Newspaper Page Text
THE MACON OUTRAGE.
When Mr. Atkinson, of the State
Democratic Committee, says only
one egg was thrown at the Weaver
party in Macon he gives his sanction
to an assertion which is wilfully and
deliberately false.
Well may the bosses who encour
aged this plan of campaign wake up
to the fact that they have made a
fearful mistake, and try to put the
responsibility on “a small boy and
one egg.” The country cannot be
deceived in any such way. The
Democratic policy of bulldozing the
People’s party has been plain all
along. They showed it at Quitman,
where Colonel Peek and Colonel
Post were rocked and egged. They
showed it at Sparta, where Mr.
Watson was persistently howled at
while he was in town, and lied about
as soon as he left it. They showed
it in Augusta, where Mr. Black was
allowed to speak and Mr. Watson
was not. They showed it Atlanta,
where the Democratic club sent a
delegation of noisy dudes to break
up the meeting and howl Mr. Wat
son down.
The treatment of General Weaver
was agreed on before hand. The
same men who published the deceit
ful card guaranteeing a respectful
hearing to General Weaver, sent
little Tad Horton to get affidavits of
Weaver’s military requisitions, and
to follow him from point to point
with insult and abuse and determined
efforts to drive him from the State.
Who wonders that such a plan of
campaign culminated in the disgrace
ful scene at Macon ?
The writer of this article has been
in Macon twice since the “one egg
and little boy” episode. He has
made a careful investigation, and
presents the following facts :
Before the arrival of Weaver,
prominent citizens had said in the
newspapers that Weavsr ought to be
rotten egged. After the meeting,
prominent citizens said in the news
papers that'the egging was exactly
right.
Now, what occurred at the meet
ing? Mr. Poe tried to introduce
Mr. Weaver and was hooted and his
voice drowned. General Weaver
attempted to speak and was howled
down. The balcony from which he
spoke was spattered with eggs. Mrs.
Weaver, the wife of our Presi
dential NOMINEE, WAS STRUCK IN
THE FACE WITH AN EGG, AND IT
SCATTERED ALL OVER HER DRESS.
One of the egg throwers was a nom
inee of the Democratic party
for the Legislature. A least a
dozen eggs was thrown into the bal
cony, on which many ladies were
sitting. Several gentlemen were
struck. The most hideous disorder
and violence raged in the streets.
The Democratic club marched from
their hall in a body to the hotel
Lanier and struck righ through the
crowd, with bootings, bowlings and
miscellaneous blackguardism. Gen
eral Weaver retired in disgust—and
did quite right. Then it was sup
posed that Mr. Lease was going to
speak. To insure the contrary, the
Democrats arranged with the band
to strike up, “Ta-ra-ra-boom-de-ay”
as soon as she should commence.
General Weaver was so indignant
at what had occurred that be de
cided against Mrs. Lease speaking.
Again he was quite right.
Democrats I No boldness of de
nial can shield you from the con
tempt of all honorable men I A our
heelers did just what you encouraged
them to do. In vain your tardy re
pentence. You deceive nobody.
All men know that you are sorry
simply because you see that your
shameful methods of campaign are
bringing condemnation to your cause.
People’s party men! Remember
that even your wives are not safe
from Democratic insult and assault.
Remember, that for the first time in
the history of the Republic a Presi
dential candidate has been driven
from the hustings, and his wife has
found no protection in her sex from
the brutal attacks of “ Southern
chivalry ” as represented by Bourdon
Democracy! They call us the rag
tag of the scum of creation. Thank
God, we have never yet dreamed we
could win our way to public favor by
insulting women, and striking them
in the face with eggs.
It is the dudes and the politicians
of the cities who silence our argu
ments with idiotic bowlings, and who
drive ladies from the audience by
spattering them with eggs!
There is not a city in Georgia
which does not hold its prosperity
by virtue of country trade.
Gentlemen, do you wish it under
stood that the country people are not
wanted in your cities? Do you wish
us to understand that our wives and
daughters are to be insulted and rot-
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 7, 1892.
ten egged when they attend political
meeting in your cities?
Do you wish us to understand that
you do not •want our trade, and that
we must carry it somewhere else ?
If so, tell us! We are getting
tired of these outrages !
Every time your speakers come
out into the country they are treated
with respect. f
Every time ours speak in the cities
they are hooted, insulted and as
saulted.
In vain do you try to pack it off
on “one small boy and one egg.’
The Democratic newspapers and the
Democratic bosses are responsible
for this state of things.
Let them beware that they do not
carry it too far! T. E. W.
THE AUGUSTA MEETING.
It was great.
It was glorious.
The boys were there
The girls were there.
The flowers were there.
The votes were there.
The Democrats were at home—
those who had any sense.
The balcony from which Mr. Wat
son spoke was made beautiful with
festoons of choicest flowers.
The ladies were in charge and he
was embowered in floral decorations.
The chair was one magnificent
wreath.
In front, at the sides and to the
rear, were decorations—as choice
and as attractive as nature’s blos
soms and human kindness could make
them.
No man ever had his constituents
to gather more warmly about him to
testify their love and confidence, and
no man ever appreciated it more.
Four thousand people composed
the vast throng to whom he spoke,
and until midnight the meeting went
on. Then when the last words of the
speaker were said, the great cheers
rang out like silvery music in the air
where the light of the silver stars was
brilliant; but not more inspiring than
the fervor which thrilled the hearts
of us all.
Yes, it was a great meeting—wor
thy of the people and worthy of the
cause.
Mr. Watson regrets that in the
rush, just after the speaking, many
of the cards attached to the wreaths
were lost. He ought specially to
mention a zephyr boquet—worked
in all natural colors, for which he is
indebted to the kindness of Miss
Mary Bagwell. It will be appropri
ately framed and will form one of
the many cherished souvenirs of this
splendid campaign.
Boodle and bribery are fighting
beauty and principle!
Here is one man who believes that
all the boodle on earth can’t down a
movement which the good ladies of
the land have said is theirs as well
as ours. T. E. W.
When Judge Anderson made his
infamous harangue at what was in
tended as Gen. Weaver’s meeting, he
said that in Georgia the Democracy
wanted a fair ballot and a full count,
putting unusual stress on the word
“full.” This contrasts with the de
claration of that eminent Democrat,
Dan Sickles, who said that the eighty
thousand Democratic majority in
Georgia meant eighty thousand shot
guns. There may be doubt of a fair
ballot; as to a fuller count than bal
lot none at all, if the polls are not
watched. Georgians, see to it that
you are not cheated Wednesday
next.
Because she was the wife an hon
ored soldier, a refined Christian
woman has been forced to remove
the foul remnants of a stale egg
from her hair, thrown there by a
howling mob in Georgia. Thank
God, a majority of the People’s con
vention in Atlanta, July 20, was
composed of soldiers who wore the
1 gray, and they were unanimous
j in ratifying that woman’s husband as
a candidate for the highest office.
The Augusta Chronicle makes a
most frantic and unmanly appeal to
the farmers of Georgia to remember
that they owe their freedom to the
Democratic party. They really owe
their impoverished condition to that
great conglomeration of political
blunders. The farmers have sus
tained the party, not the party the
farmers.
Howl like a wolf, bark like a dog
crow like a rooster, hiss like a goose,
mew like a cat, bellow,whistle, groan,
stamp the floor; do anything to stop
the voice of reason; your training as
a tool of plutocracy is complete.
The still small voice of conscience
must be dead ere you can do your
duty by the grand old party and its
bosses. Poor fools, to work thus
in enslaving yourselves.
JOINT DEBATE AT CONYERS
CONTINUED FROM THIRD PAGE.]
every single candidate that you put
out on your platform. You promis
ed when you went into the primary
that you would abide by it, and now
before the two years are out you
have a Third party in Georgia.
Your platform demands are equally
against the platform of 1890, and
now you say because Livingston
abided by it that Livingston is a
traitor. (Laughter.) Who is the
traitor now? I promised the Alli
ance people that I would stand by
the Livingston yard-stick. (Renew
ed laughter.) 1 promised the Dem
ocratic party that I would stand by
the action of the party, and when
Judge Stewart and myself entered
the race we both agreed to stand by
the action of the primaries. (De
risive laughter.) Now my Third
party friends, you may as well hush,
for I will cram this down your
throats if it takes me until Sunday
morning. (Long continued laugh
ing and sneering.) Now gentlemen,
when you get through I will go on.
Some of you will wish you bad been
quiet before you get home to-night.
At this point Mr. Watson inter
posed for order, and a voice in the
audience said: Mr. Watson, it is not
your men. It is them fellows right
there, (pointing to the imported
gang.)
Several voices. Yes, that’s right.
Look at them now.
Mr. Livingston. I want to re
peat that we started out on the can
vass appealing to all parties and
every party that came before us in
the primaries pledged themselves to
the party he voted with just as the
Alliancemen did. Judge Stewart
did not. Mr. Watson and Mr. Barnes
did. Sodid every man elected from the
State of Georgia except Lester and
Crisp and Blount, who did not.
Every member of the legislature
that was elected by Alliance Demo
crats, pledged themselves to that
platform. And then when I was
elected I not only pledged myself to
these demands furnished in the
Democratic platform, but I pledged
myself to the Democratic banner. I
want you Alliancemen to know that
if you think that lam going to
pledge myself that way and go back
on it you are mistaken. (Laughter.)
Yes, you may laugh, but until the
4th day of next March I hold that
pledge binding on me. (Renewed
laughter.) Then my time will be
up. ,
A voice. Yes, and we will keep
it up.
Mr. Livingston. We will see
about that. 1 tell you, I am going
back to Washington, and I go pledg
ed as I did before, and I will keep
that pledge, too.
Now Mr. Watson says, “let us
compare Jeffersonian Democracy
with modern Democracy,” and then
the first point he makes is the silver
bill. In answer to that I have only
to say that he cannot find a single
Democratic platform since this
question has been a component ques
tion, but that the Democratic party
has declared for free silver. He
says that the present plank is
a straddle. Let us look and see.
Every Democratic State had it in its
platform. One hundred and forty
eight Democrats in the House did
what they could to pass it, and Mr.
Watson knows it. And he knows
why it did not pass it.
CLEVELAND MORE IMPORTANT THAN
THE PEOPLE.
He knows there were enough
Democrats in the House who believ
ed then, and we believe now, that
the free silver bill would hurt Cleve
land and help Harrison, and still they
were free silver men. (Demonstra
tions of disgust, and cries of: Oh,
oh, hear Lon.) Mr. Watson knows
another thing, and that it will take
him and his party until the day of
judgment to put m 148 People’s
party men in the House of Repre
sentatives to vote for free silver like
these Demoorats did at this session
of Congress. (Cheering, laughter,
and derision.) Now, take it for grant
ed that the Democrats in the House
did not do their duty in not voting
for free silver; yet, did the members
from Georgia do their duty ? That
is the question for you to consider.
It is the Democratic members from
Georgia and the South that you have
to look to for an account. If you
want free silver, why fight the Demo
cratic party ?
A voice. Dog Tray was in bad
company; you were in company
with the enemy.
Mr. Livingston. I will put that
question to you again. If it is free
silver that you want, why do you
fight your friends in the Democratic
party? Why do you not move your
third party into the missionary
ground in the East, and beat them
there instead of beating your friends
down South?
A voice. We are not in the East;
we will strike you here.
Mr. Livingston. The Democratic
party is committed to free silver as
a partv, and because a few Demo
crats in the House defeats the bill
with the solid Republican vote you
say, “let us defeat the Democratic
party.” Let ns see how that works.
You take the nine People’s party
men in the House, and one of them
voted against free silver. Old Bro.
Clover did not vote for it. His peo
ple sat down on him and he refused
I to vote for it on account of that vote.
Then there is another man, old Bro.
Oiis, who refused to vote for free
I wool, and the Democratic party left
him at home. Fight your enemy.
A voice. Then we will have to
fight you.
Mr. Livingston. You are your own
enemy. (Laughter.) Now you
shut pp, or I will go out there to
you. ,
A voice. You invited us to talk,
and now you say shut up.
Col. Livingston. If you have any
politeness you will wait until I ask
you. If you have no politeness, I
will excuse you.
Mr. Watson says that Jefferson was
against State banks.
A voice. And so he was.
HE GIVES THE CUE.
Mr. Livingston. Now, boys, don’t
you see that if you keep on bother
ing me, that my friends won’t give
Mr. Watson a chance to conclude.
[His friends acted on the hint.
They did not ask questions, for they
would not listen to hear his conclu
sion. They howled him down.]
Mr. Livingston. I want to say
that I do not know much about Jef
ferson’s idea of State banks, but I
want to say one thing, and that is
that the "Georgia Legislature, both
House and Senate, asked Mr. Wat
son to vote for the repeal of the ten
per cent, tax on the State bank issue.
(Cheers for Watson, Livingston and
Taliaferro.)
Mr. Watson says that Mr. Bayard
voted to demonetize free silver.
Mr, Watson. I said that he was
on the conference committee that
struck down silver.
Mr. Livingston. I say that there
is no record of the vote. None
whatever, except the evidence from
the mouths of men who were in con
gress at the time.
[A fellow with gold rimmed spec
tacles and a steve-pipe that said:
“Thank God for that vote.” The
cry was taken up by a few others,
but frowned down by some who saw
they were getting their feet in their
mouths.]
Mr. Livingston. I want to say one
thing, and that is that we were never
able to find only two men who were
willing to acknowledge having any
part in that act.
Mr. Watson. Did you ever look
in the Congressional Globe, page
1150?
Mr. Livingston. lam informed
that Mr. Watson says that it was done
by a conference committee between
the two houses, and that conference
committee agreed on the amendments.
Now, suppose that that is so. Sup
pose that Mr. Bayard did vote to de
monetize silver, is the Democratic
party to be measured by that one
vote.
A voice. Where is your yard
stick ?
Mr. Livingston. Shut up, you
fool. You have not sense enough to
know a yard-stick.
Same voice. I have sense enough
to measure you, and don’t you for
get it.
Mr. . Livirgston. Don’t you see
that Mr. Watspn has no right to
spring that upon the Democratic par
ty, instead of fighting the man that
favored it. Why, I can show you
plenty of men in the Alliance who
are not in favor of the sub-treasury.
I can show you thousands in the
North and West who hoot at your
sub-treasury and Ocala platform.
Mr. Watson. You said that the
reason that the Democrats voted
against free silver was that it would
help Harrison against Cleveland.
It is but fair to say that I expect
to show that it was voted on in 1886,
when Henry Lanier voted for the
bill.
Mr. Livingston. Now I want to
say to Mr. Watson, and I think that
he will sustain me when he hears me,
the Democrats never caucused on
free silver, but I will tell you I have
no doubt but a majority of the Dem
ocrats in the House and in the Senate
were in favor free silver. How was
it defeated ? By the Republican
vote, solid; by one People’s Party
man, and the remainder of the votes
from the Democratic side of the
House. Now, suppose that a major
ity of theSPeople’s Party men in the
House had voted for free silver, and
only one third against it, would it be
right for me to charge the entire
People’s Party with being against it?
Neither is it fair for Mr. Watson to
charge that the Democratic party is
against it as long as the platform is
on that line. I also want to say for
the benefit of Mr. Watson, that the
most of those Democrats that
against free silver were mugwumps.
Gentlemen who live away up in
Massachusetts, and if they are Demo
crats to-day and think they can get
an office to-morrow by turning they
will do bo.
A voice. How about free wool ?
Mr. Livingston. I cannot pull
more ■wool out than they have got in.
He asks this question : “ Where is
the bill they have formulated to sup
ply the revenue cut off by the Mills
bill?” I want'to’say’this about the Mills
bill. The Mills bill would have re
duced your taxation about $168,000,-
000. It was somewhere between six
and seven per cent, under the prior
tariff. Now let us ask this question.
In which line would that bill strike
the tariff ? It removed nearly all the
tariff off the absolute necessities of
life. Just where it would have done
the people the most good, and yet the
Mills bill is spoken of as of no ac
count. That bill removed the tax
off bagging, off ties; gave us free
wool, and eighty-flve per cent reduc
tion on woolen goods, to cast sun
shine on your homes and hearts.
Mr. Watson says : “ Suppose they
had passed those free trade bills, and
the Senate had concurred, where
was the government to get the money
to supply the deficiency in the reve
nue ?” Why, if the House and Sen
ate had passed the bills he must have
known that and I and others
never would have left Washington
without providing for the revenue to
support the government. Instead of
spending money, as we are spending
now, we would have spent less and
have enough. Just like a man with
two hundred dollars. He will spend
it all, but if he has only one hundred
dollars he will get along on it all the
same.
He says that he favors an income
tax. Let me tell you what the Dem
ocratic House did. They instructed
the Committee on Ways and Means
to draw up a bill on that very sub
ject, and that committee has it par
tially drawn up now.
Mr. Watson. Why, I drew a bill
myself, andjwhat did t they do with it ?
Mr. Livingston. Mr. Watson said
that he drew up a bill himself. So
did I.
A voice. Why did they not put
it in their platforms.
Mr. Livingston. Why were you
not there to supperintend it. You
had better go there next time.
(Laughter.)
Mr. Watson says that this Congress
has spent more money than the Reed
billion dollar Congress. Mr. Watson
speaks the truth, and yet it is not
truth. It is not all the truth. I will
ask Mr. Watson to explain that there
was $79,000,000 of that forced on us
by the last Congress.
Mr. Watson. How much did we
force on the next Congress.
A voice. That hurts.
Nir. Livingston. You third party
fools are worse than a stuffed circus.
You fool, if you cannot be quiet,
stick your hat in your mouth, or I
will go down there and do it for you.
(Laughter and jeering.)
The pension law of 1890. The
Fifty-first Congress, passed by a Re
publican House and a Republican
benate and signed by a Republican
President, bills raising the pensions
from $130,000,000 to $162,000,000.
If you subtract 130 from 162 you
will find a difference of 32,000,0000,
taking that from the last House and
putting it on the next.
Mr. Watson says that we have
bills running into the next House
also. Wait until the reports are pre
pared and you see the figures and
then you will know whether he is
right or not.
Mr. Watson has said a good deal
about the Democratic platform, but
not one word about the Omaha plat
form. Now, I want to say to you
Alliancemen and Democrats that we
have a silver plank in our platform
that you or nobody else can hope to
equal. Now, listen. (Reads):
We denounce the Republican legisla
tion, known as the Sherman Act of 1890,
as a cowardly makeshift, fraught with
possibilities of danger in the future which
should make all of its supporters, as well
as its author, anxious for its speedy re
peal. We hold to the use of both gold
and silver as the standard money of the
country —
Both. That is the doctrine. We
want two standards of measures.
Without discriminating against either
metal or charge for mintage.
Now, listen :
But the dollar unit of coinage of both
metals must be of intrinsic and ex
changeable value, or be adjusted through
international agreement, or by such safe
guards of legislation as shall insure the
maintenance of the parity of the two
metals.
For what reason ? For what rea
son ?
And we demand that all paper cur
rency shall be kept at par with and re
deemable in such coin,
What does this plank say? It
says that you should have gold and
silver and paper, and all these kept
on a parity. Why? To help the
farmers in the prices of the products
of the farm. (Laughter.) There
never was a better silver plank put
into any platform. My opinion is
that that is a legitimate construction
to put upon it.
Nir. Watson. Why do you not
read all of it?
Mr. Livingston. I will.
We insist upon this policy as especially
necessary for the protection of the far
mers and laboring classes, the first and
most defenceless victims of a fluctuating
and unstable currency.
Mr. Watson. That means paper
redeemable in coin on demand?
Mr. Livingston. I read it. I will
read it again.
We demand that all paper currency
shall be kept at par with and redeemable
in such coin.
That is Democratic doctrine. They
propose to give you gold as good as
paper and paper as good as gold, and
bind Congress to keep them so, and
that the farmers and laboring classes
shall be protected.
Mr. Watson. At what ratio?
Mr. Livingston. It makes no dif
ference. I don’t know about the
ratio. Congress has not settled that.
(Loud laughter.) Let us see this
platform that Mr. Watson is so in
love with. What is in it ?
A voice. Weaver is in it. (Laugh
ter.)
Mr. Livingston. There is one
thing in this preamble that I would
like Mr. Watson to explain. He is
a Christian gentleman:
We charge that the controlling influ
ence dominating both these parties have
permitted the existing dreadful condi
tions to develop without serious effort to
prevent or restrain them. Neither do
they now propuse any substantial re
form. They "have agreed together to
ignore in the coming campaign every
Lsue but one. They propose to drown
the outcries of a plundered people with
the upixjar of a sham battle o»er th©
tariff, so that, etc.
Now, that preamble charges that
the Democratic party and the Re
publican party agreed to come, or
got together, "and made an arrange
ment for the purpose of oppressing
and plundering the people. I stand
here to-day to say that there is not a
word of truth in that declaration. I
not only deny it, but I defy any man
to prove it. (Reads) :
We pledge ourselves that if given
power that we will labor to correct these
evils by wise and reasonable legislation
in accordance with the terms of our plat
form.
The pledge is conditional. Now,
I will tell you when you will get in
power. If you get in at all it will
be after Gabriel blows his horn.
A voice. We will get there if it
takes thirty years.
Mr. Livingston. Hush, you yel
low skinned heathen. (The gentle
man was a respectable white man.)
A voice. You are a nice gentle
man.
Mr. Livingston. Hush, I tell you,
or I will go down there and make
you. If there are no policemen
there I will make you myself. Will
you please explain this ? (lieads) :
While our sympathies, as a party of
reform, are naturally on the side of every
proposition which will tend to make men
intelligent, virtuous, and temperate, we
nevertheless regard those questions—im
portant as they are —as secondary.
I appeal to you black and white
men of this country if virtue, tem
perance and intelligence are to be
secondary to many questions now
upon us. I will read it
While our sympathies, as a party of
reform, are naturally on the side of every
proposition which tend to make men
intelligent, virtuous and temperste—im
portant as they are—as secondary to the
great issues now pressing for solation.
Listen. Intelligence, virtue and
temperance secondary to many ques
tions. How in the name of God can
a white man ; how in the name of
God can a decent colored man put
his fist to such a platform ? What
use have you got for money if you
have no virtue ? What use have you
for temperance or intelligence if you
have no virtue ? There is fanatacism
gone tojseed. There is socialism and
communism a thousand fold more
virulent than ever embraced from a
community before.
There is another thing in the plat
form I do not like. They are in
favor of woman’s sufferage, and I
ask Mr. Watson in his twenty-five
minutes to explain that to the people
of Georgia, why this, was put in the
platform. It is a claptrap to catch
votes? are you yourself in favor of
it ?
Mr. Watson. Read the plank, and
I will answer you.
Mr. Livingston. (Reads) —
“The forces of reform this day organ
ized will never cease to move forward
until every wrong is righted, and equal
rights and equal privileges securely estab
lished for all men and women of this
country.”
“Equal rights and privileges.”
There is a platform that would drag
the pure, the beautiful, and lovely
women of the country into the slums
and slush pools of politics. There is
another thing in this platform that I
do not like, and I do not believe you
people are going to stand by. Neither
you colored men nor white men.
(Reads.)
“We demand a free ballot and fair
count in all our elections, and pledge our
selves to secure it to every voter without
federal intervention, through the adop
tion by the States of the unperverted
Australian secret ballot system,”
Now, what is the secret ballot sys
tem? You colored men who have
to vote will have to read and write
before you can vote by that system.
A voice. Well, we can do it.
Mr. Livingston. No; you cannot.
And the poor white man of this
country is to be crowded away from
the polls because he cannot read and
write. There is not one negro out of
a dozen that can prepare his ballot.
There are tens of thousands of white
men in this country that cannot do
it.
There is another thing in this plat
platform that I do not like.
“We pledge our support to fair and
liberal pensions to ex-union soldiers and
sailors.”
What would be a fair and liberal
construction by Mr. Weavor? What
would be a fair and liberal construc
tion by Cyclone Davis? What would
you People’s party call a fair and
liberal construction of that plank in
the resolutions ? Why did you not
do like the Democrats in their plat
form, state distinctly what you are
and are not in favor of ?
There is another in this thing not
sweet to you colored and poor white
men. And that is the eight hour law
in the government.
“We cordially sympathize with tne
effort of organized workingmen to shor
ten the hours of labor, and demand a
rigid enforcement of the existing eight
hour law on the government work, and
ask that a penalty clause be added to
said law.
In other words, wherever the la
borers are organized like Knights of
Labor or in the government employ
they ought not work more than eight
hours. Why not be fair with the
colored man in the cotton patch or
the blacksmith shop ? It is clearly a
bill in favor of the Knights of Labor.
You can work twelve hours for fifty
cents, and the government employee
must not work more than eight hours
for three dollars.
There is another thing here that I
would like Mr. Watson to explain.
I want him to explain especially the
seventh resolution on page nine.
“That we commend to the thoughtful
consideration of the people and reform
press the legislative system, known as an
imitative and—
Mr. Watson. I will explain it to
you now, if you will let me.
Mr. Livingston. No; I will ex
plain it. (Continues reading)—
Imitative and refundum.”
Mr. Watson. You are not read
ing from the platform.
Mr. Livingston. No; from the
resolutions.
A voice. Then you must have
had that printed, Colonel; we did not
do it.
Mr. Livingston. (Holding the
book on the palm of the left hand
and bringing the palm of the right
5