bteck i
lathe Woe
_■ What
tern of the Constitution, and without a hearing,
against at least one hundred mud Jlfy thousand whim
ettteeua, including nearly every one la ton Mates
who was ever hamwau with the public oonfldswc*.
from the oteo* of Chief Magistrate down to that of
Fyo;n (be New York World, 8th July.
Alexander II. Stephen* on
“Dead Issues,”
Wo liavo no reason to rotract or re
gret our cordial welcome to Mr. Bte*
phens on his entrance into tho Held of
Southern journalism. We desire to nee
no important question of party policy
decided without thorough sifting .nod
full debate; and there is a manifest ad
vantage in having in the arena of discus
aion tho keen logic, ripe experience, And
robust sincerity of a statesman like Mr.
Stephens. Ho compels us to respect his
views evon when wo aro constrained to
dissent from and combat them.
Although Mr, Stephens’ statements
aro usually crisp and clear, and quite
free from trimming vagueness, ho seems
for oneo a littlo misty upon the dead-is
sue question. Wo aro not certain that
wo fully understand him, and suspect
that our viows aud his aro not so widely
at variance as they may seem. We beg
that on oue or two points he will bo
little moro precise and explicit.
In a long article signed with liis initials
in The Atlanta Sun of July 8, headed
“Ou What Issue Shall we £0 into tho
Fight?" Mr. Stephens maintains that
soiuo of the issues of our former politics
aro dead, aud others full of sap and vi
tality. Thus far, at least, wo Agree. So
far ah wo differ, it in in drawing tho line
hetwoon the issues which have hocome
obsolete and those which still remaiu as
questions of political politics. We only
disagree as to the comparative length of
the two catalogues. Our list of the issues
which should he lahullcd “dead"mid laid
away iu the horlus siccua of dried speci
mens is a littlo longer tliau his; hut this
seems to ho tho whole difference.
Oue of the points on which we wish
Mr. iStephens wonld dctlno his views with
more precision is the prinoiplo on which
the dividing line should ho drawn. What
are the symptoms of death? By what
rule of classidcation must we determine
which isBUfle shall ho inserted iu tho cata
logue df dead aud which in the list of
livo issues? If wo cau agree upon such
a rule, tho controversy is practically
ended.
Mr. Stephens declares it to be liis
opinion that the right of secession is a
dead issue." Now let us examino the
grounds on which ho rests this opinion
and see if tho samo rule of judgment
would not include several issues which
ho insists are uot obsolete. Mr. Stephens
still believes that tho secession doctrine
is tenable iu logic; that it is a fair deduc
tion from tho history of the Constitution
and tho structure oi the Federal Gov
ernment; and yet, though behoving it
correct iu principle, ho unhesitatingly
consigns it to the limbo of lost things.
The Constitution has not boon changed
on this poiut, by amendmout or other
wise. It reniftius precisely as it stood in
tho winter of 1801, when Mr. Stephens
felt constrained by tho paramount alle
giaueo ho owed to the Btate of Georgia
to follow it out of the Union against his
own judgment of expediency and his o'
eloquent pro teats. Why then does ho
frankly class secession as a dead issue?—
Solely because the logio of events is
practically more conclusive than the un-
ref u tod dialectics of Mr. Culhoun. We
insert what Mr. Stephens says on that
topic:
Tho rt#ht of asossalon for all practical purposes
was, aa wa umlaraUml. decided by the war; Dot that
war cau ei ar rettto or decide any principle or truth lu
matter* of govcrunicut or ju*tice betweeu men or
Staten, auy more than lu matters of aciauce, art or
religion War may decide and iuay determine per
manently question* of policy, but uever qne*tt<
right.
A legitimate result of the late war, we believe, waa
the setUeuicnt, aud setttuiucut forever, iu this coun
try. of th* policy of secession aa a practical mode of
redress against any usurpations on the part tf the
Federal government.
This log! tt mate result of tho war has been accepted
lu good faith by all those Matenuhich recently re
sorted ho this mode of redress for what they regard
ed breach** of the common compact and threat*, m d
u*urpetlont by their confederates. Hereafter the
mode of redress for all abuses of power by the Fed
eral government which they seek Mill be to make
common reuse with all tho frieuda of the Conatitu
Hon in all the State*.
We ato glad to find from tho ablest po
litical pen in the Southern SUtoe thin
clear admission that policy and practica
bility are legitimate grounds for sotting
a great controversy at rest Wo auhmit
that by this clear admission Mr. {Stephens
is estopped from again arraigning the
progressive majority of the Democratic
party for recoguiting irreversible facts.
In such cases charges of deserting prin
ciple for expediency are as irrelevant as
they are discourteous. We do not accuse
Mr. Stephens of bartering right for pol
icy because he has yielded Uie oonno
tions of his judgmont to the fortune of
war ; nor can it servo any good end for
him to use such censorious language to
ward Democratic opponents who apply
the same rule of judgmeut toother eases.
Every argumont employed by Mr. Ste
phens and his school against the pro-
greativo Democrats is an equally valid
argument for keeping alive tho contro
verity on the righto! aeoeesion. They
are on much exposed as anybody to the
charge of r<-uoimcing principle for ex
pediency. On tho seeottfiion insuo Mr.
Btophcus reasons like a statesman ; and
if ho will apply the same rule of judging
to other issues, there will presently bo no
difference between us os to which issues
ore dead.
Mr. Stephens classes slavery os well os
Hccxmiflon among the dead ismies, although
he does not mam very pofriUfg ua to
whether this should, or should not, be
regarded “as a legitimate result of the
“ lie Http
ho obi qu
MCL-diSt •* ,
Bbollsbsd that institution by Uieir <
t ou tbjHr port* reiqx-cUvcly i
nsidurtxl a* a legitimate result
th* on* or Uio olbar, however, it wa* <!•
thusv States tbomsclvcM, ami after th« closo of the
after tbwy had folly remimsd all Umir oblige-
wi-lfiu-p, err-n Uio to.u-hiiif chanxra in the organic
It ia by tho *< te of Un «- Ktetes that th.- Xllltlt
daicnt of tho Constitution is now a valid |#rt
of tho organic law of the Union.
Tneae question*, therefore, relating to tho right of
secession, for all practical purposes and consider
ations, aa well a* those rt**"
tent of negro servitude
mil
tpO!
relating to thorn antecedent U the war. Wo * believe
al*o that in this matter we but repeat Uie universal
sentiment of the H mthcru Staten.
It ia truo that tho Southern States rat
ifled tho amendment abolishiug slavery
‘‘by thoir own acta;” but nobody knows
better than Mr. Stephens that those acts
were not voluntary. They were done at
the bidding of Andrew Johnson, then the
master ol half a million ol soldiers. Mr.
Stephens would need but a small share
of his acumen and logio to mako out a
strong caso against the validity ol those
extorted ratifications; but it would bo an
idle expenditure of argumentative skill.
The real reason why tho abolition of sla
very is final and irreversible Is, that it is
sanctioned bv such a body of se ttled and
strenuous public opinion, that an attempt
to re-establish slavery would kindlo th
whole country into a conflagration. It ia
because of this state of publio sentiment,
that the stability of emancipation is so
immovably fixed, and that it would be so
idle and futile to contest tho validity of
tbo thirteenth amendment. And if there
is a similar stato of public feeling respec
ting negro civil rights and negro suffrage,
it would be equally futile and unprofita
ble to undertake a crusade against the
fourteenth and fifteenth amendments.—
If wo aocept thoir substance (as wo be
lieve Mr. Stephens does) what will it
avail to quarrel with their form ? Prac
tical statesmanship disdains to waste ef
fort on tha husks of a question after ac
cepting the kernel. As Mr. Stephens
docs not wish to deprive tho negroes of
their newly acquired franchises, ho prac
tically admits that negro suffrage aud ne
gro civil equality are dead issues. In op
posing tho amendments he is therefore
fighting with shadows. The contests of
Don Quixote with the windmills had
more of tho character of a real battle.—
There could not be a more fantastic po
litical comedy than to admit negro suf
frage to be a dead issue and at tho samo
time make the fifteenth amendment
which does nothing but ordain negro suf
rage) a live issue. The comedian laughs
with one side of his faco aud weeps with
the other, and it is not easy to toll wheth
or he is really jocose or grieved. Bo
consistent, Mr. Stephens, aud if you do
not wish to spill tho water make no fatile
attempts to break tho pitcher.
Mr. Stephens seems equally chimerical
iu insisting that the reconstruction acts
aro a livo issue. When wo descend from
tho rcrcal region and cloud-land of vague
declamation to the solid ground of fact
and preciso ideas, wo find that tho re
construction acts cannot bo repealed, for
tho simple reason that they aro no longer
in foroe. How can an obsolete and de
funct act of Congress l>e a livo issue ?
Mr. Stephens might with os much perti
ncuco contend that tho old Alien aud
Soditiou laws and tho Embargo law are
live issues. By the very terms of the
reconstruction acts they ceased to be op
erative in any State from tho dato of the
admission of Senators and Representa
tives to Congress from that State. AU
tho States aro represented, and the re
construction acts liavo bccorno void by
their own limitation. Aa agitation to
repeal them would be ridiculous. Thoro
is nothing to repeal. What practical
form, then, shall the opposition to them
take? If Mr. Stephens wishes to over
throw the Stato governments which were
born of tho reconstruction acts, let him
say so. He has avowed no such inten
tion; but if tbo State governments are to
stand, whv raiso unpractical questions re
specting their origin? A change in their
respective constitutions, if desirable, is
not a question of Federal politics, but of
State politics, aud Mr. Stephens would
place himself iu glaring contradiotiou to
liis own cherittlied principles by making
the domestic government of tho States a
Federal issue.
When Mr. Stephona shall have more
fully explained his views we have stronf
hopes that wo may bo ablo to agreo wit)
him, because ho is too practical aud con
siderate a statesman to disturb tho har
mony or break the unity of tho only par-
ty which carries the banner of State
rights. Wecoi
indorsement the closing paragraphs of hia
artiole, and ore far moro solicitous to find
points of agreement than points of differ
ence with this able publicist, and, as we
believe, sincere patriot. These admira
ble, ringing, paragraphs hit the mark in
in the bull’s-eye:
On* of th* great 11 vs question# now, Uisrefi
fore lbs People* of tbs United Htates 1*. Indeed, the
constitutional question, not whether a Stats haa a
right to asced*, or to nullify an act of Congreaa, but
whether a State haa auy right which Uie Federal
government may uot at it* pleasure set aside.
On this alonb tee are witling to ami# with all friends
qf liberty tn all the States of the I’nion, in the coming
coldest to rmt out of power those who have tho present
control qf the JVirruI government, and who have so
ickedlv abused their high trusts—whose progrt
■rested, will end inevitably in despotism.
U the batUa be pitched upon this ground
with no soft words for uaurpaUona of any sort, there
every quarter with that enthusiasm for the cau*e
which love of liberty Inspires, and which in popular
alsoUon* ia ever the surest "earnest of victory.'*
J. S. OLIVER & CO.,
CommlNHion Moruliunta,
Corner Forayth fr Alabama Street*.
J.JAVE FOR SALE AND TO ARRIVE,
Choice Northwestern WHEAT. Can fill orders at
short notice.
Also, CORN, BACON. LARD, HAT. (to.
gents Marietta Paper Mill* aud Howard LIME.
Jr#<«t
Pen Lucy School
FOR BOYS,
NXAII WAVEBLy,
Tiro JIM lies Aforth of Baltimore.
Pea Lucy, on
Wednesday, 13th Sspt'r Next.
The poaiUon ia highly hcrltkful, and near to several
churches. Boys are treated a* member* of the
frmily, and required constantly to observe the d*-
portmeut of gentlemen. Testimonials tn the school
are from the very highest source*. It ha* always,
among ita pupil*, aona of the very beat families of
H. M. JOHNSTON,
aitDrilx & Co. to the Pnblit.
IN THE
CITY!
!o Mills.
500 Orates assort
ed granite and C C
Ware for $80 per
crate. Cheapest ev
er offered in State.
Send for list of con
tents.
Mr & Plated fare'
OF
Cutlery,
Tea Trays,
Looking Blass Plates.
We offer the
Cheapest aud
Best liue ox
House - Keep
ers’ Goods iu
the City. Cut
lery, Spoous,
Forks, Knives
Waiters, Cas
tors, Vases <fc
Toilet Sets.
In fact, any
thiug needed
in a well kept
house. Call
with the cash
McBride & Co.
HENRY CARD,
SHU' BROKER
Commission Merchant, etc.,
ACCOMMODATION WHARF,
CHARLESTON, & C
/"kRDERS for Cotton, Rice, etc., also
\Jr consignment* of shipping and merchandise *o>
Merer*. George A. Trenholm A Son. Charleston,
. C.: Oeorwe 8. Cameron. Preaidant South Carolina
t Com pas y, Charleston, 8. C.; Chari**
B. ^inMnh’o 0ono Jron tDorko.
‘Macon Gomes to Atlanta Again I ”
►
FINDLAY’S IRON WORKS,
Head of Third St., Sign of “The New Flag.”
MfACON, GEORGIA.
THE LA.RGEST IN THE SOUTH!
Skilled Labor and Modern Machinery.
All Worn. Warranted.
Northern Prices Tor Machinery Duplicated.
STE.1JH s:.youths of J.rr Ki.ro .wo size.
and Brass of Everu inscription, and Jtlathine-
IV of all kinds TO OROER.
IIIOIV RAILING,
Of Elcgaut Designs, and at Price*that Defy Competition. 03“No Chargo for Now rattorna lu Furnishing
Outfit of Machinery for Saw or Merchant Mills.
REPAIRING IN ALL ITS BRANCHES !
Competent Workmen furnished upon application to overhaul Engiues, Saw Mills, etc., iu any section of
the country.
FINDLAY’S SAW -DUST GRATE BAR
SnOOLD BE USED BY EVEBY SAW-MILE rUOPBIETOB.
Millstone^, Rclting, Circular Saws, Steam Fittings, Babbit Metal, etc., etc.
FURMHIIED TO OltDEB. TERMS. CASE OR APPROVED PAPER.
R. FINDLAY’S SONS, Macon, Ga.
THE GREAT
ECLIPSE SCREW COTTON PRESS!
Patented Feb’y 27, 1871, by Findlay St Oraig.
An ANTI-FRICTION SCREW—A MECHANICAL WONDER. This wonderful Mechanical'achievement in
poiut ol RAPIDITY and LIOHTaVESS of DllAVQHT, STANDS WITHOUT A RIVAL, aud is destined at on
early day to supersode ALL OTHER Cotton Screws, bo thoy fabricated of Wrought or Cast Iron.
Colapabciikk, Ua m Decombor 21,1870.
It. FINDLAY’S SONS, Findlay** Iron Works, Macon, Qa.:
Dear Sirs -Late this fall I purchased from yo
ton Presses, aud, after a full and fair trial, do no
draught, most powerful—lu fact, the best (without i
and all other Iron Screw Presses I have ever soou
planter should use your Pres*.
P. s.—You may oonalder my
for many order# from thi* *oction : my ueiglib.ir#
of your Findlay k Craig Eclipae Patent Screw Cot-
hcaitato to pronounce it tho moat rapid, of lightest
n exception) Cotton Pre** I ever saw. Botween thi#
ir used, thero is just simply no comparison. Every
JOHN L. GILBERT.
ro of tho above Presses for next season, and may look
n determined to have them, as they cau pack by hand
twice as faat as any of the other Iron Screw Prcasea can by horao powor. J. G.
Hiuce laat fall, aud before accepting Patent, we added improvement* and labor-saving convenience#—
rendering it PERFECT iu every particular. The screw or pin, has s pitch, or fall, of 0 inches ; that is,
at every turn of tho scrw, followor block descends (or ascends, as the case may be) 6 U inches. The de
vice of tho tube or nut in which the screw works, ia auch aa to materially reduce the friction, ao great In tho
common screw ; thereby rendering it an ca#y task for three haiida to pack a bale of cotton in HALF THE
TIME OF ANY OTHER Iron 8cre\v PreB# by horse-power, (See J. L. Gilbert'# certificate.] When do#ira-
ble, an ordinary mule can bo substituted for throe men without chango of fixtures. STRENGTH, DURA
BILITY. RAPIDITY, LIGHT DRAUGHT, and STANDING ROOM attop or box, etc., etc., in short, wa pro
nounce it the BEST Screw Press IN THE WORLD, and respectfully invite a public teat with any aud all
other Screw Presses. To purchasers we GUARANTEE SATISFACTION or REFUND PRICE MONEY.
SEND FOR TRICE LIST, ETC.
R. FINDLAY'S SONS, Macon. On.
CRAIG’S PATENT HORSE POWER,
FOR DRIVING COTTON GINS.
«T Simplest, Strongest and Beat ever yet invented. Requires no Wood Work. Sets upon the ground, and
can be put up WITHOUT tho aid of a Mechanic..^*
Natl Hint ion Gunrnntood or Money Ilcluiulcd.
SEND FOR ILLU8TBATED CIRCULAR.
R. FINDLAY’S SONS, Macon, Gn.
The New I J orlable Nteam Engine
For Driving Cotton Gins, Priuting Presses, and for any punioso requiring from one to ten horse Power.
“ X
I I
I t I
s 3
I 5
| ;
c
H a
rpHlY are safe. Tho furnace is surrounded by water, except at the door. The water bottom t# a per'ect
i protection from fire. They are safer than a stove, and FIRE INSURANCE COMPANIES MAKE NO
EXTRA CHARGE where three engine# are need.
There la POSITIVE PROTECTION AGAINST EXPLOSION. It is a natural “spark arrester,** a# NO
8PAUK CAN ESCAPE, NO MATTER WHAT FUEL IS USED-an important consideration In e«*ton gin
ning and simUar work. Awarded flrat premium# by American Inetituta lttfJ-70. Send for Dcscript*' 0
eived for old claima or new orders.
A. FINDLAY’S SONS,
FINDLAY IRON WORKS. MiOON. C,A.
Peeples & Howell,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
ATLANTA^QEOROIA.
undersigned bare formed a part-
-*■ * - — -- - - - fj\*n<l
rruiE
will prom
premeand Federal Court* of the State, and
olher place*, by special contract, a* their service*
may be required. C. Paeples will, for the preaent.
attend tha courts of th* hint Circuit He will be
found at all time*. In the aaoond story of KsUey'a
B. F. HOWELL.
LEE & HIGHTOWER
Griffin G:x.
LIVEftY AND SALE STABLES,
NKXTTO TUE UKO.OM HOTEL.
K eeps fine and safe stock, and elegant
BUGGIES, PHJtruKS and CARRIAGES.
WlB send paaaongrr* te Indian Spring. Cba'lt-bi-
ate Spring#, and te auy point in reach of Griffin, by
private conveyance.
Griffin is conventen the above named place#,
and I will take ploaanre in serving those desiring t*»
make the trip.
JunclX-tf