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CONTENTS
“ATLANTA WEEKLY SUN,’
'ton TUE WEEK ZSTDISO
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 14th, 1872.
EDITORIALS—
An Additional Friendly Chat page 6
A word aa what the Democratic Party of Geor
gia Propose* - 6
Meeting of True Democrat a in Fulton County 243
THE STATE ROAD LEASE—
Correspondence Between aeveral Members of the
Legialature, and M»J. Campbell Wallace; Comments
of <‘S. C. M.” on the aame; Article of Tax Payer in
Favor of the Lease, 3. Aitfnl Dodgea and Tricks;
B. H. Hilla Letter No. 4. “One of the People"
sgalnetihe Lease, 3. The State Road Lease and
Bribery; Campbell Wallace replies to “S. C M," 7.
The Bond of the Kimball Cameron Company; Stupid
Hunt among the Tax Books, 6. An appeal to Abient
Ones; M«J. Cimbell Wallace and the Lease; B. H.
Hills Review No. 6; “S. C. M” to Campbell Wallace,
4. Campbell Wallace and the Lease, 6. Article of
Citizen, 1. Communication by Phocion, 4.
POBOCEEDINGS OF THE LEGISLATURE, C 4 6.
DEMOCRATIC MEETINGS—
In Taliaferro, 6; In Oglethorpe, 8; In Troup
county, 8.
MISCELLANEOUS—
Gen. Toombs at Athens, 8. Book Notices, 1; Bo-
mantle Robbery, 4. The Crops, 8. Fashions, 8.—
Telegrap, Markets, &c., 8. Advertisements, 7 k 8. |
ELY
YOL. 3, NO. 8.} ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 14, 1872. {
WHOLE -I rv/>
NUMBER , J.UI)
Communicated,
THE STATE ROAD LEASE.
Its Relations to t he Public and the Rail,
road*.
School HUtory, by lion. A. H. Stephens.
A REVIEW BY REV. D. WILLS, D. 1^, PRES
IDENT OF OGLETHORPE UNIVERSITY, AT
LANTA, GA.
A compendium of the history of the United Statea,
from the earliest settlements to 1872, designed to
answer the purpose of a text book in schools and
oollcges, as well as to meet the wants of general
readers, by Amxuwxu H. Stephens, author of
tho “Constitutional View of the late War between
the States,” and Professor-elect of History and
Political Science in the University of Georgia.—
New York: E. J. Hit.*& Son, Publishers, Murray
street; Columbia, S. C., W. J. Duffik, 1872.
This valuable work which has been
anxiously looked lor, has recently ap
peared in a decidedly attractive and pop
ular form. Its typographical and me
chanical execution reflects credit on the
house which has issued it; and its con
venient size, solid binding and happy
arrangement into chapters and sections,
admirably adapt it to the use of schools
and colleges. As a text-hook, we pre
dict for this compend a hearty and ex
tensive adoption; and as a work for gen
eral instruction, no reader in the land
ought to ho without a copy of it
The Southern people may he
. justly proud of this noble contri
bution to their growing literature, and
the grand old common-wealth of Georgia
will doubtless evince an appreciation of
the industry, patriotism and talents of
her distinguished son, by giving this
richly-stored volume a cordial welcome
to the thousands of her intelligent and
happy households. We believe that this
work of the great Georgian, is destined
to become the standard of historic truth
and excellence for centuries to come,
just as Mr. Stephens’ work on the War
Between the States, is acknowledged to
he the most complete and triumphant
vindication of the Southern people, ever
placed on record. Mr. Stephens has pe
culiar qualifications for the office
of historian. In the first place
ho is one of the ablest states
men of the age. He has not only
mastered the principles and maxims of
all political science, but is profoundly
familiar with the rise and progress of
American institutions.
In the second place, his mind is emi
nently philosophical in its structure and
modes of thought, and does not stop with
the mere dry details of history, but un
folds the relations betwei n cause and ef
fect, and makes just deductions from
facts and circumstances. It is capable of
the clearest and broadest generalizations.
In the.third place, the author of this
work was a prominent actor in some of
the most exciting and eventful scenes of
American History, and therefore is ena
bled to speak from personal oDseivation
and matured experience.
And lastly, Mr. iStepaen? has always
been characterized by a sincere auu
steadfast love for truth, and this we re
gard as the most important trait in the
character of a historian. This rare com
bination of qualities is the key to the
lofty arid lasting merits of the work
which has called forth this brief, but
candid review.
Vice Chancellor Blell.
We cheerfully give place to the fol
lowing correction of an erroneous state
ment, which appeared in The Sun a few
days ago:
University of Georgia, )
Athens, Ga., Augnsl 9,172. J
Editors Sun : Sms—In your issue of
to-day appears a statement that “Dr. P.
H. Mell has resigned the Vice Chancel
lorship of the University, and Gen. E.
P. Alexander has been elected in his
stead.”
This is an entire mistake. Dr. Mell
has not resigned at all, and General A.
has been elected to fill a totally different
Professorship—“Military Scienoe and
Mechanics.”
We have strong hopes that Dr. Mell
will return from Europe, with his health
restored, and resume duty before the
end of the year. With respect,
Wm. Henby. Waddell.
Letus, withou tdiscussing the policy of
leasing the road, consider only the man
ner of the lease, and this notin a techni
cal way, but on principles of common
sense and common honesty.
If best to lease it, there was a fair and
proper way to accomplish it, viz: by first
furnishing the public with full informa
tion os to the condition and value of the
property, and then disposing of it on
reasonable conditions, in open market.
This would have been fair to the State,
fair to all interests involved, giving just
and equal chances to the State as owner,
and to all citizens interested.
How do the Act and the Lease under
it, compare in fact, with this just and
obvious statement of proper principles?
The act shows-intemal evidence of the
most striking and satisfactory sort, that
no such lease as this was ever practicable
under it, or intended by it. Not that
it wants provisions with a plausible
look that way, but the real meaning and
effect were air to the contrary. The
provisions were deceptive, and too
shrewdly so, to be so unintentionally.
We propose to examine the record
itself, as upon a motion in arrest of judg
ment. We are Reaching for traces of
Fraud or Fairness, without reference to
who made them. We are analyzing for
poison, to see whether it is in, not who
put it in.
The act was passed Oct. 24, 1870, and
the lease effected December 25tb. No
inventory of the property ot the road,
however, was published; and so the pub
lic was uninformed of a fact of great
importance in estimating its value.
LOOSE ON THE LESSEES, BINDING ON THE
STATE.
The first provision of the act is ealeu
lated to mislead. It is really very favor
able to the lessees, yet reads as if very
hard on them. Its true effect is to ren
der the lease binding on the State, and
loose on the lessees. Its apparent effect
to represent the State ejecting the
lessees from a hard bargain by force and
arms. Bead the section and see what
splendid rights are by it secured to tho
State. If the lessees find they have
made a bad bargain, and wish to get rid
of it, the St^te lias the right to
drive them out of it pell mell,
Under this plausible cover is veiled
the important right of the les
sees to withdiaw from the lease at
any time, with no corresponding right
on the part of the State.
Imagine the Governor with the posse
comilalus of each county along the line
ot the road engaged in compelling the
lessees to do what they, on their part,
are equally anxious to do—let go.
SECURITY EXCESSIVE—EXCLUDES at.t. BUT
THE RING.
The 2d section has the some plausible
look of zeal for the public welfare.—
How amply does the act provide for the
security of the State. A Bond of $8,-
000,000 ! How ample ! How provident!
Now, either this immense bona was
necessary or unnecessary. If necessary,
the Bailroad Companies assumed no
small liability. If unnecessary the
State excluded bidders unnecessarily, and
mnch to her detriment; for the condi
tions were such that few could comply.
Only one set conld. A ring, to comply
witn these conditions had to be skilfully
gotten up. Query, which was gotten up
first, the ring (in a partial and embryo
state) or the act ? Again, if necessary,
the most probable and almost the only
classes of bidders who conld give the
prodigious bond were the Bailroad and
Express Companies. But these were ex
cluded by express enactment. This made
the chances of opposition very narrow.
If unnecessary, and intended as a pro
vision merely in terrorem to frighten off
bidders, it was inconsistent with the
main ODject of an honest bill.
For which was it intended; for safety,
or to fit a ring? It was too large for the
real exigency, and not in the form best
adapted to secure the real interests of the
State. It was too big for any body else
than the specific ring which effected the
lease. Snch a provision necessarily con
fined the bidding to a company composed
mainly* of railroad men, or else to the
railroad or express companies themselves.
But these were put out of the way in
terms. So the platform left for bidders
was too narrow for outsiders', only insid
ers could occupy. The wall 8,000,000
high kept out intruders.
Twenty years is a long peiiod—fall of
hazards. Perhaps instead of relying on
so huge a bond, the State might have
protected itself differently. For exam
ple, suppose an annual report of the
condition of the road and its outfit was
provided ,or—the State appointing the
Committee of inspection. With a reason
able bond not excluding nor injuriously
limiting competition, the State might
have been protected even better than • -
a long standing bond. A deposit ol u
far less amount would have served a bet
ter purpose.
No provision seems to have been made
for the safety of the securities. They—
poordrndge6—were only thought of as
bearers of burdenB. The State is osten
sibly well cared for. The securities, left
out in the cold. The Lessees covertly,
take all benefits. The securities carry
the risk, not of $25,000 pet month alone,
but of deteno atiou and ultimate resto
ration.
R. B. COMPANIES MADE CATS-PAWS.
Now, as to the relations of the railroad
companies to the lease: It would seem
that the mere reading of the act would
make them go about their business. No
use for you at this auction; this is no
concern of yours. Not so fast—read
ur tlier. The benefits are not for you,
but you are at lioerty to assume the bur
dens. Don’t consider yourselves slight
ed. You are expressly invited to bear
the burdens.
“We can’t help feeling this slur,”.one
would expect as the sm-wt-r; tun he
would not do justice to the boldness of a
ring. The railroad companies are per
mitted by the act, and requested by the
lessees, to assume theburdens.
Why go security? The presumption
with men of business is generally decided
against going security. Show cause!
else it is unwise and unsafe. Good
cause! Some go security for love—some
for money. For which cause shall we
go? “To avoid partiality in the man
agement.” But the act does this. “To
avoid its invasion.”
But all declining, we would have the
same relations as if all went in.
A general and thorough conference
would have seemed a proper preliminary
to any action in the premises. The pre
sumption in favor of -non-action was very
powerful. Principals, the railroad com
panies conid not be. They were express
ly excluded from this position. The
burdens proposed for their acceptance
were either real or imaginary. If real,
keep out. If imaginary, keep out, and
thus defeat the effort to exclude Didders,
by refusing to back tlie.Ting. At all
events, before action, conference, and not
merely a little telegraphing at arm’s
length. We ah know how chevaliers <T
Industrie get up indorsements. They go
to Mr. A. and say, Mr. B. will en
dorse, if you will. Then to Mr. B. and
say, A. agrees to indorse if you will.
And so A. and B. both indorse, each on
the representation of the other’s willing
ness, said representation communicated
to both by Mr. K.
We are out now. Shall we go in?
“Will you walk into my parlor?” We
respectfully decline. We cannot eat at
your feast. We areinvited not as guests,
but as waiters. Please excuse us. It
complaisance goes so far, however, as to
consent to this—at least arrange terms to
protect yourselves from b'dng over
worked—terms on which you will in
dorse, if obstinately bent on indorsing
that delightful and safe thing. Terms—
terms—terms of indorsement. Since
we are cat’s-paws in the transaction—the
chestnuts yours—the coals and burned
fingers ours, we should act for a well-se
cured consideration, certainly, and not
blindly or in haste. But what do we
get? Is the railroad company, as such,
represented at all in fact? Suppose the
president or director, who informally
represents the company, to die—resign—
or be defeated; what then? Has any
one ot them a twenty-years lease,both of
life and office? Both are necessary.
What permanence is there even in infor
mal representation? What hold, if that
representative is inefficient or unsatisfac
tory to the company, in his action or in
fluence? The securityship is not for one
lessee, representing the railroad. It is
for the whole list, accepting their man
agement for better, for worse. Is there
anything business-like in all this? Is
the consideration adequate? Such as it
is, is it secure for a moment? Is it se
cure io^twenty years. r
“LOOSH.”
Loose management this. A degree of
looseness is reached, indeed, of gushing,
heedless, looseness, once expressed in
my hearing by a plain man as “ loosh.”
There is no provision in the act itself,
and none in the action of the companies,
by which any company gets any benefit
thereby, formal or informal, really or
permanently seenrea to it. The means
do not fit the exigency of the case.—
Why go security? For lov«. ? No. For
interest ? Then secure that interest.
Discrimination is provided, against by
the terms of the act, if carried out. If
not, you have no new means of enforc
ing your rights added, by virtue of secu
rityship. All keep out. If you go in—
confer—arrange—get terms—exact condi
tions of securityship. Fit the means to
tho end.
Indorse for twenty years ! Your re
presentative may not last for one ! In
dorse your President; but also Mr.
Cameron and Mr. Delano! Indorse
your President dow—next year bis exe
cutors or assigns ! Your President now
—a new President before the close of the
lease !—wholly unconnected with that
enterprise, Terms—terms— terms— se
cure yourselves as securities — estimate
your burdens, and see if the benefits cor
respond. At least, secure actual and
formal representation and influence, to
begin, go on and last as long as and as
fully as the liability. You should either
have ample counter security, or else con
trol and succession. Also your own com
mittees to report the condition of the
property, and the state of your liability,
None of all this—in fact.
the immense profit of §1,500,000. Money
now is worth much more than 7 per cent.
But while paying thus highly to the les
sees, this huge item wis not fairly known
and exposed to sale. We do not say that
$500,000 was the exact value, but use
that sum for illustration only.
Suppose the lease to be effected had
been of a farm and the stock upon it, in
the lump ? Would it not be essential to
inform bidders in advance of the partic
ulars constituting the stock? No publi
cation has been made before or since the
lease of this information. I cannot tell,
nor can the public, whether the valuation
was fair, or what was the aggregate, or
what werethe items.
GEORGIANS !
making the record from which he after
wards fled. Nor does the matter im
prove upon acquaintance. A clear and
candid exposition is all that it needs.—
The right to criticise this transaction
elosely, aside from express invitation, I
claim, in the two-fold capacity of
A Citizen and a Stckholdeb.
ALT. A SHAM.
But query ? Is the seenrityship more
than a sham ? Are you the victims of
loose management, or is it the State which
remains really unsecured? The provision
in terrorem, requiring the bond for
$8,000,000 has accomplished its purpose.
The bond is now functus officio, and lies
qnietly on the shelf, to be heard of no
more; and your rights have been only
nominally imperilled—the lessees alone
being taken care of all the time in the
premises. The State unsecured—the
Bailtc.ad Companies unhurt, and the
Lessee-* in possession.
But we pass from this monstrous section
and monstrous action under it, to the
next provision.
INVENTORY.
The 3d section of the act provides for
an inventory of the porperty of the Com
pany. Had an inventory been taken
and published in advance (afterwards re
vised in small details,) it would have
enlightened bidders-had it been intended
to have bidders. It ought to have been
made by men who possessed the confi
deuce of the public, which was to be in
formed—if it had been intended to inform
the public. The thing exposed to sale
was not known witbont suen inventory.
The subject matter was not duly adver
tised, and the omission was of no trifling
matter. The use of property for twenty
years is of itself a heavy item of profit
In ten years, money at 7 per cent, in
terest nearly doubles itself. That doable
sum will itself grow double in *he sne
ceeding ten years. The value of $500,000
at nterest for ten years would be $1.
000,000. The next ten years would make
it $2,000,000. Titia of itoeif, would make
Tho- 4th section requires, among the
lessees, a certain proportion of Geor
gians ! We hope, before the investiga
tion is over, other Georgians will be
found (the number of the natives of the
State is small) who, satisfied that the
transaction was unfair, however it be
came so, will follow the example of that
true son of Georgia, Mr. Stephens. If
the State had not a fair chance—if your
fellow-citizens Dad not a fair chance—
withdraw from a tainted transaction.
Be not content with empty prolessions
of patriotism; but come out of it, and
stand not on the order of your coming.
DEATH AND SUCCESSION.
By the 5th section, in case of death
each lessee is succeeded—(not, be it ob
served, by his successor in the presi
dency of any railroad which went se
curity, but,) by his own legal represent
ative.
The 10th section is that remarkable
one which excludes railroad and express
companies as principals, but tolerates
them as securities. By this provision
the most able bidders are excluded, the
most likely—the most wealthy—the most
competent to manage—to give security—
to keep up succession—to protect them
selves, and secure the State.
Yet, admitting them to bid would not
have injured any private company,
willing to calculate and pay the actual
value, and not held to give impossible
security. They would have had a fair
chance. The State was not to provide
for anybody’s private speculations; but
for the good of the public, by getting
the most for the property, according to
its real worth—leased to those who were
able to pay its value, and secure its pay
ment properly.
If it be said,the provision was intended
to prevent partial and unjust discrimina
tion against the Bailroad Companies not
entering in the lease, there are ready an
swers to be seen. In the first place,
all combining in the lease itself, as in the
securityship—they would be protected.
Secondly, if not combined as securities,
the hazards are the same as if not com
bined aiCrrineipcis. Thirdly, the State
could give remedies by action for dis
crimination, in freights or connections.
Fourthly, if all kept out, it was the same.
In a word, the dangers of partiality
under securityship, are exactly the same
as under the lease itself—neither more
nor less. I erred in one partic
ular—they would be less, because
the lease would give a permanent influ
ence, and preserve the original status,
during its whole period.
Now compare, in the light of the inter
nal evidence, the two hypothyses:
1. This was a fair and honest transac
tion, with fair conditions, proper infor
mation, and an open market; or,
2. It was artfully constructed and in
terpolated to fit a ring.
Suppose a determination, after the
wild cat system, to get possession of the
State Eoad. Now, the first thing is fo
the right men to get it. To do this, it
may be necessary to let-in some buoys, to
keep the concern afloat—some uncon
scious of the fraud—some half suspectr
ing but taking no active part.
But, if the market is open, we may not
be the successful bidders. If the facts
are well known, we may have to pay too
high.
To exclude individual competition, we
make the bond impracticable, except to
such a ring as our own.
Corporate competition we can aford to
exdude in direct terms, as ’corporations
are unpopular. Thus we are masters of
the situation. Not quite—under cover
of zeal foe the interest of the State, we
reserve ihe rignt to quit at our pleasure,
any month, the State being bound for
twenty years. Good. That looks ship
shap**. Now for the securities! The
stockholders are not unmanageable, it is
true, but still we do not propose any
very fair showing for them. They will
probably ratify any action, precipitately
taken. The inventory will excite no cu
pidity, being unpublished. Altogether
it is a safe thing, and the bridges are not
burned for us, though burned for the
State and the securities. Wri can get out
at any time, if we are not pleased.
Now, to prepare the public mind.—
What were the qualities in Mr. Blodgett
that induced Mr. Bullock to give him
this important position of Superintend
ent of the State Boad ? Which hypoth
esis fits here ? Wnat consequences fol
lowed from Mr. Blodgett’s administra
tion ? How was the road reported of by
that worthy man ? This expensive and
broken down concern, (for which he af
terwards had the grace to put in a bid of
$30,500 per month) was made a drag on
the public rnrse, and he asked for a half
million to keep it afloat.
I do not propose to review tne external
evidence. The men who managed the
road acted worthily of the supicions l,)
the public. They did what all sides and
all parties expected of them. The Gov
ernor, the manipulators, ard the good
people of the State were not disappoint
ed i a their action. This is but the be
ginning ot tne ocgiun.ng oi tht inter
nal evidence.
In its long pamphlet of 38 pages, “the
company respectfully invites investiga
tion. ” I have only entered the vestibule,
and fin * the act itself full of real sub
stance f. r the lessees—rf sham ze: 1 for
THE LEASE.
The great argument for the Lease, is,
‘out ofpolitics.
There
It has
It has
The Lessess are no politicians,
no lobbying in their behalf,
no finger in any political pie.
nothing to do with candidates—with the
Press—with the Legislature. It is des
titute of political influence and signifi
cance. The above statement, made in
sii cerity, would make a man the laugh
ing stock of the politicians of Georgia.
He would be taken aside and talked to,
and his greenness explained to him.
The green may imagine that to be in
the hands of Gov. Jenkins, would put
the road “in politics.” While in the
hands of Ex-Gov. Brown it is out. Poli
tics helped him in, it is true, but he has
now quit politics. Mr. Hill is not in
politics; he quit long since. Kimball
was in, but he is out of politics, and out
of Georgia.
OUT OF FEDERAL POLITICS.
Outside of Georgia, the pure and vir
tuous Simon Cameron is not in politics.
Delano is not in politics. This queer
assortment dined together on one occa
sion, and eschewed politics.
Under pretext of taking the road ontof
politics, it is deeper in than ever before,
with a political lease of twenty years,
which the proprietors value as highly as
its income in money. Influence to them
and money are equally involved. It con
trols more than a posse comilalus in every
county along the lme oi the road. Ten
nessee included, this time. If not a
king-maker, it is simply because we don’t
make kings in Georgia. It is felt to the
tips of the fingers and the ends of the
toes of the body politic. It is a power
in nominations—in conventions—in can
didates, and in the men elected—influ
ential in the press, and invincible in the
lobby.
Heavens ! How it abstains from poli
tics ! Sham ! sham ! sham ! Of all the
shams we have yet encountered this “out
of politics” is the worst. It introduces
us to Federal politics and Federal poli
ticians to us. It will ask for seats in the
Senate.
Politics brought it into power, and
politics is its business as much as money.
They say,
AT.T. ALIKE.
Gov. Jenkins is like Bullock. Can’t
see the resemblance. Gov. Smith—can’t
see -itt- General Gordon. These rio not
look alike in the public eye.
THE DIFFERENCE.
Gov. Smith represents the people of
Georgia. The Lesssees owe their seats
to Bullock and Kimball, with leave to
run this financial and political machine
twenty years. It lives, moves, and has
its being in politics. How did it start
off ? With tickets. The public were in
formed in an ancient canvas, what Mr.
Hill thought oi the ticket system. The
road is in the hands not of a Governor,
chosen by the people, but of old politi
cians, State and Federal, appointed by
Kimball for twenty years, and their legal
representatives.
These gentlemen talk as if the only
chance was this particular companv or
“Politics.” The only “non-politicians”
in the country, are Brown and Hill,
i now that Kimball is gone and Bullock
has departed) in Georgia, and Cameron
and Delano in the United States.
Harris, with the euphonious append
age, and Blodgett were not in politics,
How clearly the lessees and the blind
see these two points. All men in office
are alike, and we are only “non-politi
cians.” This
and spoliation, with twenty yearn of un-
| interrupted business. A well selected
j method of eouiDuiison. The right stan-
I dard of comparison was that attained
when tho road was in successful opera-
| tion. It is doing a larger business new
j than then. If its business falls off, the
j lessees can quit. If it increases, the
State can not rise in annual rent.
They give the estimates of Bailroad
men of its value for twenty years, as if
they were bound for twenty years. A
fair lease would have brought moro, eveD
under unfair terms. More was bid
Bullock seems to have felt bound togivi
it to the “ lowest" bidder, and that bit
was as low us even the nnfoir law allowed.
How much knowledge of the law of salei
is necessary to show that tho State had
not a fair chance, nor her citizens ?
Competition, it would seem, is not the
life of trade.
Why all the lobbying now? In the-
opinion of Kimball, Binfe-master, the
bargain was so good, it was worth fraud
to get it. The way in which the lessees
hold on to it—the fight they make over
it, show their heaity appreciation. The
way outsiders bid for it against tho op
position of terms and officials, showed
what they thought. Were it put up
now, with an honest Governor command
ing the public confidence as Governor
Smith does, this very company would pay
more for it, and other companies, by their
competition, carry it to its true value.
An auction, not opinions of experts, is
the mode of testing that value. Other
companies offered more at the time, and
this company moves heaven and earth to
keep it at the price. They are doubtless
well informed as to its value, and the
way they struggle for it could not fail to
impress bidders, had they another
chance.
THE WAY TO DEAL WITH FRAUD.
Bring it before the courts. When you
find some, keep searching. Bo sure you
have not found all, for it is its nature to
hide, and its misfortune, that the laws of
the universe favor honesty. In the
courts, press the investigation, shake the
bushes, startle it, stir it up, gather the
scattered straws; seek and ye shall find,
knock and its doors will opeD.” Find
the substantial merits of the case, and
then push on after the technical.
It you will keep trying, pegging away,
you will not fail to find it Naturo is on
your side. _ Your discovery is substantial
and technical, will grow and increase.
Every fresh discovery will conduct you.
to more. Consult the most eminent law
yers, and you will find it their uniform
experience, that crime, fraud and unfair
ness can all be exposed with a very slight
clue. The very dodging calls attention
to the sore places and the weak points.
The law books speak of badges of fraud.
One close observer remarked, We some
times look to too small matters. This
lease was rather apparelled in fraud,
and covered with it cap a pie. The only
question was, which garment was deepest
dyed?
Take the thing out of “ politics.” It
is in—head and ears. Take it out—else-
for twenty years it is a political engine,
in hands not of our choice. It will never
be out of politics till it is fairly let to
business men, so that there is no ground
of complaint. Citizen.
Call for a Dem ocratic Meeting in Tal
iaferro County.
the State, and of neglect of the securi
ties. I find that it resigns this trust
IMPEMUM IN IMPEBIO,
with the co-operation of the vilest of out
side influences, by those choice spirits,
despised by honest men at home, Cameron
and Delano, is the device to keep the
road out of politics. It is worthy of a
patent. The Senate of Georgia gravely
congratulate the people that “the State
Boad is uut of politics.” In comparison
with it, the lessees seem to know no pol
itics, (in one sense) no religion, no noth
ing—with but the lease. It joins to
gether what had been asunder. It sun
ders what had been joined. This bad
bargain, hardly worth what it cost, is
held with a deatbg-rip.
Immense patriotism! Content almost
“to leap the life to come.” Stronger
than habit—than life—than religion—
power and gain accompanying the lease.
What Kimball hath joined together, let
no man rashly put asunder. Good for
twenty years, or until death us do part
and not a speck of politics in it.
Where is the substance, and where is
the sham, this one more time ?
Does any intelligent man doubt that
this is really the head-centre of all polit
ical mannvering in Georgia ? Can any
man deny that it famishes the choicest
means and appliances for that purpose ?
This company has all the limited means
the Governor would have with the one
road, andby its composition a vastly more
extendedarea of patronage and power.
What Governor ever had such capital—
such combinations extending to the re
motest parts of the State—of appointing
power,and a thousand means of rewarding
and punishing ? Here is a combination of
old politicians, withjrail road presidents,
not responsible to their stockholders in
this regard. What a monstrous political
engine it can be! Who is fit to be trust
ed with it ? Are the leading, managing
men—such as were never in politic*?
Has loss or change of office made them
purer tnau our Governors ?
In the name of keeping it our, we a«-
sociated it with still outlying forces m
the catnp at Washington City. Such an
engine of political corrnption was never
before known in this country.
into tLe hands of “His Excellency, the
Governor,” who wab then engaged in
To the Democrats of Taliaferro—The*
subscribers beg to announce to the Dem
ocrats of Taliaferro, that there will be a
Mass Meeting of the Party of said coun
ty, on Saturday, the 24th August, 1872,.
at the court house, for the nomina
tion of a full ticket to be voted for to filft
tho offices soon to become vacant by lim
itation of law, and a Bepresentative in
the Legislature, and for other purposes-
Como one ! Come all!! Fellow-Demo
crats, and let there be a full and fair ex
pression of the will of the Party. Be--
spectfully submitted,
James F. Beid. W H Hargrove*
B M Lanneau, Benj B Beid,
H Neeson, Thos J Stewart,,
Chas Bergstrom, Louis Trope,
DA Williams,
J J Kent
M Meyers,
G Cosby,
H Y Williams,
Jno W Darracott,
Quintus Bichards, Wm H H Chapman,.
Joel W Gunn,
John Bhodes, Jr.,
WmN Gunn,
Sam W Chapman,
Chas E Smith,
W J Fielding,
Wm H Brooke,
Jackson Gorham,
B F Moore,
Joseph F Nelson,
Benj Jones,
J B Chapman,
C T Lucas,
Henry D Smith,
Thos Bhodes,
Bobert Young.
C L Burke,
J T Akins,
S H Perkins,
Wm G Stephens,
Linton A Stephens^.
Wm H Brisiow,
J N Chapman,
W B McGibony r
Quinnea O’Neal,
S J Jones,
Bomulus Frazier,.
Chas A Beazley,
Lionel L Yeazey,
Geo W Mitchell,,
Jas G Ingram, -
Grand Lodge of Odd D’ellows-.
This body held its annual session in •
Columbus, commencing on Wednesday
last. Several new Lodges have been or
ganized during the past year, and all the-
old ones are in a sound, healthy condi
tion. The following officers were elected r.
M. B. Eogers, Macon, Grand Master-
B. B. Harris, Borne, Deputy Grancfc
Master.
T. A. Askew, Savannah, Grand War
den.
Jno. G. Deitz, Macon, Grand Secre
tary.
T. A. Burke, Athens, Grand Treas
urer.
James L. Gow, Augusta, E. W. Grand:
Bepresentative Grand Lodge of the*
United States.
The Grand Master made the follow
ing appointments: . j . 1
C. J. Stroberg, Macon, Grand Chap
lain.
W. G. Gramling, Atlanta, Grand Mar
shal.
Geo. Hungerford, Columbus, Grand <
Conductor.
H. Franklin, Atlanta, Grand Guard-
REAL VALUE.
The lessees compare twenty years, in
cluding war, the destruction oithe road
B. Lowenthal, Macon, Grand Herald-
TLe next session will be held in Atlanr j
ta, on the first Wednesday in Angus
1872. • • ' S
Bbowssyille, Texas, August .12.—Mr. A*
der, a prominent frontier merchant, has 1
s-Bsinated forty miles t-elow here, c
Grande, Tho Coroner’s verdict wa» that.'
ki ed by au officer of Cortina*. The if'
commissioners were all present, at tl^}
strong feeling is manifested to oraa-C,.
these Mexican murd-rers. .
a nas been
^aiity of the
