Newspaper Page Text
6.
THE ATLANTA WEEKLY SUN
Till'. DAILY SUN.
Thursday Morning August 10.
ve recently observed that the
has been busily engaged
Wa h
Radical x
In publishing articles from the “ Bourbon
and Croaker ” papers in the State, with
the view of encouraging their allies and
-of injuring the Democratic party through
them, if possible.—Montgomery Adver
tiser, Auq. 6,1871.
When and where have the editors I them asserted in 1868; but that it is
Is the Advertiser now, in its fright
and lliglxt from the Democratic hosts,
prepared to undertake the humilia
ting work of maintaining that these
usurpation, acts were not “unconsti
tutional, revolutionary and voidt”—
Is that paper really prepared to main
tain that it is not only offensive to
the Democracy to repeat what all of
•of the Advertiser seen published in
any Radical sheet, articles from The
Atlanta Sun,“ Bourbon” as it is,
•with “ the view of encouraging their
allies,” or for any other purpose?
When and where has Senator Morton,
•thegreat “bugbear,” Cyclops,"mon-
strum horrendum ” of tbe “ Depart
ures,” in their “ skedaddling ” flight
from the Democratic party, ever spoke
approvingly of the doctrines of The
Sun, or any other “ Bourbon ?” Did
.not this great Chief of Radicalism
pay a high and approving compli
ment to the Courier-Journal, the
other day, in his speech in Louisville,
Kentucky ? Did not this approving
•compliment and endorsement of the
position of the Chief of the " De
partures ” include the whole squad,
the Advertiser as welL as all the rest ?
When our course shall be approved
and endorsed by Radical leaders, then
it will be time for us to enter upon
a reconsideration of it But the
proof mnst be furnished. No bare,
bald assertion will suffice.
A. H. S.
—. ►-*-« —
“insulting'’ to tbe “Radical Party
itself” so to characterize their high
crimes against the Constitution of
tbe United States and the Liberties
of tbe people? A. H. S.
Mr. Stephens’ Position.
In the meantime we must confess our
unfeigned surprise at the want of candor
exhibited by the Editor of The Atlanta
•Su.s'. He tells his readers that Democrat
ic Conventions in Ohio, Pennsylvania and
•other States, have, by their resolutions,
sanctioned open and palpable usurpations
of popular rights.” He makes this bittc .•
charge against these Democratic Conven-
vions “without a single grain of fact to
■support his indefensible allegations; and
Me could make no charae more offensive and
■ insulting against the Radical party itself.—
Wo here take, therefore, square issue with
• our Atlanta cotemporaiy, and deny the
truth of his assertion so positively in-
• suiting as it is, and so well calculated to
do damage to the Democratic party in
the estimation of all those who may be
lieve it to be trno. We arraign Mr.
*.Stephens before the country on a charge
against the Democratic party, that he cannot
honestly maintain.—Montgomery Adverti
ser, (Uh Aug. 1871.
Ab, indeed! It is then downright
offensive and insulting, is it, to the
Radical Party itself \ to say that the
14th and 15 th amendments, so-called,
• to the Constitution of the United
> States, arc nothing but the results of
• “palpable usurpations of popular
■rights ?” It has come to this already,
•has it? We knew from the begining
-. that it would at last What
v tbe “hitter charge” we have made
- against the Pennsylvania Harrisburg
'Convention—we will not say tbe
Democratic party, of Pennsylvania,
for the voice of tbe Democracy of
that State was not uttered by that
(packed body of “tricksters” aud
-“money changers.” What, we -say, is
the “hitter charge” we made
against that Convention ? It is that
•they uttered a great untruth when
•-they asserted, as they did in effect,
that those “ fraudulent” acts, called
Constitutional Amendments,had been
incorporated in the organic law of the
Union, “in the manner and by the au-
■ thority constitutionally appointed
and that when they put themselves
before the country with the announce
ment that they “ deprecated” all
discussion of questions relating to the
validity of these glaring usurpations,
they rendered themselves “accesso
ries after the fact” to these high
•crimes against Public Liberty.
This is the charge for which we are
arraigned by the Advertiser before tbe
country, and which that paper
pleased to say we cannot honestly
.maintain. It is no charge, we re
peat, against the Democratic party
.as the Advertiser states. Far from
it The Democratic party of the
United States has never yet exhibited
such a disregard of truth, and snek a
spectacle of profligacy in principle
.and degradation of character; and
we have too high a regard for its pu
rity, integrity and high aims]of patri
otism, to suppose for an instant that
. it ever will. •
But are we seriously called upon
by the Advertiser to make good our
charge as it stands stated?
Does that paper deny that tbe
validity of these 14th and 15th
Amendments rest solely upon Con
gressional usurpations which were
“unconstitutional, revolutionary, null
i and voidf 3
Did not the editors of that paper,
•.and two milliojis and six hundred
thousand and odd Democrats so de-
• elate in 1SG8? W onld not three hun
dred thousand more, constituting a
majority of the voters of the United
States, have done the same if they
The Hon. Alexander H. Stephens is,
apparently, never so much at home as
when engaged in the discussion of a con
stitutional question. His early fame in
the Congress of the United States was
earned in the field of political debate,
and age does not appear to have cooled
his love of controversy. His latest and
only elaborate literary work, “The Con
stitute: A View,” &c., of the causes of
the late war between the States, is cast
in the form of a dialogue, or series of
imaginary conversations, for the benefit,
apparently, of the larger scope which this
style of composition affords for argumen
tative discourse. In his new vocation of
editor of Tub Atlanta Sux, the veteran
statesman is not likely to let his contro
versial talents rust for want of use, and
we are not surprised to find him crossing
words with the New York World upon
the mooted question of recognizing the
validity of the last three constitutional
amendments. Mr. Stephens opens his
side of the debate with the studied cour
tesy of a duellist of the old school, po
iitely saluting his antagonist before pro
ceeding to take his life. “We have tak
en such time, ” he says, “to respond to
the Worlds overture in this instance as
thought the great gravity and high
cratic or Radical name, will,of course,
never attempt to cure them. Only
those, therefore, who do feel them to
be hurts and will attempt their cure,
can,in any proper sense,be styled “true
friends of the Constitution and consti
tutional Government throughout the
country.” The “ Common Platform”
of those true friends of the Constitu
tion must discriminate between those
who hold them to be “hurts” and
those who do not; those who will
heal them, if possible, and those who
would not “ undo them if they could.”
“ Discussion” at this time is essential
for the purpose of ascertaining who are
and who are not the true friends of the
Constitution. The roting masses
must take sides upon the first great
question, as to whether these Radical
changes in our system of Government
he, in fact, hurts to tiie Constitution
or not.
tie credit can be given to one who thinks
he has discovered the future greatness of
Georgia in an ntter ignoring of the past,
and educating the youth to emulate the
nation whose greatness in engines and
furnaces may be traced in broken obliga
tions and the plunder of the public treas
ury. Another item in your bill of indict
ment against the land of your nativity is
that
Ii.-d not been most wrongfully aud
shamefully disfranchised?
import of the subject required. We now
reply in that tone and spirit in which the
World indicates a disposition to discuss
the questions involved.” After this sol
emn note of preparation, Mr. Stephens
proceeds, through three columns and a
half of distinction and argument, through
which we do not propose at present to
follow him, to define his position with ref
erence to the three amendments. The
13th amendment, which forever abolishes
and prohibits slavery, he considers as
“no longer a living issue,” as one of
the actual results of the war, whether a
legitimate one or not,” and “as, there
fore valid and not to be reversed.” To
the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments,
Mr. Stephens objects that “they are not
results of the war, either legitimate or
actual”—“they are results of open, palpa
ble and avowed usurpation of power by
a majority.” Ho objects alike to the cir
cumstances under which these amend
ments were engrafted upon the Constitu
tion, the means employed to secure, or
rather to compel, their ratification, and
to the principles which they embody. At
the same time he emphatically declares
that he is engaged in no agitation for a
repeal of these obnoxious enactments,
which, he says, would be a “fantastic po
litical comedy,” an adventure as ridicu
lous “as that of Don Quixote in his charge
upon windmills.” Like the alien and
sedition acts of 1800, which were never re
pealed,but suffered to remain upon the sta
tute books “as a monument and record of
the iniquity of their authors, and as a bea
con to guide posterity for all time to come
how to get rid of all like usurpations.”
Mr. Stephers, itwould seem, is in favor of
letting the amendments severely alone—
leaving them where they are, just to
rnarkT contempt for them. It can never
be necessary, he says, to repeal nulities.
The alien and sedition acts wore gotten
rid of not by repeal, but by electing men
to office who held them to be not valid
laws, but nulities, and he would deal, he
says, with these fraudulent amendments
just as Mr. Jefferson and the Democracy
of 1800 dealt with the old federalist usur
pations.
Politically speaking, if we may reduce
distinctions so metaphysical to any prac
tical conclusion, Mr. Stephens “accepts”
the results of the war so far as they are
“legitimate and actual,” but among these
he does not class the fourteenth and fif
teenth amendments. He does not pro
pose that these amendments shall be re
pealed, but that they shall be ignored.—
He makes their validity, not their repeal,
the issue in the canvass, and the shibbo
leth of democratic doctrine pure and un
defiled. This, at least, is intelligible, and
indicates a very decided “departure” be
tween the position assumed by Mr. Steph
ens and that occupied by the World. Con
sidering, however, that both he and the
WoD'ld are agreed that tho election of a
Democratic President and a Democratic
Congress is the only practical cure for the
hurts the Constitution has received, and
that to secure that result the united efforts
of all the friends of the Constitution and
of Constitutional government throughout
the country will be required, it would
seem that this common platform is not to
be found in the discussion of such ques
tions—the chief value of which, in a cri
sis like the present, is as a warning
and admonition of dangers present aud
to come, and as an incentive to unite for
the purpose of averting future and great
er mischief and calamities. First, get
the ship of state, if we may be pardoned
the novel metaphor, out of the breakers
into, which her reckless navigators have
earned her, and then when she is ome
more moored into a port of safety, such
old pilots as Mr. Stephens may point cut
at their leisure upon the chart the devia
tions that have occurred in th9 course of
the voyage and the cause of the perils in
which we at present find her.—Baltimore
Sun, 5th Aug. 1871.
Mr. Stephens would say to bis es
teemed cotemporary of Baltimore,
that he does not think the “hurts”
which the Constitution is suffer
ing from can possibly be aired
by those who do not believe that
any “hurts”- have been inflicted
upon it There are those in the
country who believe, or affect to
believe, that what we and our cotem
porary deem most serious and dan
gerous “hurts,” have nothing
wrong about them, and will be at
tended with no injurious consequen
ces. Men of this class,'if brought
into power, whether under a Demo-
The chief value of a platform at
this time is, indeed, as a warning of
dangers present and to come, and for
the purpose of uniting all the true
friends of the Constitution in a
grand effort to prevent, for the fu
ture, still “'greater mischiefs and ca
lamities.” But what yarning will he
so effective with an intelligent people
as a full, clear, and faithful portrayal
of those “hurts” our cotemporary
speaks of—-those deep and ghastly
wounds already inflicted upon the
Constitution, whose bleeding lips now
call so loudly for stenching and heal
ing!
As to the nautical figure, the New
York World and other “New De-
par turists” from the Democratic creed,
as Mr. Stephens understands their
position, do not believe or realize the
fact that the Ship of State is among
any “breakers” at all. They do not
find any fault with the policy of the
navigators who have brought her to
her present position. This policy, at
any rate, they now propose to accept
adopt, indorse and to “build upon”
for the future, if they come into
power.
Under the lead of such “pilots,”
Mr. Stephens sees no prospect of the
good old Ship of State ever being
again relieved from her present strand
ed condition, or ever again being
moored in safe waters. The only
hope is in putting her in charge of
Commanders who will “retrace the
steps” of those “reckless navigators”
who have “piloted” over the shoals
and amid the rocks where she is now
in such imminent peril of immediate
wreck and destruction. The new
pilots must he known to be opposed
to the policy of their predecessors,
and not those who sanction it and
aver that they will adhere to it/
A. H. S.
Here again you are at fault, and I cannot
account for it upon any other ground than
that to vindicate your defamation it was
necessary to pervert your facts. First,
then, in the social relations of life, do you
really think the South inferior to the
North? In manners—how stands it?—
Take the female characters of the two sec
tions. If I could blind your vision to the
fascination of place which you have never
occupied, but which by no means has
cooled the ardor of your desire, I would
even make you a witness upon the respec
tive merits of the social progress of the
manners of the two sections. My habit
of thought, a3 well as the walk of my life,
causes me to curb any vindictive feeling
I may entertain towards a peq^tle who have
done injustice to their own Kind and kin
dred, and who continue to heap upon us
wrongs innumerable, but even the “chari
ty that snffereth long and is kind” makes
no demand upon me to elevate them
above their deserts or sink my own people
below their merit. I can readily under
stand the formation of opinion, if I could
as easily discover the motive—even
WE IGNORED THE CLAIMS OF THE ME-
CBANJCAL CLASSES.
statistical facts connected with the sub
ject (and to suppose that you are is more
complimentary to your character than to
award you knowledge,) I would advise
you to give some attention to the work
ings of the system. You will be aston
ished to find that three-fourths, if not
seven-eighths, of
at.t. THE APPROPRIATIONS MADE BY CONGRESS
have been expended in the North. All
the class legislation has inured to the
capital and industry of the Northern sec
tion, and that often at the expense of
Southern productions. Your other pro
position that we ignored the mechanical
classes has neither the solidity or even the
semblance of truth. Every observing
man could but notice the apparent fact
that in the South there was less of that
distinction in society than tb ere was at the
North, or in any country where the capi
talists and the laborers were of the same
race. That there should be distinctions
in the one more than where slavery exists
is founded upon principles apparent to
any who reflects, and to all who think.
When was it ever known that a Northern
capitalist ever gave to a laborer the hos
pitalities of his house? When in the
South was it ever conceived to refuse it
to the mechanic or to tbe day laborer ?
THE DISTORTION OF PACT
can be made to harmonize with the pro
pelling power of self-love and self-inter
est, and while truth itself is unyielding
and unbending, individual opinions may
accord with theories, based as they sup
pose upon facts, which they see through
other mediums than those who invest*
gate for the truth’s sake. We are, even
in this corrupt age, still under the in
junction “judge not," though we are not
without the privilege of examining the
fruits to discover the nature of the tree.
In your case the public have no fruits in
the character of your past life to discover
or determine the integrity .of your inten
tion or the purity of your motive. One
day elevated to the standard of true
statesmanship—the next herding with
those whose highest idea is
STATE AGRICULTURAL. CON
VENTION.
Tlie Ele pliant Accommoda
tions—President Colquitt’s Ad-
dress—-Col. Sam’I Barnet’s Re
port J. S. Newman’s Ad
dress—-Collation.
INDIVIDUAL INSTANCES
may have occurred where labor was look
ed upon as degrading, but the many at
the South have alwaysjheld it in- honora
ble appreciation. I regret that the sub
ject is so prolific as to prevent full justice
in so limited a space, but I have given
Rome, Ga., August 9,1871.
Editors Sun: Rome lias drawn the
elephant. There is a delegation to
this Convention of quite five hun
dred members, making the most re
spectable and intelligent body of
it has been my fortune to see
assembled in Georgia, since the war.
Although the hospitable citizens of
Rome are making their utmost efforts
to entertain the delegates, their re
sources are inadequate, and many of
them are forced to the necessity of
camping out. The Court House,
(where the Convention assembles)
presented a scene at 6 o’clock this
morning of men stretched upon
benches and tables, where they had
been roosting for the night.
There are many of
Georgia’s dis
tinguished sons here, among whom
you the general heads, by which you will are Col. Thomas Hardeman, of Ma-
be enabled to judge of the incorrectness
of the defamation you have heaped upon
your own, your native land, and if you
are not led to detract, I envy not the re
flection which disappointed ambition may
yet-have to indulge. I have been so out-
con, whom I find is the favorite with
many of our substantial men for the
next Governor of Georgia. Mark A.
Cooper, David E. Butler, A. R.
Wright, and Wm. LeRoy Brown, and
raged at the injustice you have inflicted Wm. Louis Jones, from the Universi-
SELF-AGGRANDISEMENT Af THE PUBLIC EX
PENSE :
one hour eloquently discoursing upon
our rights—advising non-intercourse with
the reptiles who fatten upon our misfor
tunes ; the next banqueting with these
miserable vampires, who hold hellish or
gies around the battlements of the Con
stitution—with a corrupt judiciary as
their associates to sanction any plunder
they may commit upon the public treas
ury, or any infringement they may make
to shock public propriety—you have no
right to seek shelter under or ask protec
tion of that charity whose ample folds
might have hidden your transgressions,
if it claimed not to hold no joy in iniqui
ty but to rejoice in the truth.
THE SOUTH, INFERIOR TO THE NORTH
in the social relations of life—such a sen
timent, at such a time, and from such an
oracle—its enunciation is ridiculous, its
publication criminal. The free-love and
the woman’s right section to be given the
priority over the Southern character (I
speak not of individuals), whose corner
stone is purity and whose strengthening
brace is a modest propriety of what is
recognized as woman’s true position.—
The opportunities made public and from
which alone the public can judge from,
not even a data to suggest a comparison
between the two sections and individual
intercourse furnish us little, much less to
justify a Southern man to hold up his sec
tiou as inferior, and “driven back from
the marching column of social progress.
upon a people with more marked and
distinguished virtues in their character
than any the sun ever shown upon, that
I have found my pen verging to invec
tive, with every desire to be moderate
and every determination to be just.—
You
MUST NOT EXPECT TO ESCAPE CRITICISM;
your changes have been so sudden; your
opinions have so fluctuated as to bewilder
some, to astonish others, and to wound
all without any other interpretation than
their suddenness, and totally have, at
least, the appearance of a charm if not
the merit of a miracle.
When I read your speech I turned to
the first speech that was delivered before
the societies forty-three years ago, the
8th day of this month (August), and I
was struck with the almost prophecy of
this sentence:
What country was ever more respect
ed for its wisdom? When was the science
Government better understood ?
When were institutions more flourishing
or laid in a deeper sense of equal rights ?
When were a people more united and af
fectionately devoted to the common in
terest? When were intelligence, wealth
and refinement more rapidly increasing,
until the visionary project of making a
nation of weavers maddened the states
men of America, and what has been the
consequence of-tliis.way ward infatuation ? took the lead—giving his experience
A PUNGENT LETTER
To Hon. Bens. H. Hill.
From tho Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel of tho 8th.
Hon. B. H. Hill—Sir: At the risk
of exposure to public criticism, I will ele
vate you to the similitude of a character
whose detestation the world’s orator has
clothed with immortality, and in his
language ask,
“HOW LONG, OH, CATILINE, WILL YOU ABUSE
OUR PATIENCE ?”
Your winding way since and even before
the war has gratified your enemies and
mortified your friends, but your last im
position upon Southern forbearance, in
your late speech at Athens, robs silence
of its virtue, and makes comment a ne
cessity. Treachery, in all its forms, its
combinations and its motives, from the
creation of Adam to the moment in
which I make the declaration, never, not
only had an advocate, but never found a
defender. Even the beneficiaries under
the treason always despised the traitor.
On the other hand, Txuth—and I mean
by it that comprehensive significance
which includes integrity of character in
all the social and political relations of
life, whether in business, in pleasure, in
the private citizen or the public official,
in those holding power and those desir
ing its possession, at home or abroad, in
society or out of society—never had an
enemy. Many characters are without it
as a foundation, but even these pay hom
age to its shrine. It is not always the
road to success in temporal matters, but
even
FALSEHOOD WOULD BARTER ALT. ITS EARN
INGS
All that was proud in sentiment, lofty in
character, and dignified in council have
been given up to drapers and wool-
staplers, and we are now drifting to some
unknown catastrophe, pregnant with ev
ery thing but safety.”
In contrasting the sentiments of this
first orator with yours, I must not forget
to remind you that the South, with all
its want of energy,
FOUGHT SUCCESSFULLY AGAINST THE NORTH,
BUT MANNERS ALONE
do not constitute tho only element in so
cial progress. Morals I am aware is or
ought to be the foundation upon which
to build society. The comparison even
here, with all due difference to your pub
licly expressed opinion, can never make
the true friends of the South to blush or
be ashamed. Individual cases of crime
will occur in all communities, but they
are not the true indices of the public
morality. But the general standard in
which virtue is held points unerringly
to the character of a people, and pro
claims their purity or the want of it. No
intelligent man, who has any respect for
his reputation, will hesitate to give to the
South a higher rank in the scale of puri
ty, whether in their teachings or their
practice, than belongs to the North.—
Take the pulpit—in what age was it ever
more degraded or prostituted than it is at
present at the North ? With some lion
orable exceptions, every denomination of
Christians is as leprous with the sin of
malice, envy, hatred and uncharitableness
as was the Israelite, with
THE LOATHSOME DISEASE,
who thought his case incurable until the
teachings from the Mount discovered to
him a power wherein he might be made
clean; and I fear the same power will be
requisite to cleanse a people whom you
have elevated above your native land in
social jjrogi ass. The philanthropist and
the Christian find cause to weep over the
decadence of Christian teaching, proprie
ty and practice that pervades Northern
society, and the friends of true progress
lament over the shadow of protertanism
which their own bad conduct ha3 caused
and which will take half a century
genuine Godly, piety to illume.
to have a place in her holy temple. These
general observations are made prelimina
ry to the comments I propose upon the in
famous doctrine of your late speech, and
the vile slanders you have heaped upon a
people noted in the nast for the nobility
of their practical efficiency in the social
and political relations of life. The South
ern people,'certainly, never had a superior,
if they ever had a rival, in all that consti
tutes greatness. The elevated feelings
ox the statesman, the high-minded prin
ciples of the patriot, and an ardent devo
tion to the cause of liberty and the rights
of man,have ever been the marked and dis
tinguishing difference between them and
the nation of speculators who have lately
proved, with the help of foreign aid, their
superiois in the field. .
You have been pleased, in a public ad
dress, to announce to the too anxious Lis
teners that
“ THE SOUTH HAS BEEN DRIVEN BACK
from the marching column of social and
national progress,” and you have discov
ered the cause in the institution of slave
ry. I agree neither with your facts or
your philosophy—and I appeal to the his
tory of the Government to show how lit-
IN STATESMANSHIP
the comparison causes no blight upon
Southern pride. The Washingtons,
Henrys, Pinckneys, Jefferson?, Madisons,
Calhouns, Clays and Crawfords will com
pare with even the Websters, Bancrofts,
Storeys, Chandlers, Yates, Morriseysand
Mortons. In warriors, the first revolu
tion produced none superior to Washing
ton and Green. Our last revolution had
no character superior to Lee, among our
enemies, and our own army tolerated none
so infamous as Logan. I might allude to
the measures of our statesmen in shaping
the policy of our government and its pu
rity as long as they controlled; but I fear
I have already trespassed upon the pa
tience of the public in holding up your
opinions to their scorn and contempt—
I must not forget to point you to the ex
ports of the country to vindicate the
South from
ty of Georgia.
Gen’l Colquitt, upon taking his seat,
made a practicable aud sensible little
speech, congratulating the Society and
the country on the large attendance
and auspicious circumstances attend
ing the meeting. Col. Samuel Bar
nett made his report as Commission
er of the Society. He said that his
first tour over the State was a rapid
one, in which he attempted to awak
en the attention and secure the co
operation of farmers over the State.
He gave a rather flattering account of
the results of his observations.
Capt. B. H. True then read his
poem, “The Plow,” prepared for the
occasion. It was a little gem of a
poem, and replete with beautiful ideas
and figures, and was listened to with
great interest.
Mr. Newman, of Hancock, deliv
ered his discourse on the subject of
Home Fertilizers,” in which he
plainly demonstrated their economy
and, ceteris paribus, their great su
periority over commercial fertilizers.
This was followed by discussions,
in which the Hon. Mark A. Cooper
m a very humorous manner. Mr.
Cooper said in one year, from ten
head of cattle, he saved twenty-four
thousand pounds of stable manure,
worth $725, aud made eighty bushels
of corn. Mr. Ragsdale, of DeKalb,
suggested he had better sell his ma
nures instead of applying them to the
soil.
The Convehtion adjourns to-day
with the advantages of Germany and at 12 ii., to meet at the Fair Grounds,
other portions of continental Europe,
not only by men and munitions furnish
ed, but the advantages of every new im-
provemrnt in all the appliances of suc
cessful warfare, while we were blockaded
and dependent upon our own energies,
and our own inventive genius, and when
overpowered with numbers and compell
ed to surrender, we returned to the ad
vocations with our capital as it were
taken away ; in many places onr houses
burnt; our farms laid waste; our cattle
and hogs destroyed, and our people dis-
Iieartened, and yet in less than four years
when a collation will he given by the
generous citizens of this pleasant lit
tle mountain city.
More anon. Yours, &c.,
Ager.
GEORGIA NEWS.
Savannah buried eighteen of her citi
zens last week, fourteen of whom were
colored. - • “ -
The Newnan Defender of the 9th says:
.. , . , Mr. A. T. Walker had his hand badly in-
our cotton crop sustains the credit of the j ure d by the bursting of a gun on Mon-
Government that has robbed us. I ■* • • & b
THIS IS NOT ALL.
day evening last.
i , ,i We are informed, says the Newnan De-
One of Southern birtn holds her up to \ fender, that on Saturday night last onr
the scorn and contempt of her worst ene- Marshal, Mr. R, M. Hackney, while sit-
mv on an occasion too sacred for the nf_ i; -_.-i.t- < n ... , . s’ ,
my on an occasion too sacred for the ut
terance of the slander if it had been true.
Could shame demand a deeper blush or
infamy a deeper brand? I must not let
the occasion pass to warn my fellow-citi
zens against your teachings. In review
ing their past history they need no com
mentation to point them to an institu
tion, sanctioned in every age, by every
religion, almost co-equal with creation,
and authorized by the Deify Himself, as
the cause of their misfortunes. The only
duty of the South is to be true to them
selves; forego the luxuries of wealth for
a season; maintain your own high in
tegrity of character; remember the hal
lowed associations of the past; be vigi
lant; be moderate; be virtuous, and truth
ful, not carried away by every wind or corn and cotton in those sections,
doctrine or deceived by every unprinci- Some neighborhoods have had good sea-
pled seducer of your confidence or be- sons, but crops generally have suffered
trayer of your trust, and you will yet ^ ror “ drought and intense heat. In this
have the proud satisfaction of inscribing section we have been more favored.
but
upon your successful banner "per an-
gusta ad augusta,” “through troubles to
grandeur.” “Georgia. 1
of
ting with his family in his front porcb,
was assaulted by some cowardly miscre
ant who snapped four or five caps at him.
The weapon did not fire. No one was
visible, as the night at that hour was
quite dark. A son of Mr. Hackney fired
a gun in the direction of the assailant,
but without effect.
Bev. Dr. Gurry, of Alabama, declines
the Presidency of Mercer University, and
the Macon Telegraph suggests the re-
election of Dr. Tucker.
The Greensboro Herald of the 10th
says : An extended observation and in
quiry through Middle aud Upper Geor
gia, leads us to believe that we are likely
to be disappointed in the aggregate yield
crops of all kinds are now wanting rain,
and the ground softening for tnruips aud
other |Fall crops, which we hope will be
looked after to help through the winter.
The Gwinnett Atlas says: About a half
mile from town, on the Jefferson road,
near the residence of Col. Hutchins, is a
1
An excli ange says: “In the co urse
of her travels Mrs. Stanton met an
Irish woman whose hack bore the scar I .
of many a whipping at the hands of I sp^S, which is pronounced by our pby-
’ ’ ’ ’ *' ~ ' sieians to be valuable for its medical
her husband. Mrs. S. thought it was, .. , . _ ,
a splendid chance to gain an advocate l he ™ ter ? trou ^^
for tlwwamnn ! pregnated with sulphur and iron;
Canse ’ a * d ton? and vigor to thest/macM 'and'aids
I-? 1 ,i° f * n° nCe }T on the head of Biddy the secretions. We understand some of
like the flow of water over a milltail.
Mrs. S. finally stopped for breath, aud
her auditor took occasion to say, *1
always feel better after Patrick whips
me.’ The orator stood not upon the
order of her going, but went at once,”
YOUR WILLFUL, WANTON ATTACK , __
... _ , iV 7 7 , Bounced that “ Col. James F.sk, Jr., has
upon their energv and their indnstiv. 1 ,■ , - r , . , „
h tho. i entirely recovered from his wounds.”—
■Whatever of wealth the North possesses
is traceable to the exclusive benefits they
have derived in moulding the policy and
managing the finances of the Govern
ment. If you are really ignorant of the
the water has been sent to Atlanta to be
subjected to a thorough chemical analy
sis.
The Chronicle and Sentinel says: On
last Monday CoL A. F. RudLer, a well
known citizen of Augusta, died at tlie
Hot Springs in Arkansas. CoL Rualer
was a friend and comp anion-in-anns o!
the great filibuster, General William
Walker. He accompanied Walker m
both of his trips to Nicaragua, and was
his second in command of the last expe
dition. His great nerve and fine
tary abilities were conspicuously display -
ed in both campaigns. When the las
invasion resulted so disasterously, he ami
Walker were both captured and both sen
tenced to be shot. The efforts of Col.
Rudler’s friends in this country, however.
The friends of Fisk need never have had pardon and 7 ^ph.
any apprehensions m regard to his ulti-! distinction as a Colonel. He had been
mate recovery, as it is only the ‘•'good '’' in bad health for some time previous to
that “ die young.” ! Ms death.
k
The Newnau Defender of the 9th says:
The little son of Mrs. Whelan was shot
accidentally on Saturday. He was in the
act of taking a pistol from a drawer, when
it discharged its load. The wound is not
serious, but the occurrence should be a
warning to boys who are in the habit of
carelessly handling fire arms.
1
SSS^The painful intelligence is an-
