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POETRY.
FOR THE CHEROKEE PHCENIX.
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TRANSLATION.
The preceding hymn was suggested by
4he hymn to the Trinity, 107 of Worcester’s
selection, but is not a translation of it.—
The following is a free translation from the
Cherokee, in the same metre.
W.
Exalted Majesty,
Our Father, throned on high,
Whom we adore,
Our Maker and our King,
Thy sacred name we sing,
And grateful praises bring
Forevermore.
Anointed Jesus hear,
While we, in humble prayer,
Thy grace implore;
Thou who for us didst die,
Yet liv’st exalted high,
On thee our hopes rely
Forevermore.
Thou Sanctifier come,
And make with us thy home,
Spirit of power,
With thy celestial art
Purge every sinful heart,
Nor from our way depart
Forevermore.
Our Father and his Son
And Spirit,* Three in One,
Let all adore;
To God, the heavenly King,
Our thankful tribute bring-,
Rejoicing as we sing
Forevermore.
* Ojrr Father &. his Son & Spirit. Nouns
Of relationship are not used in Cherokee
except in connexion with inseparable pos
sessive pronouns. Thus we cannot say a
father, the father, the son, but my father,
thy, his, our father, Stc. The same is true
of most nouns which, in their nature, im
ply a possessor, i. e. a person or thing to
which they belong, as, for example, the
members of the body. No wortl signifies
indefinitely an elbow, a finger, but my el
bow, his elbow, my finger, his linger, &.c.
REPORT
Of a joint Committee in the Legisla
ture of Georgia, on the Cherokee Lands.
THE Joint Commitee upon the
State of the Republic, to wham was
fefered so much of the late Governor’s
communication, as regards the acquisi
tion of the Georgia lapds at present in
the occupancy of the Cherokee Indians,
and the absolute and jurisdictional
fight of the State to the same Report:
That they have bestowed upon this
momentous subject, the most mature
and deliberate consideration; and al
though 6ome of the positions which
they feel warranted in occupying, may
at, the first view, appear bold and novel,
yet they cherish the hope, that by ad
verting to the well ascertained, and
long established laws of nations, those
positions will be found abundanty sup
ported.
We are aware that ourjrepeated ap
peals to the General Government upon
this subject, so vitally interesting to the
people of Georgia, have been looked
upon as impertinent and obtrusive; but
your committee believe, that the State
has been disposed to suffer in silence,
so long as the evils under which she
labored were sufferable, and that when
her claims shall be fairly investigated,
and it is seen how unreasonably they
have delayed, an enlightened and just
community will pronounce the course
she has pursued, to have been marked
with great moderation and forbear
ance.
We nrorwse in the discharge of our
present duty, to enquire first, into the
nature and present situation of our
claim upon the General Government;
and second, to investigate the nature
and extent of our title to’the territory
in question, considered abstractedly
from our claim upon the General Go
vernment.
.By the 4th section of the articles of
agreement and cession, entered into
on the 24th of April, 1802, between
the Commissioners of the United States
on the one part, and the Commission
ers of the State of Georgia on the oth
er part, it was expressly stipulated and
agreed, that the United States should
at their own expense, extinguish for
the use of Georgia, as early as ike same
couiil be peaceably obtaineu on Tea onable
terms, the Indian title to all me lands
within the State of Georgia.
It will hardly be contended, that this
was a mere naked promise, and there
fore to be violated at pleasure by the
United States, for the contract imports
upon its face a most ample and sulli-
cient consideration.
We are not ignorant of the fact, that
the General Government having the
power in her own hands, is disposed to
put her own construction upon this
promise, and to make herself the sole
and exclusive judge of what may be
considered “reasonable terms;’but we
respectfully contend, that if she designs
to keep up even the show of justice, she
will suffer this to be controlled by the
same rule of construction applicable to
all other contracts—that is to say,
that the words used, shall be understood
in that sense which is best calculated
to effectuate the true intention of the
contracting parties.
The reciprocal objects intended to
be accomplished by the United States
and Georgia, by the contract in ques
tion, were few and simple. They in
tended that Georgia should cede to the
United States a vast extent of territo
ry therein described; that the United
States should at their own expense,
and upon their own responsibility, ex
tinguish for the use of Georgia what
ever claim or title the Indians might
have to the lands lying within her lim
its; and that this should be done “as
early” as it could be upon peaceable
and reasonable terms.
We consider it certain from the
terms of the contract itself, and par
ticularly from the consideration which
was paid, that it was the intention of
both parties that the Indian title should
certainly,at some time or other be ex
tinguished. The time was left indefi
nite and uncertain—not because it was
contemplated that any circumstance
should occur, or state of things exist,
that should deprive Georgia of those
lands; but, because this State reposed
such unbounded confidence in the jus
tice and good faith of the General
Government as induced her confidently
to believe,that no opportunity would
be permitted to escape, and that no
fair and honorable exertion would be
withheld for the speedy and punctual
fullilment of the promise.
We admit that after much anxiety
and delay, Georgia is about to reap
the full benefit of the contract in ques
tion, so far as it regards her lands sit
uate within the Creek Nation of In
dians—But the manner in which this
has been accomplished, compels us to
say, that we are less indebted to the
General Government for the result,
than to the exertions of our late able
and patriotic Governor. Although
Georgia is about to obtain the last foot
of Creek lands to which she is entitled,
yet it must be remembered that there
is still a considerable portion of Chero
kee lands to which she has precisely the
same title, in relation to which the gen
eral government is under the same obli
gation, & which nevertheless still re
mains in the possession of the Indians.
By what motive or reason the general
government can be influenced, in so
pertinaciously & unjustly refusing en
tirely to redeem her pledged faith to
Georgia, we are unable to-perceive.
The whole civilized world knows, that
Georgia acted a gallant & distinguish
ed part during the revolutionary war,
in achieving our liberty and independ
ence; and our sister States will do us
the justice to testify, that since that
time, Georgia has not withheld her
treasure or her sword from the de
fence of our common country, and na
tional rights. We mention these
things, not by way of boasting, or out
of vain glory; hut, to shew that Geqr-
giahas violated none of the obligations
by which she was hound to her sister
States, and therefore, , that there is
the less justice in their violating their
obligations to her.
It will be remembered, thitthe ar
ticles of agreement and cession were
entered into in 1802, and that they im
posed upon the United States the obli
gation of procuring the relinquishment
of the Indian title, so soon as the same
could be done “peaceably” and upon
“reasonable terms.” Immediately up
on the ratification of these articles, it
became the duty of the general gov
ernment to improve every opportuni
ty that might present itself, and with
all her influence and energies faithful
ly applied, to have sought diligently
for opportunities to effect such relin
quishment. She did not ao so.—But
on the contrary, manifested so much
indifference, and for so long a time,
that Georgia became dissatisfied, and
look occasion respectfully to call the
attention of the general government to
this subject—a liberty that she has
several tunes since found it necessary
to exercise—but which has either been
treated with silent contempt, or has
subjected her to reproach and calum
ny. That the United States have vi
olated most palpably their contract
with Georgia, we think is made evi
dent, when it is remembered, that
since the ratification of the articlos of
agreement and cession, the Indians
have been removed entirely from Ohio,
Kentucky, North and South-Carolina,
Tennessee, Missouri, and almost all
Arkansas; and that since that time,
live or six times as much land as be
longed to Georgia, and was in the pos
session of the Indians, nas been acquir
ed in Alabama for the use of the Uni
ted States, aud that too, upou “pea
ceable terms;” besides large cessions
in Mississippi, Illinois, Michigan, and
Florida. And it is a fact so notorious,
that we presume no one will venture
to dispute it, that upon the termina
tion ol the late war with Great Bri
tain and the Indians, the United States
had it completely in their power to
procure for the use of Georgia, every
toot of land to which she was entitled;
not only upon “peaceable aud reason
able terms,” but upon just such terms
as they might have pleased to pre
scribe—But this was not done, or at
tempted to be done.—On the contra
ry, the United States by negotiation,
effected for their own use and aggran
disement, large cessions of territory
in another part of the nation, and there
by threw the Indians in greater num
bers upon our own territory, and so-
circumscribed their limits, as greatly
to diminish the prospect of their wil
lingness to make further sessions, ei
ther for the benefit of Georgia, or for
any other purpose. And since that
time, it has been the constant and fa
vorite poiicy of the United States, not
to hold out inducements to the Indians
to yield up the possession of the Geor
gia lands; but to so add to their com
forts, and so instruct them in the busi
ness of husbandry as to attach them so
firmly to their country and to their
homes, as almost to destroy the last
ray of hope that they would ever con
sent to part with the Georgia lands.
It is now alledged, we understand,
that it is impossible for the United
States to obtain the lands in question
for the use of Georgia, upon “peacea
ble and reasonable terms;” and there
fore, that they are under no obligation
obtain them at all. By whom and in
what way we beg to enquire, has this
impossibility been produced? Sure
ly by the United States, and by their
policy, and that too against the consent
and remonstrance of Georgia—And is
it possible, that the general goverment
will consent in this way to benefit her
self, and to take advantage ofher own
acts, and that too to the injury and op
pression of one ofher own members?
For the dignity and honor of our com
mon country, we earnestly hope not.
But should this plea be urged, it can
not upon principle prevail; because
the United States were hound to obtain
for the use of Georgia the lands in
uestion, “as early” as it could be
one upon reasonable and peaceable
terms. If they could not have been
obtained sooner, We all know, and our
sister States will not deny it, that
they could have been obtained upon
the terms prescribed at the end of the
lute war. The United States then
had an opportunity of complying with
their contract with Georgia—they let
that opportunity pass—it was their
owp wilful neglect.; and in failing to ob
tain the lands at that time, the con
tract according to its very terras was
broken; and they thereupon became
legally and equitably hound, (and they
yet remain so bound) to Georgia, to
procure for her the lands in controver
sy, no matter how much treasure or
blood may be expes\ded in their pro
curement. But although the general
government is under this obligation,
Eg
and from which she cannot Wporably
release herself in any other apy than
by complying with it, yet jud^jfrom
our past experience, we ean^nrcely
venture to hope, that she will Vpress
our injuries and establish our |fehtB.
We are apprised that this subj^t en
gaged the attention of the last Legis-
lature, that the resolutions which they
adopted were submitted to the Presi
dent of the United States; and we are
glad that in reply, he condescended
to express to our Senators in Congress
a u wish to gratify the State,” but we
are sorry that he added “negotiation”
(with the Indians) “was hopeless, and
that he could not consent to apply
force.” We are at liberty to under
stand this answer no otherwise, than
as a distinct and formal determination,
to take no step either of a pacific or
war-like nature, to obtain for and se
cure to Georgia, her long delayed
rights. We have waited upon and trus
ted to the justice and liberality of the
United States for the fourth of a centu
ry, and the result to us is disappoint
ment, insult and injury.
[to be continued.]
Indian Arithmetic.—Their manner
of numbering evidences the extreme
simplicity of their language. We
have asked of all the tribes, with
which we have met, their numerical
terms, as far as a hundred. In some
few, the terms are simple, as far as
ten. In others, six is five-one, seven,
five-two. and so on. Beyond ten, they
universally count by reduplication of
the tens. This they perform with
great dexterity by a mechanical arith
metic, intricate to explain, but readi-
ly apprehended by the eye. The
principal operations are bringing the
open palms together, and then cros
sing the hands, which tells as far as a
hundred.—Some of the tribes are said
to be perplexed in their attemps to
number beyond a hundred.—When the
question turned upon any profit, that
involved great numbers, we have gen
erally heard them avail themselves of
an English word, the first, we believe,
and the most universally understood by
savages—‘heap!’— Western Review.
CHEROKEE NUMBERS.
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in passing it overlie is superior.— Lord
Bacon. •
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an argument of great reason, and to
forgive it of a great mind.—Archbishop
Tillotson.
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•f <BAPAT T» O^ZGBO- ©•GT, 1809.
March of Intellect.—A gentleman of
landed property the county of S. be
ing lately on the outstde of a stage
coach, had sworiiseveral oaths within
a few minutes after taking his seat.—-
Addressing a minister, a stranger to
him, lie remarked, “We hear, sir, a
believer in the march of intellect:’ are
you, sir, a believer in the march of in
tellect? I belief, sir, these S. clod
hoppers know notf|i& of the march of
intellect.” The Minister replied, “I
have observed, sirHbjt there is not so
much profane sweair||| among the pea
santry as there useuftfr be. I consid
er that one decisu^^mf.' of their in
tellectual improvement.” The gen
tleman appeared as if he felt the re
proof, but had too mueh good sense to
manifest any displeasure.—In his sub
sequent. conversation which proved
him to be an intellectual person of
high order, he showed himself capable
of going forward in the march of im
provement, as he swore no more du
ring the fifty miles’journey.-—Lon. M,