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jpinlform Adopted toy tlie Jeffcrionlaa
onnocrntlc State Convention Aiitm-
bled in Atlanta on the 30th An gnat
X87H.
1. Resolved, That the Government of
the United States is one formed by sepa
rate States; that it is one of limited pow
ers, delegated by the States for specific
purposes and objects set forth in the
Constitution; and that it possesses of
itself no original or inherent power
whatever.
2. Resolved, That the Union estab
lished by the Constitution is a Union of
States, Federal in its character, com
posed of States thereby united, and is
incapable of existence without the States
as its constituent integral parts; that the
indestructibility of ; the States—-of their
rights and of their equality with each
other—is an indispensable part of this
political system, and therefore, the per
petuation oi the Union in its integrity
depends upon the preservation of the
States in their political integrity; the
Government of the United States being
a Federal Republic, and mot a consoli
dation of the whole people into one
homogeneous Nation.
3. Kesolv< d, That the “right of loca
State-government” with the “subjection
of the military to the civil authority,”
and “the security of the privilege of
the writ of habeas corpus,” in time of
peace, with the power to enforce “the
rights, and promote the well-being of its
inhabitants l»y such means as the judg
ment of its own people may prescribe,”
aro reserved, secured and guaranteed un
der the Constitution of the United States
to the several States of the Union; and that
too, not “subject to any solemn Consti
tutional obligation upon tln^part of the
Federal Government” of any kind what
ever; but on the contrary, the Federal
Government is under a solemn Constitu
tional obligation not to interfere in these
matters in any way; and when it does so,
it becomes a usurper of power, an oppres
sive tyrant and an enemy to the liberties oj
the country.
FOB PRESIDENT:
CHARLES O’COHQR,
OF NEW FORK.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT:
JOHN 0UI2JCY ADAMS, Jr.,
OF MASSACHUSETTS.
electoral' ticket
OF THE
True Democracy of Georgia.
FOR THE STATE AT LARGE.
HON. PURMEDUS REYNOLDS, of Newton.
COL. WALTER H. WEEMS, of Fulton.
alternates:
DR. HENRY. F. ANDREWS, of Wilkes.
HON. S. A. McNElL, of Randolph.
For the Congressional Districts*
1st.—M. L. MERSHON, of Glynn.
H. H. PERRY, of Burke, Alternate.
2D. — HON. T. L. GUERRY. of Quitman
■ COL. WM. HARRISON, of Quitr* 11 * Alternate.
3n.—HON. JOHN H. WOODWART. ofDcoley.
DR. EDWARD W. ALFBI£ :J> * of Lee * Alter *
nato.
4TH—HENRY PERSONS, of»* ,bot *
Twrr.rei EDWARDS. * Dou 8 lls Alternate.
6rn—DR. GEO. M. Mcr ,TrELL > of Kke>
T. O. JACOB, of Conroe, Alternate.
6th—DR. H. J. BAT' 1 ' of Nowton '
J. W. BURN** 01 J “Pe r * Alternate.
Txn-COL. aLEP* DER S - ATKINSON, of Cobb.
DR. S. jjEAILEY, of Cobb, Alternate.
8th—HON. *hES W. LEWIS, of Greene.
JUR7 a CASEY, of McDuffie, Alternate.
3th—HO- ° M - NETHERLAND, of Rabun..
j4N T. EZZaRD, ot Forsyth, Alternate.
VOL. 3, NO. 19.! ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 30, 1872. {
W H O L E.-| 1 n
H U M B E B-LjL(
THE FUEtjlUKNTIAli CO.ViMCVT.
Review ot the Political Situation
and Prospects.
The Duty of Patriots in the Present
Exigency.
By Capt. John A. Stephens, Atlanta, Ga,
Tickets! Tickets!
Wo are prepared to famish tickets to
be voted on next Tuesday for the Jeffer
sonian Presidential Electoral Ticket,
(with the numes of Congressmen either
printed thereon or left blank, as may be
desired,) for One Dollar and Seventy-five
Cents per Thousand, or Ninety Cents
for Five Hundred—to be sent in pack
ages by mail, post paid, to any address.
All orders to be accompanied by the
cash.
Democrats, see that every precinct i3
supplied, and that every man who de
sires to vote the Straight-oat ticket can
have cn e at hand. Address
J. Henly Smith,
Daily Sun Office,
Atlanta, Ga.
Col. Jack Brown's Candidacy.
The card of this gallant man and trae
Democrat, anuoanciDg himself os a
candidate for Congress in the 3d Con
gressional District, appears in this morn
ing’s issue. It is maul? and character
istic. He is well known in Georgia, hav
ing distinguished himself his tolants
and his gallantry as a soldier in the late
war. He was Colonel of the 59th Geor
gia Begiment; wa3 severely wounded,
and captured by the enemy, and suffered
all,the horrors of a Northern prison for
a long time. He C3n proudly challenge
his record ns a soldier, a gentleman and
a Democrat, who is as true and unfLnch-
ing in defense of his political principles
as he was when he boldly faced the foo
on the battle field.
[Written Expressly for the Atlanta Son.]
Note.—The following ably written
article was prepared by Capt. Stephens,
os we happen to know, at the special re
quest of three gentlemen, (one of whom
was the writer hereof) in order that the
same might be laid before the readers of
The Sun; and we take special pleasnre
in commending the same to careful pern-
sal as od6 of the best papers of the pre
sent campaign.-AssociATE Editor Daily
Sun.
The time has again arrived when the
people of the United States are called
upon to select their Chief Magistrate to
serve them for the next fonr years.
Amid the general gloom and painful
uncertainty as to what will be the result,
it is a matter of congratulation
among free men that they are still
permitted freedom of speech and the ex
ercise of the elective franchise.
The flagrant usurpations that have
marked the conrse of the Radical party
have excited in tbe minds of many, a se
rious apprehension whether we would
ever enjoy this right again. The rapid
strides of this party since it came into
power, towards a centralized despotism
have awakened the fears of every patriot
in the land. The utter disregard of the
rights reserved by the States in theorig-
inal compact creating the Union, is the
most marked and promineut feature in
the history of this party.
The issues involved are not mere ques
tions of policy in the administration of
the Government; not a mere contest be
tween individuals; but principles under
lying the free institutions of this coun
try. It is between Centralization and
Constitutionalism. The American Union
was formed by free, separate, indepen
dent and sovereign States, for certain
purposes named in the compact of Union.
To secure the objects of the formation
of the Union these
HIGH CONTRACTING PARTIES
—the States—each acting in its sovereign
capacity, delegated certain powers to the
Federal Government, to De by it held in
trust for the States, and to be exercised
for their joint use and benefit. The
powers not thus delegated to the Gen
eral Government were “reserved” ex
pressly by the States separately; and this
reservation, or residium of power, is
what constitutes State Rights.
XliC Xoouo jftcouuUJ la wlidlioji flip
Government shall be administered npon
a full recognition of this principle, or
whether it shall be administered upon
the Radical or Republican theory, which
holds that the Union was formed by the
whole body of the people of the United
States as one mass or nation withont re
gard to State limits; that the States are
mere dependencies npon the Federal
Government; that they occupy the same
relation to the General Government
which counties bear to a State; and that
they have no reserved, sovereign right s
which are sacred.
The effect of this theory is
TO DEGRADE THEM
to the position of mere chartered corpo
rations, with visitorial powers residing
in the Central Government.
This theory of the structure of the
Government has caused all the wrong
and outrages npon the citizens of the
States; and this theory the Democratic
party opposes; and it is to this opposi
tion to the centralizing doctrines and
practices of the Radical pa-ty which
gave the Democratic party all the power
it ever possessed.
THE MEN.
The people or these States have now
presented to them for their suffrages,
three men: President Grant, Mr. Gree
ley and Mr. O’Conor. The first two are
the embodiment of the Radical theory
of ohr'government, and the lost one of
the Democratic theory.
The issue is one of principles. It is
not whether one candidate «s personally
better than either of the others. They
are to he regarded only as the embodi
ment or representative of one or the
other theory of government just men
tioned.
It is urged that the act ion of the Balti
more Convention in adopting the plat
form and nominee of the Cincinnati
Convention was demanded by
“THE EXIGENCIES OF THE TIMES.”
I have failed so far, to see the “exigen
cy.” If there ever was a time in the his
tory of the Democratic Party, wnenthe
nomination of a candidate* of its own
party ought to have been made, it was
when the Convention assembled at Bal
timore. It was stronger in numbers
and in spirit, than it had been since the
war closed. Tbo enemy were divided,
and we should have been united.
The Democratic Party wuile fighting
npon principles gained strength rapidlv
and surely everywhere. While charging
the enemy, its forces increased, and it
rapidly grew in power. There was noth
ing to discourage our people, but every
thing to inspire hope.
The Radicals, in the election of Presi
dent Grant, acquired a new lease of
power, and by their abuse of it, and high
crimes against public liberty,
DROVE OFF
many of their supporters who refused to
follow them in their excesses. It became
apparent that they were seeking the
overthrow of the iree institutions of this
country and the establishment of a
Consolidated Empire. The alarm was
great, and sentinels upon the watch-
tower of Liberty saw the daDger and
sounded the alarm.
All true lovers of Liberty looked to
the Democratic Party, which had been
carrying high the banner of Coustitu-
tionalism, and numbering nearly three
millions strong, as the only hope for the
preservation of our free institutions.
The enemy saw this great Revolution
which was soon to culminate in their
overthrow and discomfiture, anil they
set about to
HEAD IT OFF
by this so-called Liberal Republican
movement.
This movement was patriotic in its
first inception; bat the illiberals and ex
tremists soon contrived to get oontrol of
it. Their design was to
DIVIDE, DISTRACT AND DEBAUCH
the Democratic Party; and in this their
object has been accomplished
The great Democratic Party, number
ing nearly three millions strong, is coolly
asked by these Philistines to lay its head
in the lap of this Radical Delilah; and
when it awoke to a realization of its trne
condition, finds that it has been shorn
of its strength—weakened, disgraced,
and the sport of its enemies.
Yet in the face of these facts—of Gree
ley’s well known lifelong record and
present attitude of hostility to Southern
men and Democrats, we are coolly asked
to abandon principles, and vote for Mr.
Greeley. The proposition is an insnlt to
the intelligence an manhood of the
Sonth. He has never receded from a
single position he has taken; and he says
to yon in effect,
“TAKE ME JUST AS I AM, WITHOUT A SIN
GLE PLEDGE.”
When we look npon the outlines of
this picture alone, is not the conviction
forced npon tne mmd that this move
ment is not what its friends claim for it?
Does it not look like the gifts of the
Greks, without their treachery?
The projectors of this movement well
knew that they could not carry to the
support of Greeley enough Democratic
votes to secure his election. They well
knew that they would lose more Demo
crats than they would gain Republicans.
This whole movement was but a trick by
which to change the route of Radicalism
into the White House.
It was said of its friends, before the
meeting of the Baltimore Convention,
that if the Democratic party”put out a
candidate of its own, Mr. Greeley would
come down in favor of Grant. He is a
nice leader of the Democracy who would
prefer the election of Grant to that of a
Democrat! I am constrained to inquire,
as did Nathan: “can anything good come
ont uf this political Nazareth?”
It has been urged that Greeley is a
better man than Grant; that he is
honest, &c. This makes him still
MOBE DANGEROUS.
He is honest in his convictions that all
men, without regard to race or color, are
entitled Jtn the same political and social
rights* and that the Central Government
is under a solemn Constitutional obliga
tion to maintain these rights in all the
States. If he is honest in this opinion,
and should be elected President, he will
lend the influence of his exalted posi
tion and his power, to the enactment of
social equality measures—measures mak
ing it penal for railroads, steamboats, ho
tels, theaters and other places of public
amusement and resort, to make any dis
criminations on account of race or color.
It would reqnire no prophetio ken to
see what results would follow such meas
ures as these, at the South. He did all
he could to abolitionize the old Whig
party, and is now endeavoring to radical
ize the Democratic party. He poisons
everything he touches, with the virus
of fanaticism. The change he seeks in
the personal administration of the Gov
ernment will not remedy the evils of
which we complain. They lie too deep
for that. We should look to principles
and not men.
THE SIN—NOT THE SINNER.
It is urged with somo plausibility that
this Greeley movement will enable the
Democrats of the South to fuse with the
Liberal Republicans and secure in Con
gress a majority of Democrats and Lib
eral Republicans. Rut where is the ne
cessity of the Democracy surrendering
tfieir principles to secure this sort of a
majority? The fusion should be left to
the paity in each State. I can see but
little difference between a Republican
that is liberal and one that is illiberal.—
Their principles are the same, and that
is enough for me. It is the sin and not
the sinner I am fighting.
We have often been cited to the re
salts following the fusion between the
Democrats and the Liberal Republicans
in Missouri, Tennessee and Virginia;
but the Democratic party in those States
did not surrender their principles. They
simply supported the Liberal Repubii
can ticket uuder a disauot contract that
they were to receive
SOME SUBSTANTIAL BENEFITS
by so doing. What benefits are you to
receive by supporting Greeley? Kinder
treatment if you will do as he wants you;
and peihaps a few unimportant offices.
This office business will go a long way
with some people. Greeley proposes to
let out the offices npon identically the
same terms Grant does: support him and
his platform and he will make no distinc
tion in race, color or previous condition.
It does seem to me that if Greeley should
happen to be elected, to be honest and
consistent in the distribution of Federal
patronage in Georgia, he would select
such men as ex-Governor Brown, Henry
G. Cole, the McWhorters, John Bowles,
A. D. Bockafellow el id omne genus, and
the didn't go to be Democrats/. They
would have the highest claims. They
have been longer enlisted in the cause,
and have faced more peri!?. By the time
this crowd is provided for there would
be nothing left wor.h scramoiiLg alto..
I have nothing to say against these
gentlemen personally. I only use their
names to show that there is a large num
ber of this class whose claims would be
superior to the new eon.eria.
Has it come to this, that our people
are ready tojsacrifice their principles for
the sake of office? Instead of the cry of
anything to beat Grant, it is
ANYTHING TO GET OFFICE.
Have you contemplated the results fol
lowing the election of Greeley? the de
moralization which would follow a victory
won by an abandonment of principles?
It would be appalling,
Whenever the lines whioh have di ■
vidvd the two parties are obliterated,
and the contest is reduced to a mere
scramble for place and power, good gov
ernment is lost sight of. It is infinitely
better for the South that the Democratic
party should preserve its principles, and
its entire independence of Radical plat
forms and candidates, than to triumph
uuder the colors of the enemy. Victory,
with honor lost, is always fruitless of
good. It is better for us to remain for
ever in the minority and maintain our
integrity and principles than to desert
them for a doubtful chance of victory.
A minority is not always powerless.
When tenacioasly adhering to its prin
ciples, aud fearlessly maintaining its
rights, it becomes respectable, aud finally
a power. The refusal of the South to
accept the so-called amendments to the
Constitution aud tfie reconstruction
laws, and her bold and manly protest
against the wrongs of the Federal Gov
ernment uuderRadicol control, had much
to do with bringing about the Liberal
Republican movement, and checking the
additional wrongs attempted to be perpe
trated upon us by our foes.
Oar cause is the cause of truth, right
and justice, aDd its final triumph de
pends upon our courage and fidelity in
its maintenance. The success of every
cause defends upon the zeal aud courage
of its friends.
PRINCIPLES CAN NEVER BE MAINTAINED BY
ABANDONING THEM.
Error seldom retraces its steps. It is
progressive. Wnenever a party cuts
loose from its moorings it is then adrift
and is certain to ruu upon breakers and
founder.
When a party abandons principle for
place and power, it becomes demoralized
—just as an army when it throws down
its guns and goes to plauding.
We are told that the “exigencies of
the times,” and policy, required this de
parture from Democratic principles.—
Mr. Greeley says in his letter of accept
ance of the Baltimore nomination:
•“That body (the Baltimore Convention)
was constrained to take this important
step (i e-the adoption of the Cincinnati
platform) by no party necessity,
real or supposed. It might have
accepted the candidates of the
Liberal Republicans npon grounds
entirely itsown;or it might have present
ed them as the first Whig National Con
vention did Harrison and Tyler; without
adopting any platform whatever.” Even
Mr. Greeley could not see the “exigency”
which forced the Democratic Party to
abandon a Democratic platform and
adopt one of Radical principles.
No “party necessity, real or supposed”
can justify it. And what Mr. Greeley
said of the adoption of the Cincinnati
platform, is equally true of the adoption
of its candidates. Policy, it is said,
dictated this action at Baltimore. What
policy is expected to be secured by this
action ? Certainly it is not the main
tenance of Democratic principles; for
they were ignored, and the leadership
of the movement placed in the hands of
its lifetime enemy—a man who has at
tained his eminence by his hostility to
those principles, whose only strength is
derived from his able and zealous sup
port of all those abases and wrongs of
the Federal Government which we have
been the bleeding and helpless victims
of.
The Baltimore Convention must have
acted npon the priciple of a c°rtain class
of doctors : “similia similibus curantur;”
as translated in a homeiy way, “the hair
of the dog is a cure for the bite.” This
principle may work we’l in the treatment
of certain bodily afflictions; bnt it fails
in political disorders. I cannot see the
policy of doing wrong. Observation has
taught me that principle is policy—aside
from that J know no other policy. The
only way of overcoming error
IS BY FIGHTING IT,
and not by making concession to it.
This action on the part of the Balti
timore Convention as a mere measure of
success in obtaining control of the Gov
ernment, was a stupendons folly. Tfie
idea of building np a great party, able
to compete with the one in power, by
transferring nearly three millions of
Democrats to a small squad of Liberal
Republicans as a nucleus, would be sub
limely ludicrous, were it not for the se
rious and grave consequences following
tfie experiment. The mountain has at
last gone to Mahomet.
A graver and more serious blander—
one falling but little short of a crime—
was never committed in American poli
tics. The transcendant folly of its action
is almost bewildering. It seems to have
been the result of that madness created
of the malignancy of the gods, and
which is the precursor of destruction.
That Convention ought to have known
that a large portion of the Democratic
party would not rally under the standard
of their old enemy. They were put npon
timely notice that a large number of the
Democratic party would not support its
action, either in the adoption of a Re
publican Platform, or the nomination of
Horace Greeley.
This declaration
WAS DISTINCT AND EMPHATIC;
and when they acted at Baltimore, they
did it in the full blaze of the light of
knowledge. We protested earnestly
against fcthis thing, ,and forewarned
them that any departure from the time-
honored principles aud usages of the
Party, wonld not have our support.
They wonld not heed our protest, and
L-termined in their “ass^ m’ 1 >ied wisdom”
to disregard it. They were willing to
lose us for the sake of getting a handful
of Liberal Republicans. Like the fool
ish dog in the fable: They have let go
the substance for the shadow.
Now, who is properly chargeable with
this
BREACH IN THE PARTY ?
Certainly not us. We have done noth
ing, except to adhere to tnose principles
which they aaknowledge to be right.
The “head and front of onr offending”
consists in onr refusal to indorse a Radi
cal platform and candidate.
They charge ns with giving aid and
comfort to the Grant wing of the ReDub-
lican party by withholding onr adhesion
to the aotion of Baltimore. This charge
comes with a bad grace from those who,
by their action (over our protest) have
placed ns in a position where the main
tenance of Democratic principles inures
to the benefit of one wing of the com
mon enemy. This is’their fault—not
ours. They hazared the integrity of the
Democratic Party npon tnis Baltimore
experiment, and they ought not to
charge its failnre npon others. They
gambled off this Party, and ought
not to blame those who protested
against it. They assured us that the ex
periment would *prove a triumphant suc
cess, and that there would be a great
“ground swell” of pnblio feeling iu its
favor. Now if the Straight-out movement
is such a contemptible thing, and em
braces only afewsoreheads and malcon
tents, then they will not affect the
ground swell;” it will go on swelling in
spite of them.
A DECEPTIVE TRICK.
It is claimed for this movement (if
successful) that it will restore the De
mocracy to power; that this departure
from Democratic principles is only tem
porary, and designed for the ultimate
restoration of those principles. The
Democracy is to get into power by a
trick—a hocus pocus, and then ran the
Government as they desire it. This trick
is too thin for deception. These Gree-
leyites are a poor set of gamblers, for
they take everybody to be a set of fools,
except themselves. Nobody is fooled by
such tricks except their manipulators.
We are told that the Cincinnati-Balti-
more platform enunciates Democratic
principles in recognizing the right of
“local self government.” This plank in
the platform is not announced as a prin
ciple, bnt simply a policy—and for the
reason (as given in the same conviction)
that it, “with important suffrage, will
guard the rights of all citizens more se
curely than any centralized power.”
There is not the slightest recognition of
the reserved sovereign rights of the
States. The States are to exercise the
privilege of local self government, by
gratia and not de jure. It is a franchise
to be exercised under the supervision of
the General Government; and as long as
these corporations carry out the purpose
of their creation, they are not to be mo
lested.
This idea of
LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT
is not at all inconsistent with the right
cf reconstructing the State Governments
whenever the Central Power deems it
necessary to “guard the rights of the cit
izens,” or anv portion of them. Mr.
Greeley has, himself, said that it is not
a Democratic platform. In accepting
the Baltimore nomination, he said:
“Gentlemen, your platform, which is
also mine, assures me that the Democ
racy is not henceforth (italic mine) to
stand for one thing and Republicanism
for another.” Having abandoned its
time-honored position, the Democracy
“henceforth” is to stand upon Republi
can principles.
It additional proof is necessary to
show that I have correctly stated Mr.
Greeley’s opinion of that platform, read
his speech made on the 19th of Septem
ber last, at Pittsburg, in which he said:
“And thus coming together in a solemn
convention, representatives of the South
ern people have given their assent to the
platform of the Cincinnati Convention,
which was the most intense, the most
complete Republican platform that had
ever been presented by any convention
whatever 1”
In this Mr. Greeley has stated the
trnth. The Democratic State Conven
tion which assembled in this city last
August, refused to adopt<this platform,
BECAUSE IT WAS NOT DEMOCRATIC.
The truth is overwhelming, that the
nominee and platform of the Baltimore
Convention are both Radical—most in
tense and completely Republican. And
yet the Democracy are urged to support
them; and those who do not are derided
and charged with being bolters, and be
ing in sympathy with the Grant wing of
the Republican party. I am prond to
say that I am a bolter from this wicked
abomination; and I trust that I shall
ever be fonnd bolting from Radicalism,
whether fonnd in the ranks of pretended
friends or open foes.
What is now to be hoped for in voting
tor Mr. Greeley? The recent elections
in Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana have
practically demonstrated the weakness
and folly of this movement, and the
UTTER HOPELESSNESS
of Mr. Greeley’s election. It has de
monstrated the fact that the people in
those States are not prepared to accept
Mr. Greeley and his “most complete” and
“most intense Republican” principles; and
the verdict to be given by the people of
all the States next month will be, in my
judgment, a most overwhelming and em
phatic repudiation of Mr. Greeley and
his party.
The great mai>3 of those claiming to
be Democrats who are supporting Mr.
Greeley attempt to jnstify their course
by the plea of a “choice between evils.”
They say that the contest is between
Grant and Greeley, and that they prefer
the latter as the less of the two evils. I
can see no difference betwen them,
and therefore shah not make any
choice. The utter failnre of this
whole so-called Liberal Republican
movement is a foregon conclusion, and
there is no choice of evils about it; 3nd
I cannot believe that many of this class
will throw away their votes upon Mr.
Greely.
THEBE 13 NO EVIL
abont voting for Mr. O’Conor. He is a
pure and scund Democrat, a gentleman
of unpurchaseable integrity, and an
ardent sympathiser of^the Souikein ^jer
deep misfortaBe&w V* A
writhing inthrf ■
and groaning uuder tne heel of a tyranny
placed upon her by Greeley and his co
laborers, Charles O’Conor was protesting
against the wrongs, and doing all in his
power to aid the ureat and noble Jenkins
in his efforts to free onr people from tha
galling yoke of Military Despotism whiek
was oppressing us so grievously.
Gov. Jenkins himself has said, thafc
Georgia owes Charles O’Conor a debt ci£
gratitude she never can pay.
Bnt it is said that Mr. O’Conor stands
no chance of an election. This may ba
trne; bat he stands a chance of receiving
the vote of every man who rightly ap
preciates the maintenance of Democrat
ic principles, and who wonld rather be
defeated under his own colors, than to
triumph nnder those of the enemy.
There can be possibly, but one resnlt
following the support of Mr. Greeley by
the Democracy; that will be defeat, hu
miliation and shame. |
IT CANNOT BE OTHERWISE.
When the people saw this attempted
committal of the Democracy to Radical
candidates and principles, it is not
strange that they should refuse to aid in
changing the personal administration of
the Goveromeut from Gen. Grant to
Mr. Greeley. Those who calculate upon
securiug thi*aul are ignorant of tlmlaws
governing human conduct. It is far bet
ter that we should ever remain iu the mi
nority than to make the humiliating sao-
rifica required of ns.
We have passed through the fiery cru
cible of war, and I /believe there yet re
mains enough virtue aud manhood incur
people to endure all the wiougs aud op
pressions which the malignant ingenuity
of our eueuiies can advise. We should
stand firmly by our principles; and while
we may not hope to succeed iu the eleo-
tion of our candidate, we cau at least
preserve our principles aud save seed for
another crop. The sons of Georgia
should be true to themselves and their
convictions. They may not have the
strength to be feared, bnt they should
have the manhood to be respected.
>-#-4
Tlio Plundering Tax inSoutU Carolina
Through tho operations of the recon
struction measures and military raid
which were fastened upon the Sonth by
Radical domination nrged and secured
by the demands and influence of Horaeo
Greeley more than any other one man s '
South Carolina has been made to suffer
more than any other State in the South;
yet the majority of the newspapers of
that State, and many of the white men
who are taking any part in the Presi
dential campaign, are in favor of Gree
ley; are lioking the hand and kissing tho
rod that has smitten them.;
Scott ; the plundering carpet-bag Gov
ernor, and his plundering Legislature,
have ruined the credit of the State; hav'a
put npon it millions of dollars oj an un
lawful debt, just like tno Bullock gang
did in this State, only more so; aud have
levied a speciai onerous, unbearable tax
to pay the interest on this dishonest,
fraudulent and unlawful debt.
A few days ago the mockery of an
election for State officers was gone
through with, resulting in the success of
one Moses—one of the worst of the scala
wag crew—for Governor.
Scott’s long plundering career in the
Executive Chair is approaching its end;
and he is about to signalize his vacation
of the office by enforcing tho collection
of this wicked tax. It amounts to two
and a quarter per cent, upon the property
of the Stale.
The Auditor-General of the State has
been removed from office by Scott be
cause he refused to issue an order to col
lect this tax. He has published a letter
in which he states that he was offered
$20,000 to issue the order and enforce
the collection—so we see it stated in the
Columbia Carolinian.
This act was passed over two years ag oj
and it seems has never been enforced.
Soon after its passage, a Convention of
tax-payers in the State assembled and
resolved to refuse paying it and resist its
collection. This Convention declared
that the bonds in question were illegal
and fraudulent, and tbat they would not
pay any tax to liquidate them or meet
their interest. Judge Willard, of tha
Supreme Court of the State, has held
them to be unconstitutional and invalid;
yet Scott is taking steps to collect a tax
which was levied to pay the interest on
these bonds.
The tax-payers of Charleston declare
they will not pay the tax, and a general
indignation is being manifested through
out the State. They are abont to feel
the effects of Greeley’g benevolence to
wards the Sonth.
Announcement tor Congress.
Amebicus, Ga., Oct. 21,1872.
To the Voters of the Third Congressional
District:
In announcing myself as au independ
ent candidate for Congress in this Dis
trict, I deem it useless to declare my po
litical faith.
The fact that I am a Democrat of the
Jeffersonian school, has been made
known to the public of Georgia through,
the public press; and within the last four
months I have repeatedly advocated the
principles of that party from the Has
tings.
The record of my past life, both as a
soldier and a man, is before the District,
and I am perfectly willing to have it
sifted and thoroughly Tentilated.
In the event of my election I pledge
myself to do equal justice to all men of
my section. Respectfully,
Jack Brown.
College Flections.
From a private letter from Macon wo
learn that the society elections in Mercer
University occurred on Saturday. la*
the Phi Delta Society, Mr. John S. Free
man (S. A. E.) was electod Comnu
ment Orator and Mr. \V. Ira Smik*
A. E.) Anuiversarmu.
In tb-, Joes'VV'uiau S,