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T
HE ATLANTA W EEKLY 8 tl N
THE DAILY SEN
Thubsday Mobntng Novembeb 23
np to a sense of their danger. It is the
intention of General Grant and his party
to convert this country into a despotism
and erect a dynasty over it. They do
not intend to allow a fair election for
The call for a Convention to nominate I p res ;a e nt next year. They intend to in-
a candidate for Governor gives hnt , tjmidate the Sontli and carry it for Grant,
.Nomination for Governor.
short notice, and it is feared it will b 3
very inconvenient for some of the coun
ties to send delegates.
It is highly important that the con
vention shall be full, and that it shall be
a fair representation of the Democracy of
the State. Several prominent Democrats
of the State last evening requested us
to ui%e all the counties to send delegates,
so that we may have a full representation
in the Convention. And in order to be
sure of this, it was suggested that, in all
cases where it will be inconvenient to send
delegates, tho Democrats of the several
counties appoint their Democratic Rep
resentatives in the Legislature to repre
sent them in tho Convention; and that
counties having no Democratic represen
tatives, and not able to send delegates,
appoint the Democratic members of the
Legislature from adjoining counties.
We think, under the circumstan
ces, it would not have been
amiss, if the Democratic mem
bers of the Legislature had assumed the
responsibility and nominated a candidate,
and that it would not be inadvisable if
they would yet do so, and that speedily,
without delay. Under ordinary circum
stances, we should favor a Convention of
delegates fresh from the people to make
this nomination; but as the time is now
so short, we would have no hesitation in
saying that it should, in this instance,
be made by the Democrats of the two
Houses of the Legislature in joint con
vention. It should, in our opinion, have
been done last evening. This is our
judgment. If, in this way, the name of
some able and true representative of the
principles of the party be presented, for
the high and responsible office of Gover
nor, we have not the slightest doubt it
will be heartily acquiesced in by the
Democrats of the State.
If this step should be taken at once,
it would be yrell to have a committee of
the members appointed to' forthwith
open a correspondence with Demociats
iu every county in the State, to have the
news circulated as quickly and as exten
sively as possible, so that a full vote may
be polled in eveiy county. There is not
time enough between now and the day of
the election, to circulate tho news of a
nomination, and secure as full a vote as
the party is capable of poll
ing—let alone the assembling of
county meetings, to'appoint delegates,and
the nomination not to be made till the
Gth December. Prompt action is neces
sary. Eternal vigilance is the price of
Liberty. We are of opinion that it would
bo well, if this course were adopted by
the Democrats in the Legislature without
any longer delay.
Athens has been exalted to the pris
tine glory of her illustrious predecessor,
and her Seven Wise Men have returned
to her hallowed precincts to proclaim the
joyful tiding of her triumph. The bill
for the removal of the Court House from
Watkinsvilleto Athens, which was passed
in the Senate by a vote of 28 to 11,
passed the House, unanimously, yester
day. The parties interested agreed upon
a compromise, providing that the advo
cates of the removal should use their
influence to obtain a charter for a new
county of which Watkinsville is to
be the county site. We rejoice in this
amicable adjustment of a question which
threatened to estrange the citizens of
this veteran old county.
Wicked Threats—The New Rad
ical .Rebellion.
The Era of yesterday calls the passage
of the Election Bill a \“second revolu
tionary measure,” and says it will “result
in trouble and disaster to to the State.
“It wUl establish two Statp Governments, each
claiming recognition as the constituted authority.
This will call in the "" “ “
GEORGIA LEGISLATURE.
NINETEENTH DATS PROCEEDINGS.
SENATE.
intervention of the National
Government. In that event, Governor Conley will
be sustained. He will be sustained because the bill
under which ho is sought to be ousted, is unconsti
tutional and revolutionary.’*
This .is a threat for another Radical
Rebellion.
Not able to do anything else, the Era,
doubtless speaking for Benjamin Conley,
as well as the leaders of the Radical party,
makes threats, and gives notice of an in
tention to make trouble if they can.
The Radical party, and its leaders and
organs, ore the party and the advocates
of revolution and lawlessness, and the
plunderers of the people. The Era and
Conley, and all the ravenous crew, are in
a rage at tho prospect of losing their
chance to further fatten upon the suffer
ings of our people. The whole course of
the party, and its leaders and organs,
from first to last, has been charac
terized by an utter disregard of law,
of propriety, , of public decency, of
individual rights and public good.
They have overridden and trampled
under foot the Constitution and laws of
tho United States and of every State,
county and city, where, through the aid
of bayonets and shameless frauds, they
have come into possession of the reins of
' government; and now, when an outraged
people, who have long submitted patiently
to their plunderings and oppressions, are
about to rid themselves of these cormo
rants, in a perfectly lawful and peaceable
way, they raise a howl and utter threats
and do to with an audacity which indi
cates that they consider themselves as
having a prescriptive right to gnaw out
our vitals forever.
Verily, it is time for the people to wake
by force, fraud and bayonets; and they
intend to practice the same thing in the
North, if necessary; and no better evi
dence of this is needed than the arro
gance and threats of Conley and the
Era.
TI»e Public Printer.
We respectfully ask the Constitution
these questions:
Would not its proprietors willingly
take five or ten dollar jobs of printing
from individuals, at a clear profit of 25
per cent, or 20, or 15 per cent., or even
less? Would they refuse such work on
the ground that there was not enough
profit in i;?
Again: Would they not take from an
individual a job of printing amounting
to a large sum—say fifty or a hundred
thousand dollars—for a clear profit of
even five per cent, upon the cost? Would
they refuse such a job because the profit
would not be sufficient?
And further: if they would not refuse
such a job, but would be willing to ac
cept it for an individual at a small profit,
why not for the State ? Why desire the
hardworking, tax-paying, impoverished,
down-trodden and oppressed people, to
pay them a larger profit than they would
undertake similar work for in the case of
a private individual ?
And still further: if they would refuse
the State Printing at a profit of five per
cent., would they also refuse an individual
job of like magnitude for a profit of five
per cent?
And still farther: if they reply that
they would refuse to take any job of the
magnitude of the State Printing,
either for the State or for an individual,
at a clearly ascertained profit of five per
cent, how small a profit would they put
upon such a job, and accept it, if offered
to them by an individual, rather than see
the work go to some other office, and
they lose it? Coihe right out and answer
squarely, so there can be no mistake about
what you say.
And while on this subject we will fur
ther remark that we have heretofore in
quired what ‘motive prompted several pa
pers in the State, all in unison, to speak
out against a reduction of the exorbit
ant compensation now allowed by law
to the State Printer. The jour
nals we named are coming back and
answering very emphatically, and some al
most indignantly,that they have no interest
in the'eombination which claims the Dem
ocratic nomination for'State Printer; but
not one of them has answered our inqui
ry, and we doubt if one of them can give
us a satisfactory answer. We desire to
know why they oppose a reduction of the
extravagant and unnecessary amount paid
to the State Printer under existing law,
and why they favor the continuance of a
system which squanders the people’s
money ?
It is not sufficient for these journals to
answer that, in the opinion of tlieir ed
itors, the present compensation is not too
high, and that they thiiik the State Prin
ter is justly entitled to 30 per cent, profit
on the work. Admit that they honestly
think so, what motive prompts them to
say so just now ? Why should they care
whether the work is done for less, or not?
What objection have they to its being
done for less ? What is the interest or
motive which now prompts them to cry
out against a reduction ? Ought they
not to be willing to save the tax-payers
from twenty-five to fifty thousand dol
lars if it can be done ? They know the
work can be done Jor a great deal less
than it has heretofore cost, for they all
know that the Manager of The Sun Pub
lishing Company has offered to do so, and
enter into any sort of bond for the faith
ful performance of the work. Then, why
urge the payment of the old extravagant
prices ? Will these journals answer us
on the point here presented ? It is not
enough for them to say they have no in
terest in the matter. Why do they op
pose a reduction of the cost ?
And now a word as to The Sun. The
Constitution thinks we are “peevish and
uncharitable.” It utterly fails to com
prehend that we are acting wholly on
principle, and have no selfish, peevish,
or uncharitable motives whatever. We
have said before, and now repeat, that we
are not trying to defeat the combination
in their candidacy for the printing; but
we do wish to have the work done with
out unnecessary expense to the people.
We asked the Constitution a question,
day before yesterday, which it has not re
plied to in the way we expected. Will
its editors, or will Mr. Hemphill and Mr.
Bnrke, answer the questions we propound
to-day, fairly and squarely ?
And will they further answer: if they are
willidg to have a law passed so guarding
and restricting the work to be performed;
so exactly defining the “cost” of the work
that the State cannot be defrauded; and
will they then say what per cent, upon
that “cost” they are willing to do the
work for ? If they favor retrenchment,
let them show their hand fully,
Hicks, Hillyer, Hunter, Hoyle, Jervis,! eral interference. Mr. Hoge’s speech
The Radicals are at a loss for a reason
to which to assign their defeat in New
Jersey. They now think it due to Mr.
Walsh’s unpopularity among working
men. They seem to forget that the
American people are awakening to the
criminality of the party.
Wednesday, November 22.
The Senate met, President Trammell
in the chair. Prayer by Rev. Mr. Wright.
Roll called and journal approved.
Mr. Hillyer moved to reconsider a bill
to increase the compensation of the Sher
iff of the Supreme Court, lost on yester
day; the motion was carried and the bill
was recommitted to the Judiciary Com
mittee.
A bill to give to contractors and sub
contractors a lien on railroads for labor
done in the construction thereof, being
unfinished business, was taken up, and
on motion of Mi*. Nnnnally, Recommitted
to the Judiciary Committee.
A bill to alter and amend Section 1035
and 1038 of the Code, relating to the
Public Printing, was, on motion of Mr.
Nicholls, taken up.
Mr. Lester moved to substitute a bill
to regulate and let out to the lowest bid
der the Public Printing of this State.
Mr. Kibbee made the point that the
bills did not relate to tbe same subject
matter and, therefore, one could not be
substituted for the other.
The President ruled that the bills did
relate to the same subject matter, and
that the substitute could be first per
fected.
Mr. Candler appealed from the decis
ion of the President.
Mr. Lester hoped the ruling of the
Chair would be sustained.
Tbe motion to substitute and the ap
peal were withdrawn.
Mr. Lester moved to lay the bill on the
table.
The motion was lost—yeas 13; nays 20.
The bill amends the law relating to
public printing by providing that 750
copies of tbe Journals of the Legislature
shall be printed, instead of 2,000, and by
inserting, “that said account is correct
and just, and that the prices paid are not
above the customary rates of similar work
and material, when employed in service
of private parties,” and changes the com
pensation from 30 per cent to 25 per
cent.
Mr. Nicholls moved to strike out 25
per cent and insert 10 per cent.
Mr. Burns opposed the amendment.—
He said the rates of compensation are
already as low as they should be, con
sidering the cost of the printing and ex
penditures not estimated in the cost
sworn to.
Mr. Nicholls insisted upon his amend
ment, because he had been informed
that the work could be profitably done
at that rate, and had heard no reason
stated to the contrary.
Mr. Hillyer said the committee had
determined upon that rate after thorough
and accurate investigation, and the bill
was the result of careful consideration.
Mr. Matthews thought the rotes pro
vided for by the amendment would not re
munerate the printer, and the bill was
the best that could be devised.
The amendment was lost by ayes 14,
nays 24.
Mr. Brown moved to strike out 25 per
cent., and insert 15 per cent.; lost by
Ayes—Messrs. Brock, Brown, Bruton,
Campbell, Candler, Clark, Colman, Cone,
Heard, Hunter, Jervis, Kirkland, Lester,
Nichols, Smith and Welch—16. -
Nays—Messrs. Anderson, Black, Burns,
Cameron, Deveaux, Estes, Erwin, Griffin,
Hicks, Hillyer, Hoyle, Jones, Jordan.
Kibbee, Matthews, McWhorter, Nnnnal
ly, Peddy, Reese, Richardson, Simmons,
Steadman, Wallace and Wellborn—24.
Mr. Candler moved to amend the bill
by adding to the last Section by striking
out “four” and inserting “two,” relating
to the number of thousand copies of the
laws that shall be printed; lost.
Mr. Burns moved to postpone the
whole matter indefinitely; lost.
Mr. Reese moved to amend by adding
to the last section, that the Public Prin
ter shall not print in the Comptroller
General’s report the condition of Insu
rance Companies out of the State.
Mr. Simmons opposed the amendment
as unjust to foreign Insurance Compa
nies.
Mr. Reese supported the amendment,
and said that these reports covered every
city, town and village in the country like
the locusts of Egypt, and it is useless for
tbe State to inflict more of them on the
people; that a man can only escape them,
as it is, by burying himself. The amend
ment was adopted; the bill was passed as
amended.
A bill to make it penal to withhold
money or property belonging to the State
of Georgia, being the special order, was
then taken up.
On motion, a bill to provide a remedy
by which money or property stolen or
fraudulently detained from the State or
the Western and Atlantic Railroad may
be recovered, and for other purposes,
was taken np as a substitute.
The bill provides that upon the infor
mation of any citizen the Solicitor Gen
eral shall file a petition in the Superior
Court to recover money or property frau
dulently stolen or detained from the
State; and, that an attachment shall
issue against the property of the defend
ant, upon the oath of the informer that
said defendant does detain money or
property from the State.
Mr. Hillyer proposed to strike out the
9th Section, which provides that the in
former shall file a bond to indemnify the
defendant against all costs, damages and
expenses, provided it shall appear in ths
trial that such claim or information is false
or unfounded—and insert therefor that
upon the defendant making affidavit that,
to the best of his knowledge and belief,
the information is false and unfounded,
the Judge shall issue an order to show
cause why the informer should not give
such bond, and upon the return of said
rule the Judge may require snch bond or
not, in his discretion.
Mr. Candler opposed the amendment.
Mr. Brock spoke against the amend
ment.
Mr. Hillyer claimed that the section,
as it stands, casts such an obstruction in
the way of the remedy as entirely de
stroys it, and the Courts should not be
closed against such suits in that way, and
that there is no parallel case in the law.
Mr. Wellborn moved to lay the bill on
the table; carried.
The veto message of the Governor ad
interim, to the bill to provide for a special
election to fill the unexpired term of
Rufus B. Bollock, late Governor; and for
other purposes, was then taken up, and,
on motion, read.
Mr. Candler called the previous ques
tion on the passage of the bill. The vote
on the passage of the bill stood:
Ayes—Messrs. Brown,Borns, Cameron,
Candler, Cone, Estes, Erwin, Heard,
Jones, Jordan, Kirkland, Kibbee, Lester,
Matthews, Nicholls, Nunnally, Peddy,
Beese, Richardson, Simmons, Steadman
and Wellborn—27.
Nays—Messrs. Anderson, Black, Brock,
Bruton, Campbell, Clark, Colman, Cray
ton, Deveanx, Griffin, McWhorter, Smith,
Wallace and Welch—14.
The President voted yes—making two-
thirds majority, as required by the Con
stitution, and the bill was passed.
On motion the Senate then adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Speaker Smith called the House to
order at 9 a. m. Prayer by the Cfaup-
lain. Journal read and approved.
On motion of Mr. Heidt, the rules
were suspended to take up a resolution
providing that no member shall be al
lowed to speak longer than 10 minutes
on any subject without the consent of the
members present.
Mr. Pou moved to amend by inserting
15 instead of 10 minutes. The amend
ment was agreed to and the resolution
was adopted.
The message from the Governor re
turning the bill to provide for an election
to fill tbe unexpired term caused by the
resignation oi R. B. Bullock, without
his approval was, read. (The message
appears in full elsewhere in The Sun.)
Mr. Russell hoped that the bill would
pass by an overwhelming constitutional
majority, and that every true man would
do his whole duty in giving his utmost
aid in securing to our people their con
stitutional rights.
Mr. Bush also favored the passage of
the bill, urging the duty of all good men
to do their utmost in putting down usur
pation.
Mr. Jackson was opposed to passing
the bill over the Governor’s veto, remark
ing that the Legislature has not assem
bled for the purpose of deposing Mr.
Conley, be he corrupt or otherwise, but
to look to and work for the good of the
people. Under the Constitution, Conley
is not Governor and is a usurper under
tho law, and ought not to have been rec
ognized, and the majority who voted to
recognize him are now on a different line
when they propose to hold an election to
fill the office they recognize that he now
holds. The last Legislature should have
provided a general law to fill unexpired
terms, and now it is too late to
pass a law to fill a vacancy which
has been filled before this bill be
comes a law. If Mr. Jenkins were
in Conley’s place, would it be attempted
to order an election. If one could look
into the hearts o! the people, it would be
seen that they do not want an election
he»d now, for the risks are greater than
the advantages to be gained. The Fed
eral Congress is on the eve of assembling,
and nearly every State in which elections
have been held has gone Republican.—
The Kuklux committees are about to re
port, and so long as the colored and
white people are arrayed on opposite
sides, there will be trouble at the elec
tion, and amid all these circumstances,
we are to attempt to inaugurate a Gov
ernor, with the greatest probability that
the present incumbent will resist his en
trance into the Gubernatorial chair.—
The talk abont military rule is nonsense,
and this argument is made for the best
interest of the State, and not from fear
of military rule.
Mr. Jackson said he is a Democrat so
long as the party acts rightly, and a Re
publican so far as the Republican party
acts rightly.
Mr. Bacon said that he wanted to vin
dicate himself, and those who will vote
for the passage of the bill, from any im
putation of so acting because of a desire
of popularity, or fear of popular opinion.
The reasons assigned for the veto*are fal
lacious. The law is clear that the Gen
eral Assembly may order this election,
and doe3 it behoove the present incum
bent to raise a quibble of the kind when
he is deciding upon his own rights, and
all the argument on the other side is
based upon the idea that Mr. Conley will
resist the newly elected Governor; and
yet, when the bill was up for passage, it
was argued that no imputation should
be cast upon him. It is not
question of policy now when the
Legislature has determined that the in
terests of the State demand the proposed
election, and the Acting Governor has
declared that he will not sanction the bill.
It becomes a question of policy, and the
gentleman from Fulton is mistaken when
he says that the people do not desire this
election. They have been plundered and
maligned by the “ head devil” who stands
self-convictecl, and has fled, leaving one
of his own supporters to fill the place he
occupied so as to have his villainies cov
ered up. This, if lor no other purpose,
ought to make it desirable to get him out.
The gentleman from Fulton admits that
Conley is a usurper, and, if that is so, it
is the duty of sworn Legislators to not
recognize usurpation but to repudiate it.
If Mr. Conley will not yield to the Gov
ernor now proposed to be elected, why
should he yield two years hence, and why
would not the same trouble be feared
then as now ? The veto message, when
stripped of all unsound argument, dwin
dles down to the idea that Mr. Conley is
in the office of Governor and wants to
stay there twelve months longer.
Mr. Hoge thought that Mr. Conley is
only exercising the duties of Governor
until a successor is elected and qualified,
and it is beyond successful controversy
that the right to hold an election to fill
the vacancy exists. The idea of Mr,
Conley, that no special act can be passed,
but that a general law must be
passed, is clap-trap for was not the
last general election for members of the
General Assembly, held under a special
law authorizing the polls to be held open
three days, &c.? Again, Mr. Conley
seems to imagine that he has a vested
right in theoffice. If his ideas were cor
rect, his right could only be a lease, to
terminate when a successor is elected;
and it is proposed to provide for the per
son to be elected to take his place when
his supposed lease expires. Again, Mr.
Conley says it will cost about one hun
dred and fifty thousand dollars to hold
an election. It does not behoove him to
say how much it is worth to the people
of Georgia to have somebody else in his
place. The mistake in reference to
the number of a section in the
bill was made by reference to Con
ley’s Analysis of the Constitution, which
cost the State §11,000. This mistake
amounts to nothing. The idea that
there may be trouble at the election is all
nonsense. The Radicals think they have
their Governor, now, and consequently
there will be a perfect love-feast on the
part of the Democratic party, who alone
will probably participate in the elec
tion. As to the idea of military inter
ference, there can he no pretext for Fed
was clear, convincing and chaste in utter
ance and expression;
Mr. Snead called the previous question, ] W e do not mystify it.’
which call was sustained. Tho yeas and ***■ ’
nays were taken, with the following re
sult:
Yeas—Messrs. W. D. Anderson, W. P.
Anderson, Bacon, Baker of Pike, Berrien,
Ballenger, Barron, Butts, Bush, Bunn,
Booth, Brewton, Bowie, Barksdale, Carl
ton, Clark of Richmond, Clark of Troup,
Cato, Chastain, Craig, Collins, Cum
mings, Crittenden, Cox, Cody, Cleghorn,
Chancy, Davis of Newton, Dell, Ed
wards, Farmer, Field, Fain, Glover, Guy
ton, Griffiu of Twiggs, Goldsmith, Gra
ham, Goodman, Gray, Hooks, Hall of
Upson, Hudson, Hendley, Howell, Har
vey, Hoge, Hughes, Heidt, Hunter, Jen
kins, Jones of Terrell, Johnson of Clay,
Johnson of Jefferson, Killian, Knoles,
Kennedy, Kelly, Lang, Lamkin, Mann,
Morris, McNeil, Meadows, Martin, Mur
phy of Harris, McMillan, McConnell,
Mattox,Murphy of Burke,Morrison,Netli-
erland, Nutting, Paulk, Patillo, Phillips,
Palmer, Payne, Pentecost, Peeples, Pax
ton, Pou, Pierce, Benfroe, Reid, Riley,
Rountree, Rutherford, Russell, Rich
ards, Slaton, Snead, Summerlin, Scott,
Smith of Oglethorpe, Simmons of Gwin
nett, Spence, Stovall, Sellers, Tarver,
Trammell, Wofford of Bartow, Wofford
of Banks, Woodward, Wilson, Walters,
Wood, West, Wynn—110.
Nays—Allred, Atkinson, Bruton of De
catur, Blue, Brown, Battle, Campbell,
Clower, Converse, Colby, Dukes,
Davis of Clark, Emerson, Ether
idge, Floyd, Franklin, Griffin of
Honston, Hall of Meriwether, Head,
Hillyer, Jones of Macon, Jackson, Lewis,
Mansfield,Moreland,McWhorter, O’Neal,
Oliver, Putney, Richardson, Smith of
Coweta, Simmons of Hall, Simmons of
Houston, Sargent, Williams and What
ley—36.
The bill was declared passed,, notwith
standing the veto, and was ordered trans
mitted to the Senate.
On motion of Mr. Hall of Upson, the
rules were suspended to take up the Sen
ate resolution passed yesterday, provid
ing for the appointment of a committee
to take an inventory of articles of house
hold and kitchen furniture in the Execu
tive mansion. The resolution was adop
ted. Messrs. Hall of Upson, Rutherford
and Murphy of Harris, were appointed
on said committee.
On motion of Mr. McMillan the rules
were suspended to take up a resolution
offered by himself, providing that the
Finance Committee inquire into the pur
poses, &e., of certain bonds in the hands
of the Comptroller General, said to be for
the benefit of the school fund, &c.; adop
ted.
On motion of Mr. Johnson of Jeffer
son, the rules were suspended and a res
olution offered by Mr. Hoge, asking Con
gress to refund tax collected on raw cot
ton under the revenue laws, was taken
up and adopted.
The bill, by Mr. Camming, to endow
tbe University of Georgia, was read the
first t»’me and 200 copies ordered to be
printed; also, a bill to change the time of
holding Richmond Superior Court; also,
by Mr. Nutting, a bill to amend usury
law.
The bill to change the county site of
Clark county from Watkinsville to
Athens, was taken up and passed.
A bill by Mr. Jones, of Macon, to
make employers responsible for tax due
by employee.
A resolution by Mr. Bacon in reference
to State aid to railroads was read, and
made the special order for Monday next.
Mr. W. D. Anderson, in voting yea on
the election bill, said that he did so on
the ground that Mr. Conley denies to the
people of Georgia the exercise of a clear,
constitutional right; but he stood opposed
to the policy of an election.
Leave of absence was granted to Messrs.
Heidt, Hunter, Putney,. Dell, Simmons,
of Houston, R. A. Murphy, Jones of
Gwinnett.
The use of this Hall was tendered to
Mr. Law for the purpose of delivering a
lecture.
The House then adjourned.
Agricultural Education.
We publish the following extract from
the address of the President of the Uni
versity of Minnesota, as a subject of in
terest in our State at the present time,
showing what views in reference to this
matter are held in the West:
In the West generally the wise plan has
been adopted of connecting the new in
dustrial schools with the State Universi
ties. This was the obvious and natural
course, particularly in those States whose
Universities had already been charged
with the establishment of a department
of agriculture, as was the case in Min
nesota. It is a remarkable fact that very
many of the great agricultural colleges of
Germany, which were organized and for
a long time conducted separately and in
dependently, have been of late united
with some University. I am able now to
recall those of Poppelsdorf, now a part
of the University of Bonn; the schools
near Berlin, Halle, Jena and Leipsic, now
united with those Universities respective
ly—and the great schools at Eldena in
connection with the University of Greifs-
wald. It was not merely economy which
dictated these changes. The education
of the separate schools was found to be
one-sided and incomplete; and the grad
uates did not take rank in society with
those of the Universities. Under the
new arrangement, the students in agri
culture matriculated into the University
—they use and enjoy all the general
advantages and apparatus of the
University, they are University men
—and if on graduation the agri
culturist finds himself on a lower level
than the lawyer, soldier or physician, it
is his individual fault. The great Scot
tish Agricultural College, on the whole
the most successful one in Great Britain,
was from the first part and parcel of the
University of Edinburg.
I rejoice that in Minnesota we have
recognized the unity and community of
all professions, and that onr educated
farmers and artisans are not to be shut
out from the great republic of letters,
science and art.
Beginning, then, in Minnesota, the
novel business of industrial education,
you are entitled to demand of ns upon
what principles and by what methods we
propose to conduct it. Happily we have
no principles to propose. Fiduciaries of
a trust, we merely propose to do our
duty according to principles laid down
for us in the law. I want no better ones.
Onr prescribed business is the liberal and
practical education of the industrial clas
ses. Of our methods I will speak, briefly
hereafter—meantime let us inquire
little more narrowly what may be meant
by liberal and practical education.
The latter, at least, is plain enough if
.’o do not mystify it. ° ’
That education is practical which
teaches. one how to do his work *—
“How to do our work ?” some one ‘will
say, “we know that already. We ne^l
no college professors to teach us how
to plow and sow, to fodder cattle tl
dig ditches and make fences” TW
is true. The manual operations of £
farm are best learned on the farm anrl
always will be. I do not need to go inti
a minute statement of the particular
wherein we need the light ofscienStS
lUummate our darkness. We all know
that our farming is a matter of cut aZ
toy. We have few settled prilcMe^
We have no agreement as to rotation of
crops. We have no economy of fertili
zers. In fact, it is a mooted point wheth
er we shall leave our manures where na
ture does, on the surface, or plow them
under. We pretend to no knowledge of
the anatomy and physiology of domestic
am mals, and our remedies for their diseases
are worthy of the Hottentots. We Me
at the mercy of a horde of enemies, the
rust, the blight, the mildew, the bugs of
all kinds, and know not how to oppose
them. And so on. The things I now
speak of are those which depend on sci
ence, just as the operations of medicine
and surgery depend on science. We can
teach science in schools. We have alrea
dy many noble examples of scientific
farmers who have acquired thisknowlege
in the intervals of work, our Allens and
Geddeses and Harrises and Sheldons. A
school is not the only place in which to
learn science, but if you wish to teach
large numbers economically then yon
must have schools. The success of En-
ropean schools of agriculture has placed
their value and feasibility beyond all
question.
If these views are correct, our practical
education of the farmer will result in his
technical instruction in applying science to
agriculture. * * * Any system of ed
ucation, however, which contemplates the
farmer merely as a tiller of the soil would
be a very mistaken and defective one.
The farm bas higher uses than to bear
harvests and nourish man and beast.
There is a nobler crop than any that was
ever stored in cellar or bam. * * The
chief use of tbe farm is to furnish a home.
I speak now of the small farms, whose
number I hope may never grow less. The
small farmer, if he is a wise man, does
not expect t.. be rich. He cannot do it
and live as a civilized man ought. His
business is a lottery. The day h e is ready
to sow there comes a storm, or his best
team horse lies down and dies. All sum
mer long be is balanced between hope
and fear. Floods may drown his crops;
the drouth may parch it up; the frost
may nip his com in the milk. Iu good
years he only makes up the losses of the
bad ones. Tbe men who make much
money on small farms do so by dicker
and jockeying and speculation. No, the
average farm is not the place to get rich
on, but the best place under the whole
sky to raise up children. If economy be
practiced the farm yields food, clothing,
shelter, a needful supply. The very un
certainty of the farmer’s income is itself
o.n educating power, teaching patience,
and self-denial. Above all, the farm
yields varied employment and innocent
diversion. For from the excitements
of the town and its demoralizing sights
and sounds, under the open heaven, in
the presence and company of parents and
relatives, the children grow up in blessed
ignorance of vice. I do not think there
is any school so good for a young man
as to work in the fields with a brave,
prudent and vise farmer. It is a mis
fortune that mechanics’ sons do not gen
erally work in the company of their
fathers. The farmer’s children spend
their nights at home; and the winter
evenings around the mother’s work
table are the blessedest school time ever
offered on earth.
A second caution is against expecting
too great a number of candidates for
thorough scientific education in agricul
ture. We have no such demand as ex
ists in Europe for experts in forestry or
gardening. We have no great landed
proprietors needing stewards and ten
ants, and may the day be far distant when
we shall have them. I have little doubt
but that the manufacturing and building
arts will at first make greater demands
upon us than the farming interests. So
much have we to say for the industrial
branch of the University. The University
has other interests equally dear, but she
will know no favorites. AU arts shall
find a home within her walls, all faithful
students will find her an alma mater.—
We have the beginnings of what may be
come a great institution of learning, the
centre of the scientific and literary ac
tivity of the State, the pride of the whole
people. Let me bespeak from this great
body its countenance and support. The
University is part and parcel of your sys
tem of public instruction, and can only
live iu vital connection with it. It must
grow, can only grow along with it. Our
success is inseparably bound up with that
of your common schools, your high
schools, and your normal schools.—
Throw, then, your strong arms around
them all. Equip and furnish them gen
erously, as you have already begun.—
Link them in your affections, with
hearth-stone and roof-tree. By God’s
grace they shall yield a grander harvest
than ever yet was garnered from your
fields—a race of strong-armed, high-
souled men and women.
The voice of condemnation—of sur
prise, regret and mortification, at the
speech and vote of Captain Harry Jack-
son, yesterday, in the Honse, is almost j
universal. When the Democracy of Fnl*
ton county elected him to the Legists*
tore, they did not expect him to gi? e
such a vote or make such a speech. B* |
what he did—no matter what may be hu
individual views—he does not represent
his constituency, and will not be sustained
by a respectable handful of our people.
The splendid speech of Colonel Hoge,
against the veto, and the bold, square ^
votes given by him and Dr. Wilson and
Major Hillyer, for the redemption of on 1
people from the thraldom of Radicalism,
is the theme of unmingled commendati 03
on every tongue.
Captain Jackson has disappointed t
just expectation of his friends andk^
party. We greatly regret that he ^
thought proper to so—all the more e '
cause of the personal friendship existfoo^-
between him and us.