Newspaper Page Text
, -r *1.,lenient aas incurred, | Van Burcn, he must make il oiiginufc aTter iie
,,,n . * fc! lsr( ] to correct Hie statement. became Secretary of Smto, for until (lien lie
Mr Hamilton did not even request him to do could have had no interest in prostrating tins
ihnt- but the fact of principal importance dis-J political collossiis. Tlio truth is there never
closed is that the Vice President did disclose i has existed nny conspiracy against the Vice
r!,e confidential secrets of the cabinet to Mr. j President; the only conspiracy that has exis-
Hamilton. Mr. Hamilton expressly says injtedsinco tiie year 1318, except that of the
his address—“ The conversation was extend-(Vico President rind Niniun Edwards against
cd, and on his part (tho Vice President’s) cm-; me, has
hruccd tntleli that I never felt tnyscll at liberty , sident n
has been one conducted by the Vice Pro
ud his friends, to expose me to the re-
fo disclose.” The Vice President then in Feb- senlincnt and vengeance of Genera! Jackson ;
ruury, 1S2S, did disclose much of the confi- j now that is unveiled and can no longer be con-
rlcniinl nmreedings of the cabinet which Mr. j cenled, tho plotter cries out plots and conspt-
/Iam.lton has never felt himself at liberty to racy. The recent conduct of tho Vico Prest-
ui sc lose. It is only when the Vice President j dent, brings forcibly to mind that lino of the
understands the information given is likely to J Latin author who says, “ Quern ileus mill per-
be published, that his qualms of conscience are , dere pritts dcmeiitnlwhich being translated
excited, and ’hat he feels the sacred nature of, is, “ lie whom God intends to ruin, ho first
cabinet secrets, although tho fuels intended } makes mad, or deprives him of his reason.”
fur publication had not been communicated in ; II tho N ice President was not in this situation,
confidence, he seems at that time to have had | lie never would have published the correspoti-
an instinctive horror of publications. I expect J donee ; a lithe ol the talents and tact that ho
at this time he deeply regrets, Hint instinctive j has generally been supposed lo possess, would
horror slumbered when lie committed his first! have prevented that publication,
address to tlio press. This disclosure of Mr. But his want of reason did not stop with
Hamilton’s will I hope shut the mouth of the j his determination to publish. The first want
Vice President ns to the secrets of the cabi- i of reason and common sense, that I shall point
net. Mr. Adams and Mr. Wirt, may contin- ■ out in tlio publication, is tlio disclosure of his
ue to descant upon the sacred nature of cabi- 'pretended neutrality between Mr. Adams and
uet secrets ; they will find few admirers and General Jackson, in tho Presidential canvass
still fewer advocates. Tlio principles for j of 1823 and 4. Il seems ho had managed to
which they and the Vice President contend, deceive his friends as well as Gencrnl Jack-
suit only dishonest counsellors. For my own ! son. There can he no doubt that Mr. Lump
kin I never said a word or did an art in the i kin believed him, a *• sincere, zealous, cou-
cahinel, that so fur us I was conccrnod, I
should have been unwilling In ho publicly
known the same day. But the counsellor
who would give advice in the cabinet, or do
ucts (hero which he would be ashamed lo own
publicly, would pi ire great value upon the sa-
crcdness of cabinet secrets. Mr. Monroe
and Mr. Croivninshield. have acted like hull-
csl men upon this business. They have said
nothing about the sacred nature of cabinet su-
slant and uniform supporter of General Jack
son.” This opinion of Mr. Lumpkin is com
municated to Inin in January, 1829 ; he never
undeceives Mr. Lumpkin until in Feb. 1831,
ho declares to the public that ho had been
neutral between Mr. Adams and the General.
This declaration was wholly unnecessary;
the principal thing in; intended to do was to
contradict me ; that in Ins estimation was in
dispensable, but that imposed no obligation
crets. Mr. ('iilhnun endeavors most zealous- ] upon him lo disclose his conduct upon that oc-
ly lo make il manifest that lie is nrtuig in self casion. He might have saved Mr. .Lumpkin's
defence, and that he is called upon bv the Prc
sident to justify certain proceedings of his,
while in the cabinet ; lo account tor Ills opin
ions and nets ns secretary of tlio war depart
ment. The Vice President well know at the
time that ho was endeavoring to impose this
charge upon the public, that it was untrue.
The President distinctly slates his cause of
Complaint against the Vice President. Il is
dimply this, that while lie had pursued one
course in the cabinet, he had contrived to
m kc lnm believe that he pursued a different
and directly opposite course, and I have no
do.ibt that he might have added with strict
truth that he had contrived to make him be
lieve ilml I bad acled in ihc cabinet, the part
which lie himself bad pursued. Notwilhstiind-
feclings, and hi all probability have preserved
Ins friendship by silence. \gain ho affects
great consideration for Mr. Monroo, yet in
Ins letter of the 29ii> of May, so often referred
to, he makes Mr. Monroe say that tho first
time he hud road General Jackson’s private
letter was m December, 1818, when lie had
before him Mr. Monroe’s letter of the 21st
December, ISIS, in which lie informs General
Jackson lie had read it in the July preceding,
ami on Mr. Calhoun’s suggestion. Now al
though I have no high opinion of the accura
cy or tenacity of Mr. Monroe's memory, it
cannot be more defective Ilian the Vice Presi
dent’s if lie is to bo believed.
But there are circumstances connected with
Ins qucstio.i, that must bu conclusive against
ing my conviction that (lie Vico President had the Vice President. Mr. Monroe appears
pursued this course, I have made no advance have had tho subject constantly in lus mind,
towards the President to ascertain the fact. The Vice President publishes, with the enr-
Dupl.city is the only charge which tho Presi-
•dout has urged against the Vice President.
If lie is innocent of tho charge why does he
not publish his correspondent u with the Ge
neral, and shew that he disclosed to him frank
ly the courso lie had pursued towards him l tin
til he docs this ho must remain subject lo the
chnige of duplicity urged iiguinsl him by the
President. Duplicity out of Ike cabinet, and
not for his conduct in the cabinet, is what the
President charges against the Vice President.
Tho Vice President in his address, com-
plains of plots and conspiracies directed
against him. Tho Telegraph charges these
plots and conspiracies upon Mr. Van Burcn.
and tho Telegraph no doubt speaks hy tho au
thority of tho Vico President. Hitherto my
enemies kavo affected to consider mo (ho
principal whenever I have been cbnrgcd with
any agency ; bul now (ho Viet/ President ami
bis editor, seem disposed to consider me only
as the instrument of Mr. Van Huron. When
that gentleman and Mr. Caiiibrcleug visited j sentrd, Mr. Calhoun attaches no note, thereby
publi:
respondence, three letters from the President
lo tho General, dated in July, October, and
December, in the last of which, he states
when and how tho confidential letter was read.
In May, 1830, nearly 12 years afterwards,
with Mr. Monroe’s account of the matter in
writing before him, ho makes Mr. Monroo say
llim he had never read tho teller until Dceem
her, 1818. However defective Mr. Monroe’s
memory may be, the Vice President’s is worse,
In iny letter to bun of the 2d October, 1830
I stale that sumo time in the year 1521, lie in
formed mo that his memory could not bo reli
ed upon ns to facts even after a short lapse of
time. In October of that year. I state that
fact to him in a letter, which In; answered Hip
next day, and takes no exception to that state
ment. I do not make this statement from
memory. I have now before me, a letter writ
ten bv mo tlio next day. to which Hint fact is
recorded. The same fact is contained in me
letter last cited. To tho statement thus pro
mo in April, 1827, l do noi believe that the
presidential question, was the topic of com
nation during the visit; what makes mo more
confident oil this subject is, that 1 have a dis
tinct recollection that Mr. Van Burcn wrote
lo me from Auguatu, lo know tny determina
tion on that subject, if I had formed one. Be
fore they left iny liouso, they informed me
that they intended visiting a gentleman of mv
acquaintance in South Carolina, of great worth
and respectability; I wrote to him, introducing
them. After they had left his house, lie an
swered my letter expressing much satisfaction
with the Visitors, especially with Mr. Van Hu-
ren, except iu one particular, and Hint was,
tliut ho seemed disposed lo let Mr. Calhoun
remain where ho was. Now says lie, I want
lo punish him fur tlio mischief ho has dnno ;
tins satisfied me that Mr. Van Burcn was at
thnt time not unfriendly to the Vico Presi
dent. Mr. Nan Burcn is chnrgcd with con
spiracy, because he is the only person suppo
sed lo have an immediate interest in tho down
fall of the Vice President ; and the conspiracy
is supposed by the Vico President and bis edi
tor, to have originated in the spring of 1827.
when Mr. \ an lliiren paid mo a friendly visit.
By placing its origin so lur back, tho charge
defeats itself. The Vice President in his let-
ter to the President of the 25th of August.
1830, alluding to my letter lo A. Balcli, Esq.
pf tho 14th December, 1827, says “ A propo
sition of the kind at that particular period,
when the election was most doubtful and teartn-
ly contested, needs no comment as to its ob
ject/’ The Presidential election was then
on tho 14th Dec. 1827, most doubtful, and
warmly contested. Yet to givo plausibility to
the charge of conspiracy against Air. Van Bo
ren. it must be supposed not only that he
foresaw General Jackson’s election certain,
but that ho foresaw llmt the General, when
elected would appoint hmi (Mr. Vun Buren)
Secretary of State. This is giving that gen
tleman more foresight than ho claims or do-
•erven, and the Vico President rather less than
no posssssea ; if the Vice President seriously
lOtcnds to apply the eonsmrucy of which he
Jhiojis, or asserts that he is the victim, to Mr.
Iwico admitting the correctness of the state
ment of tin- frailty of his memory. Yet in his
teller ol the 29ih May, 1830. lie asserts llmt
(it's recollection ii distinct, that the confiden-
iial letter was not produced and read. If the
mblcls ol lij.s memory retained impressions ns
durably as brass, he could not have made this
assertion, if ho had had one principle of honor
or honesty m his heart. Air. Monroe and Mr.
Adams, have said as much ns honest men
could say, viz : Hint they had no recollection
that it was produced and road. There is but
one ease m which it is possible for an honest
man to mnko such u declaration ; and thnt is
when ha has a distinct recollection of a fact
which r -tillers it impossible ihnt the nllogcd
fact should luivo occurred. Bul Mr. Calhoun
does not allege any thing of this kind upon
which to found Ins distinct recollection. It is
his naked assertion of liis distinct recollection
ihnt he palms upon the President, and alter-
"utds upon tho gaud people of the United
States by his publication. Now I repeat, that
no honest man could, or would Kavo made
such a declaration, let his memory be over so
good. Iloiv then could tho Vico President,
whose memory he has twice directly admitted
could not be relied upon as to facts, after tho
lapso of nearly twelve years pretend to recol
lect uot a fact, hut thnt a fact did not happen
at a particular time, without pretending that
any peculiar circumstance had riveted it m his
memory.
At an interview, between Mr. Cnlhoun, mid
myself, in October, 1321, without being called
upon by ony thing 1 had said, ho slated that at
the Presidential election for u successor to Air.
Monroe, there would be but two candidates ;
one from the North, '.be other from the Sooth :
That he was young enough lo wait. This de
claration was repealed with emphasis ; and lie
added, if tny friends did nut act an unfriendly
part towards him, it was easy to foresee what
part lie would lake in tho contest, in less
than six iveel(9 ho was an nvowed candidate
for the Presidency, and the only avowed one.
He never rondo any explanation of tins .haiigc
of opinion, nur did I never inornate a w ish to
bo informed. Ills declaration above stated,
does nol depend on my memory, for I have
in my possession, a letter written hy me, tl
day after the declaration was made. Anil
since the publication of tho correspondence, I
met with a gentleman, who was then friendly
to us both, and fur aught 1 know, is still, io
whom in a letter, about the dale of the dec-la
ration, I had communicated it. Ho reminded
mu of it, and urged mo il I look any notice of
the correspondence, to present this fact to the
public ; in compliance with his opinion, and
advice, I have presented it.
I have been somewhat surprised, at tlio re
grets thnt have been expressed iu many of the
newspapers, at the misunderstanding which
has occurred between the President and Vice
President. !l is certainly a misnomer to call it
a misunderstanding, it is iu fact a correct un
derstanding between the parties, between
whom there has been a misunderstanding
since the summer of 1318. Some doubts
have even been expressed, whether the rup
ture would not produce a had effect upon Hie
ensuing Presidential election; such doubts are
entirely visionary. Let Air. Culhoun go over
lo the opposition to-morrow, lie cannot, in my
opinion, control our electoral tote, not even in
.South Carolina: for 1 am credibly informed
that the President of Hie United Stales, can
get more votes in Abbeville district, than Air.
Calhoun, iilthnugh it is his native district.
The truth is, I believe, Mr. CuthoOn never
was a republican in principle. He became a
man after Hie federal party had been over
thrown, and lie bad sngaeily enough to be
convinced (hut it would not rise to power in a
short tunc. His ambition has therefore promp
ted him lo join the Republican party. During
the war Hie excitement which existed, and the
pressure which the enemy made on the country,
required all llie vigilance nnd all Hie energy
of those charged with the public interest
But after tlio war a new scene opened and
then it was discovered that many who had en
tered tlio republican ranks, were not rcpubli
cans in fact. Thu Tanlf, for the protection
of domestic labor, and internal iinprnvdAnents,
hei'iuno prominent and leading measures in
both of which, Air. Calhoun took a leading
and active part. 11c is now uttho head of tho
Nullifiers in South Carolina, to nullity the
Tariff of 1928, because it docs protect do
mestiu labor. 1 have no doubt many honora
ble, respectable, and well informed citizens
believe in Hie doctrine of Nullification. Air.
Calhoun is probably the only nulhficr in South
Carolina, who cannot bo honestly so. If
there he another it is bis friend George Me
Dulfie, who at least is only second lo him in,
inconsistency as a politician.
. The Vice President’s past conduct, nnd
present situation, reminds mo strongly of one
of iEsop’s fables, in which he relates that an
ass buviiig obtained a lion’s skin, put it on him,
mid went into tho forest where his appearance
spread nffright and dismay among the tenants
of the woods, who lied to their most secret
coverts and hiding places. Shortly after, the
ass began to bruy ; the spell was dissolved ;
the affrighted beasts returned from their co
verts, and collecting around, they stripped
him of tho lion's skin, and exposed him to Ihc
scorn and ridicule of tlio assembled beasts.
For uhout 20 years tlio Vico President had
assumed the port, and mien, nnd exterior of a
patriot, und a man of strict honor. Through
the agency of a parcel of young officers whom
lie had tho address lo attach to him, while he
was Secretary of AVar ; lie lias managed to
impose the belief -poo the majority of tho citi
zens of this republic, that he was what he
seemed lo be. Unfortunately tn tho month
ol February Inst, lie dime out with his ad
dress to ti.e people of the United Stales. This
address hns hail tin' same effect upon him,
that the braying liud upon the Jackass. Thai
publication has produced inquiry and criticism*
An enquiry and critieism cannot fail to expose
the Vice President to the scorn und ridicule,
not of the assembled beasts, bul of the citi
zens of the United States. I now take mv
lenvo of the Vice President, by saying that if
nny of his quondam friends, shall after reading
(Ins review wish to make him the object of
adoration, tliev shall not ho interrupted in tlicir
devotions bv
WILLIAM II. CR.VAVFORD.
Juno 1st, 1831.
Congress. Thi* wjs certainly changing his politics af
ter In- was iliirty vents m age. Therefore, according
lo nit, axiom, he was imlnci-ij in tlm change hy selfish
and dishonest motives. But Ins variations did not stop
at this point. Il having been ascertained in 1631, that
•lolin C. Calhoun had become the mainspring of nulli
fication in .South Carolina, Mr. Crawfitrf discovered
that the very- principle lie had himself promulgated a,
Athens ill 1626, was treason amt deserving the hangman’s
rope."
From Hie Georgia Journal.
’’On the fib of August, 1S28, an Anli-Tarilfmeeling
was held at Alliensa cnminiltuo was nppuiuted to
draw up a report and resolutions. Mr. IVil-on Lump
kin was one of llmt committee. They made a report,
yvhich was very strung against the Tariff policy, and
Mr. Lumpkin was appointed onenfn committee toenr-
ry into ctleet tile third resolution, solar as it contem
plates an appeal to the people of the Slate of Georgia.
This waa in 16-28. Now in 1831, there was another
Anti-Tariff meeting held at Alliens, for the purpose of
appointing delegates to the Anti-Tariff Convention to
be held at Philadelphia on the 30th of this mouth. Mr.
Lumpkin was at Athens, hut did attend tlio meeting.”
From the Statesman & Patriot.
“ If I err nol, one of I ho gentlemen (Mr.L.) w hose re
marks I have passed in review, acted a conspicuous prut
al a meet ing of persons at a celebrated town in this State,
in 18-28, assembled for the purpose of ereeiing the “ se
pulchre of tho Union.” I would ask iu iviiit manner
did they present themselves ? was there nny parallel
between tho language employed on that occasion to
the General Government, and the respectful memorial
from New York ? let those who remember Ihc terms
of that precious niorceau, answer the question—how
consistent for gentlemen now to reprobate, what then
they claimed as a right to be clung lo unto death, and
which they carried loan extent beyond all precedent."
iCJ° Iu cunscqnence of the two voluminous articles
yvhich nearly fill our to-day's paper, a variety of inlet-
estingoriguisl and other nutter is unavoidably ixc'u
ded. Several communications on Imud will be rublish*
cd eh rlly. Our lair readers must have pal lencc—the
election wait aoon be over, when wc shall be happy to
present our usual variety of miscellaneous matter.
-<S£>-
Tlie editor of the Macon Telegraph in speaking of
Mr. Crawford in the following ealract, has given a
“ side tcipe" to lus friend Mr. Lumpkin. AVo add to
the extract from the Telegraph an article from the
the Journal oftlic Gtii ins; undun extract from a com
munication to the State*.nail & Patriot of Iasi year. If
Mr. Crawford is deserving the •‘hangman’s rope” for
attending the Anti Tariff meeting held ill this place
io 1828, what punishment does Mr. Lumpkin merit for
thesamo offence 7 v|r. T-. was here* and s aled public,
ly, that the object ojthe meeting met his decided approba
tion. I.et the friends ol Mr. L. answer the above ques
tion, it is too hard for us.
From (ho Macon Telegraph.
“Yet, in I82S, ho presided at the Slate Excise meet
ing in the town of Athena, ami contemplated with plea
sure the *' stp'elchre of the Union/ and lent the -aneiion
ofhi« 1a n» to the principle! that a State may re.istitu
tionally, by imposing an Excise, mdlijj a lain pns'td bn
By the request of a friend who happens unfortunate.
ly to bo an opponent ofMr. Gilmer, rvc insert the fol
lowing communication. Unwilling, however, to send
forth the banc without an nnlidotc accompanying it,
our readers will observe that notes, with figures as re.
fcrences, are attached, to yvhich their attention is soli
cited. Had more time been allowed, wc should have
made it the subject of a separate article—tho want of
it must bo our excuse for adopting the present course.
COMMUNICATED.
A Review of the Objections urged against the
lion. IVilson Lumpkin os a Candidate for
Governor—Submitted to the candid and un
prejudiced Citizens of Georgia.
We have waited thus long, in order to as-
certain whether ally objections would he offer
ed ugninsi Air. Lumpkin, worthy of serious
consideration. Wo find, however, (1) that we
have delayed our remarks in vain. Not the
shadow of nny valid objection has been made
known—In tho place of arguments against hm,
we have heard much vituperation, much as
persion, and somo untangible insinuations
against his character.(2)
It will be our endeavor, as well to expose
the underhanded sophistry of his opponents, as
to set Air. Lumpkin’s claims for the office of
Governor, in a proper light before the people;
and if we can have a patient hearing, we will
prove to the good people of Georgia, that Air.
Lumpkin lias n^ver during the whole of his
political life, changed tho first timn in his po
litical principles,(3) nnd secondly, that his
claims for Hie office for which he stands as a
candidate, are as strong as uny other candid
ates. Let tlieso two positions he proven, nnd
it will be seen at once, that notwithstanding
the great bugbear which editors, office-hunt
ers,(4) &c. have raised about Troupism and
Cla’kism, is all idle fudge. The difference
between Air. Gilmer and Air. Lumpkin, must
he a mere choice between men. and not prin
ciple. That on all national measures, it is
known that their opinions harmonize,(5) thnt
the only difference that docs or can exist be
tween them, is only on mnltcrs of State policy,
on which subjects tho soundest republicans
and patriots may very reasonably split, without
losing sight of principle.
Before wo touch upon tho apparent objec
tions that have been urged against Mr. Lump
kin, with some degree of seeming phiusihdily,
we will give a short sketch of Mr. L.’s early
political outset in life. He, as v^ell as Air.
Gilmer, was raised in Georgia. They were
both brought up in Oglcthorpo county. When
Mr. Lumpkin was only a little turned nf 21
years of age, he was brought out by his fellow
citizens us a candidate for Ihc Legislature.—
The Hon. NVm. H. Crawford was a candidate
at tho same time. They were both elected—
Such was, however, Air. Lumpkin’s character
for honesty und integrity of character, which
ho has ever since borne with tlieso who per
sonally know him, and aro unprejudiced, that
lie received a majority of 200 votes over Air.
Crawford. They both took their seats in tho
Legislature nt Louisville together. Air. Lump
kin was then the friend of Air. Crawford, and
so were all his family, as they had been of a
Jackson, ii Baldwin, und others. It was Air.
Lumpkin’s lather who co-operated ns a mem
ber of Hie Legislature with Gov. James Jack-
son, in burning tho records of the Ynzoo spec
ulation. and had trained his soil to tha same
professions of political faith, the same enmity
lo corruption wherever seen. It was nol long
after Air. Lumpkin took his scat in the Legis
lature, before ho observed llmt Air. Crawford
acted towards hint with the most distant cool
ness. This deportment gradually increased,
till it became oppressive ami repulsive. Air)
Crawford’s more devoted friends, soon after
wards seemed drawn to tho same lino of con
duct. This feeling increased among them, till
it ended in an united and strong effort in the
county, to pul him down.(G) At first tho thing
appeared very unaccountable to Air. L. He
was conscious that so far from having given
Air. Crawford any just cause of offence, that
he had been bis warm friend. The solution
of the ivholo ufi'uir, however, was evident
Mr. Crawford was at Hie timo of his election
perhaps justly considered an eminent lawyer,
and an ambition bad then germinated, that was
to admit of no rival. To be ontpolled for tho
Legislature by a mere stripling, a youthful far
mer boy, must have been considered as some
cause of mortification. And whether this be
the real cause or not, it is certain that Mr.
Crawlord nor his immediate friends, hnvo nev
er since treated Mr. L. with that courtesy they
did before.(7) It wus not wonderful, there-
fore, when Geo. Jackson’s name was first an
nounced as a candidate fur the President.} re
the XT. 8. that Mr. Lumpkiu should itntqcdi-
alely become his warm, devoted and uru'br
supporter, even in opposition to Air. Cranford
VVas It a . bongo m principle to support Gen
Jackson ! Is he not as republican and ns con ‘
stituttnnal, ns Air. Crawford ? Could it he r
quired ur expected, for Air. Lumpkin to Sl! !'
port a man whose friends were persecutin'*
him, even to political extermination’(8) Mr
Crawford has .aid, " that in the United Slates
it may be laid down as an axiom, that if a nun
changes lus po.itical opinions after he is thirty
years ol age, that ho dues it from selfish or
dishonest motives.” i f be , rll Mr> c . r
will perceive that the rule would subject many
of Ins own friends to tho imputation ofdisliorj.
esly and selfishness.{9) For it is known tha>
many who were once called federalists, chan’
ged to his supporters.(10) Air. Crawford
himself is said to have changed his opinion-
on the U. S. Bank, and other questions s,nc 0
ho was thirty years old.(ll) How true ,i ls
we leave his triemls to answer. NVI.il,. we
admit that Air. Crawford has exercised most
extraordinary talents, and in a way lie honest'
ly believed for the good of the country, y P (
we believe his warmest friends, if candid, ui||
agree with us. in saying that few men possess
more uncompromising prejudices, and that bis
intoleration towards a man he once dislikes
often prevents him from doing an individual
justice, and hence the chnrgc of apostacy
against Mr. Lumpkin.(12)
As this charge has before and ninco bo«n
frequently brought against Air. Lumpkin, we
here boldly defy any man on earth, lo lay their
finger on any one act of Mr. L.’s political hfc,
that proves him guilty of apostacy to pure and
undefiled republican principles.(13) In what,
wc will ask, lias he apostatized ? when or bow
did lie change his republican principles? AVo
pronounce that he never has, nor do ive believe
lie ever will. Every tune he has been a mem
ber of Congress, he has uniformly voted with
the republican party, against national internal
improvements, against the tariff,(14) and
against every measure that was calculated to
infringe on State rights.(15) On every ques.
lion thnt came up in which principle was in
volved, ho was found voting with George M.
Troup and other republicans.(16)
It is known that there aro two leading par
ties in the United States. One is in favor of
a splendid central government, founded on H e
abridgement of State rights—tho other is in
favor of the preservation of State rights, with
their present attributes nf separate and distinct
sovereignties. It is needless to add that thoso
in favor of the first measure are s’vled federal
ists; thoso who go for tlio latter, are called
republicans, among whom Air. L. Ims, during
all bis political life been found ; nnd thus.* who
assort thnt ho has ever deserted ils support,
must knowingly utter that which is fnlse.(17)
Tho wholocaase of the charge has arisen from
his friendship to Gen. Jackson in preference in
Mr. Crawfnrd, or his change of support trum
one republican to another.-
Tho next charge carries with it more un
fairness, if any thing, than be "tie which has
just been answered, viz : *• That in 1806 hr,
toas in favour of large reserves : but > <u non
he is opposed to them that a- Mr. G Inter is
in favor of reserving he gold mines, lie is do
ing no more than what Air. I,, approved of in
1806. Never was any Hung more sophistical.
Let us impress it upon the reader, that Hie
situation of the nfl'airs of the stute, were v> ry
different in 1806, to what they were in 1340.
(18.) In 1806. Air. Lumpkin and Air. Craw
ford were both in tho Legislature. A largo
tract of laud had just been acquired n few
months before, from the Creek Indians. It
was the first land tho Legislature had attempt
ed to dispose of, subsequent to tlio Yazoo
Fraud. To avoid any possibility of a similar
speculation; a proposition was made to give it
to the peoplo directly by lottery ; this was go
ing into the opposite extreme. Tho state was
largely in.dubt nt tlio time, uiu) this debt was
to bo paid fur out of this acquired territory,
or by direct taxation. Some, and wo believa
Air. Crawford, with many of his friends, were
against the lottery altogether, and preferred
that the land should he sold. Air. Lumpkin,
seeing that tho lottery would succeed, was in
favour of making sufficient reserves lo enable
I bo state, without loo heavy a taxation, to
meet its contracts. Indeed, as it was the first
lottery ever atlempted m the state, ho might
have opposed it, as many republicans did, and
yet consistently bo in luvour of loiterymg off
the balance of the territory at (his lime, in as
much as the stale has given to the people ’ho
most fertilo portion of it, by lottery ; it would
bo unjust, to withhold draws from other citi
zens who are entitled, alter so muay for
tunes have been drawn in lands in Jones, Jas
per, and -Morgan counties, worth more than
many gold mines. If Air. Lumpkin had suc-
cc.cded in the first lottery of making reserves,
no body would have hud a riclit to have com
plained of injustice, ns they would nmv have a
right to d", if the gold minus were reserved.
To prove tbai the state was in debt, when tho
first luttcry bill was passed, wc will here give
the fourth section of tho bill.
“ Sec. 4. Ami be it further enacted, ij-c.
that the fractional parts of Surveys, which
may be erected by .lie natural or artificial
boundaries of said territory shall be set apart,
FOB TIIF. REDEMPTION OF TIIF. PUBLIC DEBT,
under the direction of a future legislature."
This bill passed, and was approved bv John
Milledgc, as Governor, on Juno 26th, 1806.
Even suppose, Mr. Lumpkin Imd succeeded
in securing liberal reserves, which he deemed
necessary to pay the public deb't, don t every
body see the state would have been benefitted,
and no one’s right infringed, as it was lo bo
’.ho first lottery. (19.)
But Hie case stands very differently with
Air. Gilmer. The state is now. not only out
of debt, but lias largo sums of money in iho
treasury. Several rich land lotteries have li
ken place, by which many citizens h»ve tn rdo
tnrlunes in them, while others have ur vet
drawn a foot oflnnd. And vet, forsouifi, be
cause gold is discovered, they must bo denied;