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TflE PEOPLE’S PARTI PAPER.
Established October 15, 1891.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
OUR PUBLISHING COMPANY.
THOS. E. WATSON, - . - President.
MACKIE STURGIS, - - Becty-Tre»surer.
AUSTIN HOLCOMB, - Advertising Mgr.
Office 84 1-2 South Forsyth Street.
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Atlanta, Ga.
The Populist party
EARLY bein & largely com
posed of farmers and
tillers of the soil,
ACTION. active organization
should be inaugura
ted.
From now till February is compara
tively idle time on the farm. He has
gathered his corn, nearly picked out
his cotton crop, sowed his wheat and
nearly ready to put in his oats.
He can readily spare time to attend
the district, county and state meetings
of his party in November and Decem
ber and do a good deal of missionary
work in January and February.
County meetings should be held in
November and the Sta’e Convention
not later than December 20 di.
The Democrats are trying to steal all
our timber and unless we have an early
convention they will not leave us
enough splinters to make a platform
plank.
There are no division in the ranks of
Georgia Populists. Every one of them
stands by the Nashville Convention
and is ready to mount when “to saddle’’
is sounded.
Toot the bugle chairman Cunning
ham, and the enemy will be surprised
at the army of veterans which respond,
and the veterans will be cheered and
strengthened by the influx of recruits
that will enlist when our banner is
unfurled. Mac.
The “menwhocon-
HUNTINC troi” the Democratic
machine in this state
have kept the hotel
PIE COUNTER, corridors and capitol
lobbies astir this
week.
Although the election of Governor
and State House Officers will not occur
until October 1894, the “men who con
trol” are exceedingly active at this
time.
They recognize that the voters of
Georgia are restless and dissatisfied
with the Democratic party and its
methods—if it has any—and that the
policies advocated by tne People’s Par
ty are gaining lodgment with many of
their former folio ”ers.
They also recognize that their politi
cal party is divided upon the financial
question, while the People’s Party is as
solid as Stone Moun'ain and the mass
of the people of the Slate are with the
Populists upon that question.
Consequently the "men who control'
the Democratic pxrty are trying to
harmonize their differences by the dis
tribution of offices.
Any of them will eat crow now if by
so doing they can feast at the pie coun
ter in October. Mac.
Lying to one side
A LAW upon the table at
which we are writing
i B a bundle of
papers which we
have been asked to examine, as a law
yer.
We have done so. We have patiently
read the pleadings, and we find within
these folded documents, fresh from the
Court House, a story which, if a novel
ist had told it, would have been voted
a wild freak of the fancy.
An old couple, man and wife, owned
a farm of 322 acres in one of the Wes
tern counties of Georgia. It had no
special value so far as the record
shows.
There were several children of this
aged pair, and to one of these children
the old father gave, in writing, the
custody and control of all his property,
upon condition that the son should
comfortably support the old people
during their lives and after their death
divide the estate equally among all the
children.
Reasonable enough, one would say. •
Well, time passes, and the aged wife
dies. The old man is left alone He is
very infirm, needing a nurse. It is
claimed that his mind was almost gone,
and that he was become the easy
prey of the designing.
At any rate, he marries aga'n ; and
to this new wife the old man deeds the
322 acres of land.
Whereupon the son, who had been
put into possession by the former in
strument of writing, brings a suit
against his father, his stepmother, and
a third party who had concocted the
scheme of this second marriage, accord
ing to the son’s accusation. The son
alleges that this third party, the
schemer, procticed upon the feeble
mind of the old father, and decoyed
him into the marriage in order that he,
the schemer, and the new wife might
get the old man’s property.
The son alleges that ths said schemer
moved upon the land, after the mar
riage, and began to convert things to
his own use about as fast as he could
lav hands upon them.
These allegations were denied.
The old man contended that his son,
after getting possession of everything,
had neglected him, failed to provide
for him, &c.—the old story with which
we are so familiar, and which is so
often the simple truth.
Every member of the family, includ
ing the second wife, seems to have got
hold of at least one lawyer. The son
had his lawyer, th* father his, the wife
hers, the other children of the old man
theirs. Whatever else was lacking,
there was a “God’s lavish” of lawyers
It may be that in war the more
troops there are the bigger the battle,
but its not so in law.
Whenever the litigants are fools
enough to load down a case with law
yers there’s almost certain to be a poor
fight
The best way on earth to manage a
piece of litigation is to choose one good
honest lawyer, put the whole responsi
bility on him, let him choose his own
local counsel—and then, if you’ve got a
ease, you’ll see a fight
Too many lawyer* divides the respon
sibility, and lessens the interest
THIY TAKE IN THE CASE.
By actual count, we find that nine
lawyers were in the skirmish over this
little piece of land.
There was no trial, no real contest,
no actual work in the case that one
hundred dollars would not have liber
ally paid.
Hut the lawyers all got together and
prepared a settlement. They took a
•'consent verdict.”
By the terms of this settlement both
the deeds which the old man had
made were to be cancelled. The land
was to be the old man’s, just as it had
been before, and he was to use and
enjoy it during his life, and at his
death, it was to be divided equally be
tween the widow and his children by
the former marriage.
All fair enough—but stop 1
Tnis “Consent Verdict” goes further,
it provides that the pay of all the law
yers shall come out of the land. The
old man’s lawyers must get pay out of
land. The wife’s lawyers ditto. Like
wise the lawyers of the children of the
former marriage !
And how much were these fees ?
Fifteen hundred dollars I
Think of it I The case had never
even reached a jury. There had been
absolutely no adjudication of the issues
involved. The lawyers simply get to
gether, put part of the title in each of
the litigants and then assess their own
fee at a sum which they must know
will sweep away every foot of the land.
And so it proved. The lawyers lev
ied on the land, sold it at public outcry,
and bought it in for themselves.
The old man had a home—and it is
gone.
The wife had a shelter—she has lost
it.
The children had a heritage—it passes
away.
Nine lawyers came to the defense of
these family litigants, oath bound to
serve justice and do right; and when
they get through defending their cli
ents, every lawyer has colluded with
every other lawyer to strip every client
in the case of every acre of land that
was in di-pute.
What shall we say of a system under
which people can be robbed of their
homes in this way ?
What shall we say of a Judge who
allows a pack of lawyers to assess a
fee of SISOO against a little farm of 322
acres?
Brought into the market the property
brought less than the fee —upon what
rule of law, or decency, can a transac
tion of that sort face public investiga
tion and public judgment.
We have told the unvarnished story,
just as the papers on this table tell it
We have not sought to personate nor
denounce.
Reader, ponder on the facts, as we
have set them forth, and answer this
question—lsn’t a transaction like that
a disgrace to the lawyers concerned in
THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER; ATLANTA, GEORGIA: FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1897.
it, a reproach to the Judge who- sanc
tioned it, and a startling illustration
of the method by which respectable
men can commit, under decorous forms
of law, that deed which’when commit
ted by indecorous toughs is called
Robbery? T. E. W.
P. S. Names given if necessary.
Hello boys I How
HERE’S a re you? Been some
time since I talked
MY c j
with you, or fired a
HAND. paper bullet at the
“men who control”
the Democratic machine, as well as the
■udiciary of the State, politically. I
use the qualifying word “politically”
because I believe there are judges and
solicitors now serving your state who
are mentally and morally superior to
the “men who control” the machine,
but the infernal rotten system by and
through which they are selected results
in submersing their mental and moral
worth to such a degree that it requires
extraordinary friendship and powerful
magnifying glasses to tell tother
from which. That’s a fact.
If you doubt it examine the list of
Jury Commissioners, Registrars and
Notary Publics appointed in your coun
ty by any of these judges, and if you
don’t find cloven-footed partisanship
•tamped upon every appointment, drop
me a line of correction and I will ex ■
empt that judge certain.
I’ve got an idea in the back part of
my head that the judiciary of this State
needs reforming, and that the reform
can never come so long as judges are
selected by political caucuses and
elected by political caucuses; and elec
tion by the General Assembly means
that and nothing else. And I am going
to hammer and hammer on that line
until I work that idea from the back
of my head into the front of a good
many good folks—even Democrats.
I know counties in this State where
the Populiats have three white votes
to the Democrats one, and out of the
six Jury Commissioners for such coun
ties the Populists may have one com
missioner and that one may have got
there by accident
These commissioners select the men
for the jury box, and the men from the
jury box control your county affairs,
your property, your rights and your
liberty.
I have heard of Jury Commissioners
revising the jury box and leaving out
the names of men who had made ex
cellent jurors until they became active
against the “men who control.” Poli
tics may have had nothing to do with
it, but in nine cases out of ten it had
all to do with it.
The Registrars have charge of your
franchise—your right to vote—and I’ve
beard of names being stricken which
should not have been, and name* added
that should not have been added. Pol
itics may not have caused the name to
be stricken or the name to be added
but in nine cases out of ten it had
vvery thing to do with It. ~
What is the remedy? Make your
judges responsible to the people over
whom they preside and not to a polit
ical party, corporation, or the “men
who control.”
How?
Change the mode of election from the
Legislature to the people.
Mac.
Atkinson would not
“THE be Governor of Geor
gia had he not re-
CALLED JADE th(j bulk of
” the nejfro vote.
He begged for it.
He prayed for it. He sought it by le
gitimate and illegitimate means. He
appealed to their baser pa»sions
through his infamous “rape circular. ”
It was a ground hog case with him and
the Democratic party. They had to
get the negro vote or the Populists
would get control of the State. A ne
gro could get anything from Atkinson
and his Democratic friends —from a
pint of popskull whiskey to a certifi
cate of good character and recommen
dation for Federal appointment if he
would vote and work for the Demo
cratic ticket.
They played Cuffee for all he was
worth, and reckoned not of the mor
row.
But the morrow came, and with it
came a few sensible far-seeing negroes,
who bad played Atkinson and his
Democratic friends (the “men who
control,” you know.)
Having been reared among Southern
gentlemen these sensible negroes natu
rally believed that the Democratic
bosses who signed their recommenda
tions for Federal appointments were
gentlemen and men of their word, so
at the close of the campaign, when
Atkinson had been placed in the Gov
ernors chair and McKinley in the
Presidential seat, they put in their
application—with Democratic endorse
ments—for a few Federal appoint
ments.
McKinley being an honest careful
magistrate, but unacquainted with
Southern sentiment and Georgia Dem
ocracy naturally gave great weight to
“endorsements of character” written
before election day, and appointed one
of the applicants to an office in the
country borough of Hogansville, a town
of 518 inhabitants, located about 16
miles from Governor Atkinson’s home.
If said negro is discharging the du
ties of tbat Federal office today, it is
because his hide is tougher than Dem
ocratic bullets, and his feet swifter
than minie balls.
Our authority for making this state
ment is found in the following resolu
tion introduced in the Georgia Legisla
ture :
“Mr. Hall of Coweta, introduced the
first measure of the session, a red-hot
resolution on the shooting of the Ho
gansville postmaster. It was as follows:
“Whereas, In the town of Hogans
ville, State of Georgia, the president of
the United States has seen proper to
appoint to the office of postmaster a
man whose appointment was opposed
by 99 per cent of the property owners
and responsible citizens of that com
munity; and,
"Whereas, In no other section of the
United States would the president
make, or permit to be made, an appoint
ment of like character—on the Pacific
s’ope the president would not dare
appoint as postmaster of any town a
Chinaman over the protest of 90 per
cent of its property owners and res
ponsible citizens, nor would he dare in
any town in the North or East appoint
to a local office one who was opposed
by 90 per cent, of the best people of
the locality, and,
“Whereas, On the night of Septem
ber 10, 189’5, unknown parties are said
to have shot and attempted to kill the
said appointee ; therefore,
“Resolved, By the House of R a pl*e-
of the General Assembly of
the State of Georgia, That if said -at
tempt to shoot said appointee be true,
which we disbelieve, then we condemn
in unmeasured terms the lawless con
duct of the would-be assassins.
“Resolved, That we deplore this and
similar appointments as exhibitions of
petty spite and narrow sectional hate,
unworthy the high office of chief mag
istrate of this great nation.
“Resolved, That we appeal to impar
tial public opinion to enter its power
ful protest against pres.dential appoint
ments to office for the manifest pur
pose of affronting and humiliating a
community of American citizens for jio
other reason thsn a difference in party
affiliations.”
Mr. Hall addressed the house asking
the passage of the resolution without
reference to a committee. He .said
that he spoke as an American citizen,
and without sectional feeling, giving
his reasons on the line of the resolu
tion itself.
“Gentlemen of the house,” said he,
“the time has come for the South xo
take a stand on this question and notify
the country of its position in no un
certain terms. Since the war the South
has been loyal to the flag and the con
stitution, and deserves to be treated
with the same consideration as otljer
sections,. No true man would ask
more, and no brave man would accept
less.”
Mr. T. D. Oliver, of Burke, opposed
the resolution, saying it misrepresented
the true southern sentiment. He
thought it would be taken as endorse
ment of a lawless act.
Mr. B. H. Hill, of Troup, heartily en
dorsed the resolution. He said:
“This infamous negro was never shot
at all. The prevailing opinion is that
the wounda were inflicted with a knife
and for the purpose of arousing a sen
timent in his favor. ”
The resolution was put under vjste
and appeared to have been carried
overwhelmingly, but before the result
was announced a division was called
for and Mr. Hill called for the ayes and
nays.
Judge Boynton said if this resolution
by implication charged the people of
Hogansville with assassinating the
postmaster.
Mr. Hall said it did not.
Mr. Calvin wanted the resolution re
ferred to the committee on the state of
the republic.
Mr. Hall said: “Kill it, rather than
give it a lingering death.”
He proceeded to cay that he would
vote for a similar resolution on a simi
lar appointment in Nebraska. He sail
ed nothing mol's for Georgia 'tuafrifcr
any other state.
“It is time for us to meet this issue,”
said he “and we should meet it like
men.”
Mr. Boynton, of Calhoun, thought
the resolution’s language was inoppor
tune, and ought to be referred to an
appropriate committee.
Mr. Oliver insisted that the resolu
tion reflected on the people of Hogans
ville, by implication charging them
with a lawless act.
Mr. Pisrce, of Houston, thought the
resolution ought to be referred, as the
house dia not understand it.
Mr. Calvin was in hearty sympathy
with the spirit of the resolution, bat
thought it would more comport with
the dignity of the house to refer it io a
committee. He moved to so refer it.
Mr. Hall moved to amend by instruct
ing the committee to report back at
half past 12 o’clock. That was accept
ed by Mr. Calvin and the resolution was
referred to the committee on the state
of the republic.
Mr. Calvin got the matter into an un
expected complication when he had it
referred to this committee. It has six
teen members, eleven of whom are
Populists and Republicans.
Mr. Hall who intaoduced the above
resolution is the “member from Cowe
ta,” Governor Atkinson’s home county
and is also Governor Atkinson’s law
partner.
Mr. Calvin, who expressed hirr.self
“in sympathy with the resolution” is
the “member from Richmond,” a coun
ty that voted sixteen or eighteen thou
sand ballots with a voting population
of about eleven thousand. The excess
being obtained by voting squads of ne
groes at one polling place and maLing
them repeat their votes at every caber
polling place in the city.
Governor Atkinson and the “men
who control “sowed the wind and must
stand the reaping, while poor Cuffee
who had confidence in Democratic
promises must bury his Democratic re
commendation or the Democrats will
bury him.
The resolutions were referred to a
committee composed of nine Populists,
two Republicans and four Democrats,
who reported adverse to its passage,
but the Democratic House passed it
over their report.
Next year will be election year. The
Democrats will honey-comb the negro
with all kinds of promises, recount bow
many they pardoned for commixing
rape upon white women, gurgle whis
key down their throats, coddle ’.hem
behind chimney corners, chaw backer
with them in fence jams, lunch them at
night, endorse them for federal offices
and shoot the lights out of there for
being such fools as to believe they
meant it—after the election is over.
Mac.
Build up the confi-
THE WAY dence of the people
in the judiciary by
TO STOP
destroying the pres-
LYNCHINCS. rotten system,
by which men are
placed upon the bench through barter
and trade.
Let the manhood of each circuit se
lect and elect the judge who is to pre
side over the destiny of their lives,
liberty and property, and you will have
few lynchings in Georgia.
Under the present system it is sup
posed that the Representatives in the
legislature elect the judges and the
solicitors. But the facts—the actual
way in which they are elected—does
violence to the supposition.
If your Representative in the legis
lature belongs to the minority political
party he has no voice in the caucus
which selects the candidates to be
voted for, and the caucus crowds out
competition, and narrows the election
to one candidate.
There are men serving as judges to
day who never had the support or vote
of a Representative from the judicial
circuits over which they preside, until
a Democratic caucus crowded out all
opposition and thereby forced the
Democratic Representatives from each
circuit to vote for a man to preside as
judge that they did not want, or quit
their political party. ' Mac.
How do you like 5
TO COLORED cent cotton, colored
farmers of the South?
VOTERS. Your race make
the bulk of the crop,
and your race com
pose the Republican party at the South
and your politicsl party is in complete
control of the Government, but yc.u
can’t get 5 cents net for the crops that
you work 12 months to produce.
Ain’t it about time for you to cut
loose from such a political party and
aid by your ballots to put the People's
Party—a party that is organized to lib
erate the industrial class from slavery
to freedom—in control of the govern
ment?
Get your friends together and notify
the chairman of the People’s Party in
your county that you intend to vote
with him until his party gets control
of the government.
You and he are in the same 5 cent
cotton boat; you work side by side, in
the same field, raise the same crops;
sell in the same market, get the same
kind of money, his interest is your in
terest, then why not make his political
party your political party and by vot
ing together force the Democrat and
Republican parties from power and in
stall a party in power that will keep
enough money in circulation to meet
the increase of production and popula
tion?
Your ballot is the only weapon by
and through which you can better the
condition which surround your chil
dren, and every time you vote a Dem
ocratic or Republican ticket you take a
step backward instead of forward.
Mac.
PAPER MONEY.
Pennsylvania Paper Money—The Passage
of an Act March C, 1723.
On January 2, 1713, a petition was
presented to the House of Assembly of
Pennsylvania from a number of mer
chants and others setting forth “that
"mey w4re senaiuly aggrieved In their'
estates and dealings to the great loss
and growing ruin of themselves, and
the evident decay of the province in
general for want of a medium to buy
and sell with.” The petition was re
ferred to the Committee on Grievances,
who reported “that it contains matters
of fact, and what they believed to be
true and worthy of weighty considera
tion,” and it was referred to the house.
On the Bth of January, 1723, the
house resolved “that it was necessary
that a quantity of paper money found
ed on a good scheme should be struck
and imprinted.”
Several interchanges of opinion took
place between the assembly and the
governor, resulting in the passage,
March 2, 1723 of act authorizing the
issue of £15.000 in bills of credit—paper
money. These bills of credit were to
be loaned on land security at 5 per cent
interest; they were made a legal ten
der in payments of all kinds.
The benefits which this paper money
brought to the province was so great
and so immediately was the benefit
felt that in December 1723, a new issue
of £30.000 was made.
In March 1726. au act was passed for
reloaning the currency as it came back
into the hands of the colony and to re
place such as had become worn, torn or
defaced, a further issue of £IO,OOO was
ordered.
In October 1726, a letter was received
from the British Lords of Trade in
England, dated May 11, 1127, in refer
ence to the two money acts of 1723.
This letter set forth the evil conse
quences that resulted from issuing bills
of credit —paper money and stating
that “naught restrained them from
laying these bills before his Majesty to
be repealed, save tenderness alone to
innocent holders in whose hsnds they
might be ; and if any further acts were
passed creating bills of credit in addi
tion to those already iss-’ed. means
would be taken to have them disallow
ed ; ” and concluded their letter by re
questing “that the funds appropriated
for the payment of these bills ba duly
applied.” that is, that the paper money
issued by Pennsylvania and which had
been of ‘ great benefit to this province,”
should at once be retired and cancel
led.
When the time drew near to which
the £45 000 had been limited, great un
easiness was felt at the approaching
withdrawal from circulation of so much
m- ney, as it was feared the colony
would be left without a currency.
Dr. Franklin, in his Autobiography,
Lippencott’s edition, page 199, says:
“About this time (1729) there was
a cry among the people for more paper
money, only fifteen thousand pounds
being extant in the province, and that
soon to be sunk. The wea thy inhabi
tants opposed any addition, being
against all paper currency, (jnst as the
bankers and wealthy p op e of to-day
oppose the issue ot a paper money by
the people,) from the apprehension
that it weuld depreciate to the prej n
dice of all creditors. We had discussed
this point in our Junto, where I was
on tbe side of an addition, being per
suaded that the first small sum struck
in 1723 had done much good by increas
ing the trade, employment and number
of inhabitants in the province, since I
now saw all those old build ngr inhab
ited, and many new ones building
Whereas I remembered well, that when
I first walked the streets of Philadel
phia, eating my rob, I saw most of the
houses in Walnut street between Sec-
ond and Front streets with bills on
their doors ’To be let,’ and many like
wise in Chestnut street, and other
streets, which made me think that the
inhabitants of the city were deserting
it one after another.
“Our debates possessed me so fully
of the subject, that I wrote am anony
mous pamphlet on it, entitled ‘The
Nature and Necessity of a Paper Cur
rency.’ It was well received by the
common people in general, but the rich
men disliked it, for it increased and
strengthened the clamor for more
money, and as they happened to have
no writer among them that was able to
answer it, their opposition slackened
and the point was carried by a majori
ty in the house. The utility of the cur
rency became by time and experience
so evident as never to be much disput
ed ; so that it grew soon to twenty-five
thousand pounds, and in 1779 to eighty
thousand pounds, since which it arose
during the war to upwards of three
hundred and fifty thousand pounds
trade, buildings and inhabitants all
the while increasing.”
The governor of Pennsylvania, in
direct opposition to the British Lords,
of Trade, in May, 1729, gave his consent
to an issue £30,000 of paper money to
be loaned upon the same terms as ths
former issues of 1723, and to be return
ed by the annual payment of one
sixteenth part of the principal and the
accrued interest.
In 1739 the Assembly of Pennsylva
nia authorized an issue of paper money
—bills of credit —to the amount of
£BO 000. This money was to be put in
circulation by loaning not more than
£IOO in any one person, upon real es
tate security of at least double the
value of the loan, for a term of 16
years at five per cent interest One
sixteenth part of the loan and accrued
interest was to be paid back yearly.
The interest was to be applied to pub
lic improvements.
The British Parliament in 1751 pro
hibited the further issue of paper
money by the American colonies.
Dr. Franklin visited England and
protested against the act. He stated
to the British authorities that before
the issue of the paper money the colo
nies had neither silver or gold, and
that because of this scarcity of metal
lic money it was with difficulty that
the trade could be carried on ; but that
the introduction of paper currency had
given new life to business, and had
promoted greatly the settlement and
development of the country.
In 1753 began a struggle between the
assembly—the representatives of the
people—and the governor. The gener
al need of a larger circulation was
keenly felt and the assembly framed
several acts for the further issue of
bills of credit—paper money. The
governor, holding himself bound, by
the instructions of the British Lords of
Trade, not to pass any bills without a
clause suspending their operation until
the pleasure of his majesty should be
known known, either refused to allow
them to become laws or else returned
them with amendments, which the as
sembly considered as an infringement
on their liberties and refused to accept.
In 1764 the British Lords of Trade
objected to the use of pap»r money
made legal tender, on the ground that
'everjj medium o" vxchaugeehv'uld have
intrinsic value which paper money has
not”
Dr. Franklin replying to the British
Lords of Trade; said :
“However fit a.particular thing may
be for a particu'ar purpose, whene-er
that thing is not to be h»d in sufficient
quantities, it becomes necessary to use
something else —the fittest th»t can be
gotten in lieu of it.”
The attention of Parliament being
called to the matter of paper money
in the Amer can colonies, passed an
act in 1764 prohibiting any bills of
credit of the colonies beir-g made a
legal tender. It was hope! by this
to check the further issue of
colonial paper money, because “it was
injuring the British merchants who
were trading in America.”
In 1764, while in England, Dr. Frank
lin in defense of paper money, said :
“On the whole no method has hith
erto b »en framed to establish a medium
of trade, equal in all its advantages to
bills of credit founded on sufficient
taxes for discharging them, and made
a general legal tender.”
April 19, 1775, the battle of Lexing
ton was fought, and on the 30th day of
June a provisional government was ap
pointed by the assembly, called a com
mittee of safety, to look to the arming
and defense of the colony. In order
that the committee could properly do
the work the assembly resolved to
emit thirty-five thousand pounds in
bills of credit—paper money. The issue
of this money was an act of rebellion.
They were issued by the mere resolve
of the assembly, in defiance of his maj
esty, and without reference to the gov
ernor.
At a later period, Dr. Franklin speak
ing of the paper money issued by the
colony of Pennsylvania said :
“Between the years 1740 and 1775,
while abundance reigned in Pennsyl
vania, and there was peace in all her
borders, a more happy and prosperous
population could not be found. In
every home there was comfort The
people generally were highly moral,
and knowledge was extensively diffu
sed.”
“I will venture to say,” said Govern
or Prownell, “that there was never a
w ser nor better measure, never one
better calculated to serve the interests
of an increasing county ; and there
was never a measure more steadily
pursued or steadily executed, for forty
years together, than the loan office in
Pennsylvania, founded and adminis
tered by the assembly of that province ”
“The early notes of the colony,”
says Phillips’ American Currencv,
‘seem to have kept their credit well
and had not the revolution intervened
they would all have been redeemed at
par, as ample funds were always pro
vided by taxation or excise duty, in the
same act that issued the bills, for their
gradua l but total extinction.”
David Hume, the historian, says in
substance : “In Pennsylvania the land
itself is coined. A planter, immediate
ly on the purchase of land, can go to a
public loan office; and receive notes to
the amount of half the value of his
land, which notes he employs in all
his payments; and they circulate
through the colony by convention. No
more than a certain sum is issued to
any one planter; aud each must pay
back into the public treasury, every
year, one-tenth of his notes Whet,
they are all paid back, he can repeat
the operation.”
Can you not see that the paper mon-!
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Dr. Frank! in says, “a more happy and
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