Newspaper Page Text
CEDARTOWN RECORD.
jji D. WIKLE & 00., Proprietors,
CEDARTOWN, GEORGIA, Ell ID AY, OOTOliER (i 1870.
VOL. III. NO. 16.
LATEST NEWS.
•«ITTH aim* WMT,
Savannah liml received $17,922 in
Money up In Tuesday.
IVxns planters are nfTcring a dollar a
liundri’d for codon picking,
I’orl tons uf Texas and Isjuisiatm art*
aufleriiiK from a severe drouth.
Memphis and New Orleans excoption-
nl'ly healthy for thi?« neaRou of the year.
Arkansas pays seventy-flvq cents per
hundred ponu«» Hl for cotton picking.
Worms are doing; great damage to eot-
" n f. portions of Alahnmn, Mississippi,
l -onisinna and Texas.
A skill' upset with five Jewish youths
at Monlpomery, Ala , Tuesday, drowning
four of them.
Full returns I
tion in .Malinina e
'in the late state elec-
o Houston 98,81 li; \Yootl-
Garflehl, thn Plmrlsoo, Put Upon tlm
Spit a ml Done to n Turn.
Sniveling Hypocrisy and Lyin^ To-
IrioUsm Exposed and
Smashed.
Secession an Original Product ot Now
Kngland Cupidity.
Three eargors of leaf tolr.cco w
shipped from Uichinund Inst week for I'.i
pen
narke
Mitehell Pearson has
i Bedford eoiitiit
n 4 been
Penn., of killing
W in. i reek in 1865, and sent to the peniten
tiary for ten years.
IL O. Sneed, connected with SwiIVs
Mon an steel walks of Cincinnati, is in Clint*
lanooga, making arrangements for being
Mipplird with .H7 non tons of ore per niinuin.
' ■’ll""' fe.i r iii Savshimli in Imvine
S°<"' ■n.'l ,11 Min Ollier rill... null
I....O. Mijijecl 1.11|„. ,,b C o. nro ..Irmihig
street*,
ll'<' hhaltli coniiniltee of Savannah
uoip'mpnd the Inirning of lar, resin and
turpentine all over the oily, and also the
burning of large numbers of coal kilns of
pine wood,
I Miring the season 60,150 hales of col*
l«>n were received in Charleston. The aver
age weight of the bale is four hundred and
, nml the average price
Mo
crease of $1H4
New t )rlea
bear thatoprr
the New l)rlen
r of tin
value, $-.1,117'
lie
Uomocrat: At last we
mis are to he resumed at
mint at an early dale. The
mint, Dr. Limlernian, has
given iiiHtriirtinns to open the mint during
the ensiling month for the reception of de
posits of htillinn to he converted into liars
mliia'Ii will be asanved and stamped in sueh
n manner ns to indicate the weight and legal
value. The coinage can not be resumed, as
congress failed fn provide the necessary
Savannah News: Of the negro popu
lation, amounting to about ten thousand,
two-thirds are now supported by charity.
Mild the number ot appeals is iming increased
by the influx of destitute negroes from the
country, who, hearing of the aid extended
to their people in the city, are coming In fn r
their share. Added to this there are about five
tboiisnnd destitute while people, making a
Ininl of sonic 10,000 persons who have to he
looked after and aided according to their
Mrs. Victoria Wood hull sued for and
•ms obtained an absolute divorce from her
husband, Col. James II. Mood, on the
ground of habitual adultery. She is once
wore free.
rOHKIUN.
Ilerr Krupp calculates that his latest
gun will penetrate the twenty-four inch nr-
uiorof llie English ironclad Inflexible at a
distance of 1,000 metres, or will go through
fourteen-inch armor five or six miles off
and throw a projectile weighing five him*,
id twenty kilogramme# completely
r I. .lido
tlm
of the latest new*
tram Kiiropi- there can be no doubt that
Hums,„ is intriguing in I lie aid of Hervin,
furnishing iliploaialii: force, and with il
both soldiers and money. Tlm proposed
creation of hostilities is only a postpone-
on nt «.f a question that will ultimately be
decided against the Tin lea.
Too biggest thing yet attempted in
the line of heavy artillery is the hundred-
,on k''»n, just completed at Woolwich, Eng
land, for the Italian navy, fnr which seven
other pieces of the like size are to be matin
faciured. This tremendous engine of death
Its# a base of thirty and a half fed in length,
-« v. ntci-n inches in diameter in the clear,
-Hid It is estimated has a prwjectilc force of
tons -that is, the dynamic i fleet of its
discharge will he equal to lifting 80,000
tons one -foot, or one ton about six mil.
' barge four hundred pounds of
dl be required, and the shell pro-
tile
cted.
. uk in any masonry c
nisn.i,u#t:iMs.
The following is a H|tecial dispatch
from Madrid: “I.earning that the com
mander of the United States ship Franklin,
homeward hound, consents to delever Wil
liam M. Tweed to the American authorities,
instead of sending him back to Gen. Jovel-
nr, the order for Tweed’s departure from
Corunna has been countermanded. The
Franklin, which in now at tiil.raltar, pro
ceeds to Vigo to take Tweed, who is now
closely confined in fortress Castello del
Castro, on boarujher deck."
The secretary of the treasury ha# called
in for redemption $10,000,000 in 5-20 bonds
of llhvi, May and November, upon which in
terest will cease on the twenty-first of De
cember next. 'I hey are ns follows: Coupon
Imnds for $50—No. 651 to No. 718, both in
clusive; for $100. No. 8601 to No. 12 406
both inclusive; for $500—No. 15,001 to No.
10,000, both inclusive; for $1000—No. 35,251
to No. 46,850, both inclusive; total coupon
bonds, $7,000,000. Registered bonds—for
$50, No. 1 to No. 50, both inclusive; for
$100—No. 1101 to No. 1650, both inclusive;
for $500—No. 1401 to No. 1810, both inclu
sive; for f 1000—No. 2701 to 5750, both in-
elnsiv.-: for $5000—No. 2201 to No. 2000, both
inclusive; for $10,000—No. 8101 to No. 3050
both inclusive. Total registered bonds,
$3,000,000; aggregate, $10,000,000.
Sonin Account of the Puritan Slnvo-
Drlvera ami Sluvo
Traders.
A Terrible Arraignment of Republi
can Rascals, Cheats and
Shams.
JUDOK BLACK’S OPEN LETTER.
To IDi
til II
. Mi-
mi ('(iNMiiow from Ohio. .
jlu- speech y«»ii set „,c. | am osUmi-
Islicd it till shocked. As the lender of
your party, to whom the candidates
have H|K'diuly delegated the conduct of
the i'ending eampaigu, you should have
met your rea|Nmn(hflilte.H in a very dif
ferent way. I do not presume to lecture
so distiugui-'hed a man ii|miu his errors;
hut if I can prevent you, r-vrn tna siniill
extent, from abusing the public creduli
ty, it is my duty to try. 1* re miningonly
my pleat anxiety to preserve lhe frater
nal relations existing lwiween us for
many years, 1 follow the lloratian rule,
and come at once to " the middle of
things.”
You trait' hack the origin nr present
parties to the entlicnL immigration at
Plymouth and Jamestown, and profess
to find in the op|>osiiig doetritiei then
planted and afterward constantly clier-
ished in Mamaohusetts and Virginia, the
germs of those ideas which now make
democracy and alsditionism the deadly
foes of each other. The hk'iti so plniiteil
Massachusetts Were, according to
on and equality
ight and duty
account, the fre
of all races, and the
<77.
his pri
vato judgment in polities
religion. On the other hand, you *qI
<-f‘ U trri.c.ajir.lbibtj' l.s'-.MlV- til*.'— *
trine of Virginia, "Chat capital should
own labor, that the negro had no rights
of manhood, and that the white man
might buy. own and sell him and his off-
spring forever.” Following these ahser*
turns with’others, and linking the pres
ent with the long past, you employ the
device* of your rhetoric to glorify the
modem abolitionist and to throw foul
scorn, not merely on tin southern peo
ple, hut on the whole democracy of the
country.
Tills looks learned and philosophical,
and it gives your speech a dignity seem
ingly above the reach of the ordinary
demagogue. Happy is he who knows
the causes of tfungs; felicitous is the
partisan mom her of congress whose
stump sjieech goes up the river of time
to the first fountain of good and evil.
Hut your contrast of historical facts is
open to one objection, which I give you
in a form as simple as jKissihle when I say
that it is wholly destitute of truth.
This, of course, implies no imputation
our good faith. Your high churac-
... in the church, as well as the state,
forbids tin' Isdief that you would he
guilty of willful misrepresentation.
I LAND.
The
n of Massachusetts, so far from
planting the right of private judgment,
extirpated and utterly extinguished it,
hy means no cruel that no man oi com
mon humanity can think of them even
now without disgust nud indignation. I
am Surprised to find you ignorant of
(his. I)id you never hear of the fright
ful persecutions they carried on system
atically against Haptisls and thinkers
and Catholics? How they fined, im
prisoned, lashed, mutilated, enslaved and
banished everylwdy that claimed the
right of free thought ? I low they striped
the most virtuous and inoffensive wo
men, and publicly wliipiied them on
1 barks, only for expressing
I1M - ’ I (fit'll
r conscientious convictions
never, in all your reading,
story of Roger Williams? I
cly suggesting to the public uiiIIk
t witli
f the colony that i
to Is- punished on account of his lioncsl
opinions, lie was driven into the woods
and pursued ever afterwards with a
ferocity that put his own life ami that
of his friends in constant danger. In
fact, the cruelty of their laws against the
freedom of conscience and the unfeeling
rigor with which they were executed,
made Massachusetts odious throughout
the world
These great crimes of the Pilgrim
fathers ought not to Ik? cast up to their
hildren; lor some of their descendants
(I hope a good majority) nro high-prin
cipled and honest men, sincerely attached
to the liberal institutions planted in the
more southern latitudes of the continent.
But if you are right in your assertion
that the aliolitionists derive their prin
ciples from the ideas entertained and
planted at Plymouth, that may account
for the coarse and brutal tyrann^ with
which your party has, in recent times,
trampled upon the rights of free thought
id free speech.
MAWIACHUHETTH
Nor are you more accurate in your
declaration that the old yankecs planted
the doctrine of freedom and equaitly, or
opposed the domination of one race over
another. Messrs Palfrey and Sumner
have said something to the effect that
slavery never existed in Massachusetts,
and von may have been misled hy them.
Hut either they were wholly ignorant of
the subject, or else they spoke with that
loose and lavish unveracity which is a
common fault among men of their politi
cal sect. The Plymouth colony and the
province of Massachusetts bay were pro-
slavery to the backbone. It volt doubt
Ibis I refer you to Moor’s "History ol
slavery in Massachusetts,” where the
evidence (consisting phiqfiy of records
and documents |wrfeotly authenticated)
is produced and collated with a fullness
and fairness which cannot lie questioned.
'I lie Plymouth Immigrants planted pre
eisely the doctrine which you ascribe to
the Jamestown colonists ; that is to say.
they held that “ the negro hud uo rights
of manhood; that the white man might
buy, own and sell him and Ills offspring
torever." Practically and thcorHienlly
they maintained tluii- human slavery i\i
its most unmitigated form was a perfectly
just, proper and desirable institution,
entirely consistent with Christianity as
they understood it. and founded on prin
ciples of universal jurisprudence. They
insisted upon it as an established anil
settled rule of the law of nations that
when one government or community or
|Mi|itieal organisation made wnr tijsin its
ow n subjects, or the subject* of another,
and vanquished then, the people of the
beaten party had no rights to which the
right of the conquerors was mo para-
ntmttil. Whenever it Was demount rated,
by actual uxporlhH'tit, that any people
wclw loo weak to defend their families
against an invaderwho visited thorn with
lire and sword, they might lawfully he
stripped of tludr property, and they
themselves, their wives and their chil
dren. might justly lu* held as slaves or
sold in perpetual bondage. That was the
idea they planted in their own soil, pro
pagated among their contemporaries,
and transmitted to the abolition party of
the present day. You have preached
and practised it ill all yoitr dealings with
Jhe smith. This absolute denomination
is what you mean, If you mean anything,
when you talk ala,mi I t ho " prcnoils re
sults ol the war. 1 li the doctrine thus
planted hy the original settlers in Massa
chusetts lie true, and if tlm “precious
Iruits 1 of it, which you are gathering
with so much industry, lie legitimate, it
is a perfect justification of all the slavery
that ever existed on thin continent.
Your great exemplars, from whom you
acknowledge that you have derived yollr
ideas of freedom, Certainly thought, or
professed to,think so. and they carried if
out to its logical consequences. When
an African potentate ollose to light with
and Mithdue a weak tribe, inside or out
of his own denomination, he sold the
prisoners whom he did not think proper
to kill, and the men of Massachusetts
bought them without a question of his
title. They kept them and worked them
to death, or sold them again as their in
terest prompted -for they held that the
right of domination, resulting from the ;
application of brute force, was good in
the hands of all subsequent purchase!#,
however remote from lire original con-
litisiloh - *
. imuwai mCm r i y • , , , 1
They executed tills theory to Its fullest
extent in their own wafs With the In
dian-. Without cause or provocation,
find without notice or warning, they fell
upon the I’cquods, massacred many of
them, and made slaves of the ntlrvivors,
without distinctiim of ago or sox. About
seven hundred, including many women
and children, were sent to the West In
dies, and these sold on public account,
the proceeds being put in the colonial
treasury. Eight score of these unfortu
nate people escaped from the butchery
hy flight, and afterwards agreed to give
themselves up on the solemn promise of
the authorities that they should neither
put to death nor enslaved. The
promise was broken with as little remorse
as a modern abolitionist would violate
his oath to support the constitution.
The "precious results of the war” were
not to be lost by an honest observance
of their pledged faith, and the victims
of this infamous treachery were all of
them shipped to Harhadpcs, and sold or
npjied for Blackamoors.” This prac
tice of enslaving their captives was iwii-
forin, covered all cases, included women
and children, as well as fighting men.
When death put king Philip beyond
their reach, they sent his wife and child
with the rest to he sold into slavery.
Indians make had slaves. They
hard to tame, they escaped to the
forest, and had t«* lie hunted down,
brought buck and branded. They never
d to Is 1 sullen and disobedient. The
Africans always on the contrary, ”ac-
pled the situation,” were easily domes
ticated, and bore the yoke without
murmuring. For that reason, it he
me a settled rule of public and private
inomy in Massachusetts to exchange
i’ir worthless Indians for valuable
negroes, cheating their West India mis
ers in every trade. Perhaps it was
• that your party got the germ of
hhnesty as well ,-n its humanity,
y made war for no other object than
nnply themselves with subjects lor
this fraudulent traffic. In lfll.'l, Email
I I (owning, the foremost lawyer in the
lony and a leader of commanding in
icnee, as well as high connection, made
written argument in favor of a war
with the Narragansetls. He did not
protend that any wrong had been done,
but lie had a pious dread that Massaehii-
•c held responsible for the
(also religion of tin* Narragunsetts. " I
doubt,” says he, “if it he not synne in us,
having powe r in our 'lands, to suffer
nlayne. the worship of the
pow-wowe-s often
'Hiis te-nelcriicHS of conscience is
haracteristic e»f the jinrty which
u :zt
from that
little furtlie-r, and you
how exactly you
trines. “ If,
got the
soure-e. Hutgi
will see with nlcasu
ipied their ef
he, "upon a just war, the I/ird shotilel
Ediver them into our hands, wo might
•asily have men, women and children'to
exchange for Mr>ors(negroes), which will
he more gayneful pilladge fur us than
wee conceive, for I do not see how we*
•an thrive: until we get into a stock of
daves sufficient to do all our business.”
This (except the sprdling) might come
from an aliolition caucus to-day. You
will find Downing’s letter in Moore,
i ten.
YANKEE HUMANITY.
They did ge:t most of their Indians off,
and supplier) themselves with negroes in
their place. The shameless inhumanity
with which the blacks were used marie
slavery in Massachusetts " the sum of all
villainy.” In the letter of Downing, al
ready referred to, he says: " You know
very well we shall mayntayne twenty j and loving disciples, and
Moore cheaper than one Englishe se:f- plied it wherever you eon
vant.” Think of reducing a West India tally us they did.
m.'gro in that intensely Cold climate to
the one twentieth part* of the food and
clothing which a white'.'menial was in
the habit of getting. They must have
been IYor.cn and starved to death in great
numbers. When that happened it was
hut th" loss uf an animal Tlicv harlmr
lug ol a slave woman wak, in 10*1(1, pm
non need by the highest luitlioHt.v to he
the same injury as the \mlawful’deten
tion of a iK'iist. In 1710. Sewell, the
chief justice of the eohmy, said that no
grocH we're rated with horses ami hogs.
Hr. Helkimp tells us that alterward,
when the stock enlarged nud the market
liecamo dull, young ncgre'ie.s and uuilnt
toes wore sometimes given away like
puppies. This is the kind of freedom,
this (he equality of the: races, which you
learned from the auch'iitqideinlsts.
Hut they taught you irfore than that.
Their precept and cxntliidp established
the slavery of while (humous asrivell a>
Indians and negreieii. As.theif remorse
less tyranny spared no age* and no sex,
so it made no distinotiofi of ceilm*. He-
side's the* ntl geios eif whito heretics which
acre captured and shipi*Vel to them bv
their brethren in Eugluml, they took
npocinl delight iu fastening their yoke
on all who were suspcctesl ol lioteriiijjjxy.
One instanee is worthy eifspccial attention.
I.awmire Southwick ami his wife were
(.Junkers, and accused atihesame time
with many others of attending (Junker
meetings, ol " sydlng with ■Junkers” and
'• absenting themselves Irani the publiek
ordinances.” The Noulltfwieks had pre
viously Hiillered so much in their person#
and csuilcs from this kind of persecu
tion that they cotlld no longer Work or
pay any more fines, add therefore, the
general court, bv solcr. . resolution, or
dered them to lie haUMfcd on pain of
death. Ilanlshinent you will not fail to
notice, was iu itself equivalent to a lin
gering death, if the parlies were poor
and leehle; for it meant merely driving
tlii'in into the wilderness to starve with
hunger and cold. Southwiek and his
wife went out and died very soon. Hut
thin Is not all. This unfortunate pair
had two children, n boy and a girl
(Daniil and Provided), who, having
healthy constitutions, Would bring n
guild price iu the slave market. The
children were taken from the parents
and ordered to he sold in the West. In
dies. It, happened, however, that there
was not a shipmaster in any port of
the colony who would consent to
become the agent of their exporta
tion mid sale. The authorities, being
thus baulked in their views of the
main chance, were fain to he satisfied
in another way; they ordered the girl to
Ik* whipped \ she was lashed accordingly,
n c'tnipaiiy Willi flevend other Quaker
Indies, nud thoti committed to prison, to
lie further proceeded against. History
vf. 1 , ,- v ; r»..v. j
I’ll is is one ejtsirD... IVi'^ii great many.
It ir. very inlbresllng unci instructive
when taken in connection with your
speech, for it shows the “germ ol* the
idea” which yoilr pa Hy acted on when
it kidnapped and litipriHOiicd men and
Women hy the thousands for believing in
American liberty as guaranteed by the
constitution. Thu (Junkers and baptists
had no printed organs in that day
through which their private judgment
could Iki expressed, else you would no
doubt have eases directly iu point to jus
tify your forcible suppression of two
hundred and IIfly newspapers.
A (T!AN<IK OF l.HAHEIlfl.
Enmity to the right of pri vatu judg
ment comes down to the party of Ply
mouth ideas Ity consistent and regular
succession. It is woven like a dirty
stripe into the whole warp and woof of
their history. As soon us I,hey got pos
session of t he federal government under
John Adams they began to use it as an
engine for the suppression <»f free thought.
Their alien law gave the president power
to banish or imprison, without trial, any
foreigner whose opinions might he obnox
ious to his supporters. Their sedition
put every democratic speaker and writer
under the heel of the administration.
Their standing army was used, as it now
is, to crush out llicir political opponents.
If you come into eastern Pennsylvania,
and particularly into the good county of
Perks, you Mill learn that the |s*oph*
there still think with indignation of that
old reign ol terror when federal dragoons
kidnapped, insulted and heat their fa
thers, chopped down their “ liberty
pole,” broke to pieces the press of the
Heading Eagle, and whipped itH vener
ated editor in the market'house. The
same spirit broke out again in the burn
ing ol mimicries and churches under
Maria Monk,and under John Hrmvn the
whole country swarmed with spies and
kidnappers When you abandoned the
harlot and rallied to the standard of the
thief, you changed your leader without
changing your principles.
code planted in Ma.v>achu-
iel in all its provisions, ft
ioiisly adhered to for genor-
over repented of, or formally
l was gradually abandoned,
wrong, but solely
aliens, and i
repealed. I
not because
lieeause il was found, after long experi
ment, to lie unprofitable. Their plan of
keeping twenty negroes as cheaply as one
white servant did not work well; for in
that, climate a negro thus used would
infallibly die Indore his labor paid what
he cost. They sold their stock whenever
they could, hut emancipation was for
bidden hy law, unless the owner gave
security to maintain the slave and
prevent him from becoming a pub
lic charge. To evade this law, those
who had old or infirm negroes en
couraged them to bring suits for their
freedom, and then hy sham demurrers,or
other collusive arrangements, got, judg
ment against themselves that the negroes
were free and always had been Females
likely to increase the stock were adver
tised to lie sold "for that fault alone.”
Young ones, because they were not
worth raising, were given away like pup
pies of a superabundant litter. In this
way domestic slavery hy degrees got
loose in practice, simply because il would
not pay—but the principle on which one
man may own another »*hom he subdues
hy superior strength or cunning was
never abandoned, repudiated or denied.
That principle was cherished, prose
You say that " war without au idea is
simply brutality.” I submit to your
judgment, as a Christian man, whether
war is redeemed of its brutality liv such
an idea as you and your |K>litlcnl asso
ciates entertain of its purposes, objects
ami consequences. In all your acts and
measures, and by all your speeches ami
discussions, you express the idea that the
logic of blown proves everything you
choose to assert; that the successful in
vasion (if one people hy another has the
effect of destroying all natural right to,
and all legal guarantees for, the file, lib
erty and property of tlm people so inva
ded and conquered; that alter a trial hy
battle the victor may enter up and exe
cute wluit judgment‘ho pleases against
Ids adversary; that the crime which a
weak community are guilty of when
they attempt to defend their lives, their
iirojiorty, and their families against
invaders who come upon them
to kill, destroy and subjugate them
is so unpardonable that the whole body
of the olH'iiders taken collectively, and
all individuals who partake even pas
sively of the sin, may justly lie devoted to
death or such oilier punishment, hy
wholesale or retail, as the strong power
shall see proper to inflict; that the con
queror, alter the war is over, may insist
tlial the helpless and unarmed people,
whom he has prostrated, shall assist him
by not merely accepting, hut "adopting”
(I use your own words) the measures In
tended to degrade and rob them, and
thus make himself master oi their souls
as well as their bodies. All rights ol men
are resolved hy this theory into the
mights of ineii.
I aver that this doctrine, iu all its
length and breadth, is false and perni
cious. It la the foundation on which all
slavery rests, and the excuse for all
Ibrius of tyrranny. It, has no support
any sound rule of public law, and has
never been acknowledged by wise
tmills governments iu any age si
advent of Christ. You can find
thority for it, except in the examples of
mon whoso names are given over to uui-
Vei'sal execration. Mahomet assorted it
when he forced Ills religion on the suli
jugaled East, when churches were vio
lently converted Into mosques, and the
emblem of Christianity was trampled
under loot, to he replaced hy the badge
of the impostor. On the same prin
ciple Poland was peril Honed, jiiul
Ireland plundered a dozen times,
The king of Dahomey acted up
on it when ho sold his cap
tives, and the mon of Massachusetts ’
dorsed it when tliqy look them in
change for captives ot their own. Y .
tint! your coiifreroM adapted il as a part
of your political orood when, after the
southern poople were thoroughly sub
dued, you doniod them all rights of free-
loriiup their society, abrogated all
vTiTolf could protect them in person
•orty, broke their local govern
ami transmitled t
their imitativ.*
ap-
or property, broke their local govern
ments in pieces, mid put them under the
doiiiiiialion of notorious thieves, whom
you forced them to accept as their abso
lute masters.
The results of the war are no doubt
very precious. The right to traffic ii
llesh of Indians and negroes was precious
to the yankecs and the king of Dahomey.
I was the fruit of their wars. Hut
it in either ease legitimate ? Your
great reverence for the founders of your
political school In MassachiiHetis, to say
nothing of your reaped for the authority
of tlm African princes, or your faith in
Koran, will probably impcll you to
stand up in favor of the “ideas” which
yott have learned from them. Hut I
think I can maintain Hie Christian law
of liberty iu opposition to all your Mus
sulman notions; lor (Jodis great, and
Mahomet is not His prophet.
Till: ( A NT OF THE 1*11 AltIHEH.
It, would ho very unjust to deny that
a great many men, from the earliest pe
riod of our history, were sincerely op
posed to African slavery, from motives of
religion, benevolence and humanity.
This sentiment was strong in the south
s well as the north, and by none was it
xpressed with more fervor than hy
efforson himself, the. great apostle of
omocriicy. Hut this concession can
hardly he made to the political ulsili-
lionistH. As an almost universal rule,
the leaders of that seel were rilmld infi
dels, and their conventicles teemed with
the most shocking blasphemy. They
: hy their own avowals, the most
I barbarians of any age. Servile in
surrection and a general butchery of the
southern people was a part of their pro-
i trie from the beginning. The leaders to
n they gave llicir higliOHlndiniralion
the men whose feet were t he swift-
i running to shed innocent blood,
ml woo their affections in Ills early
mod by pioposing measures from
which civil wsir would he sure to come,
ind in which he promised that negroes
thinild he incited to “ rise iu blackest in
surrection.” They applauded John
Itrowu to the echo for a series of the
basest murders on record. They did not
conceal their hostility to the federal and
state governments, nor deny their enmity
all laws which protected the liberties
of white men. The constitution stood in
their way, and they cursed it bitterly ;
the bible was quoted against them, and
they reviled God Almighty himself. I
know I hat. the miydof man, likohis body,
fearfully and wonderfully made; I
derstand all the difficulty of analyzing
human passions,and I admit we should
not judge harshly of motives; but how
these heartless oppressors of their own
race could have any’care for the freedom
of the negro passes my comprehension.
Unless you can explain il otherwise, the
judgment of history must inevitably
be against the sincerity of their
anti-slavery profession. In the pres
ent aspect of the case
seems impossible to believe that
love of the negro was not assumed
mere excuse for enslaving the white
race, just as their ancestors put on till
pretense of piety to gratify their uppo
tite for the property and blood of better
j people than themselves. You must pos-
j Stivcly reconsider this subject before you
I undertake again to present the aboli
tionists to tne world in the respectable
character of fanatics, f think you will
j find that the crew of the Mayflower
brought over and planted no “germ of an
j idea” which lias flourished with more
I vigor than their canting hypocrisy,
j j fere let me say again, that the vices
and wickedness of the Plymouth colo-
I nists are not to 1k; visited on the heads
of their children, according to the flesh.
Among them, iu every part of the coun
try, are great statesmen, brave soldiers,
true servants of the church, and virtu
ous, patriotic democrats, who are no
more responsible IVir the crimes of their
ancestors than a iieaeonblo Scotchman Is
(or the raids and robberies which in past
generations were committed by his clan
upon the English holder. Hut you
acknowledge that you get your political
Ideas from them—you Isiast that your
party has no doct rines of public law and
no notions of public duty which were
not planted at Plymouth. Therefore, it
is not only proper, hut necessary, to
show what tlioso doctrines and ideas
were
A FUNDAMENTAL UKHJHI.tCAN LAW.
I pass now to a later period. You
know that there were two radically dif
ferent parties about the nature of our
government; the north believing and
holding that wo were a nation, the south
insisting that wo wore only a confedera
tion of sovereign states. It, Is not true
that any sueh theoretical conflict ever
existed between the sections. That the
articles of confederation first, and the
constitution afterwards, united the stales
together l«*r certain purposes therein
enumerated, and thus made us a nation
among nations, was never denied that I
know of hy any party. But UiIh
national diameter was givon to the
general government hy sovereign
states who con federated togeth
er for that purpose. They bestowed
certain powers on the now political cor
poration then created, and called it the
United Stales of America, and they ex
pressly reserved to themselves all the
sovereign rights not granted in the char
ter. Ilenioeralie statesmen had no theo
ry about it. They saw their duty writ
ten down in the fundamental law, they
sworn to perform it, and they kept their
oaths. They executed the powers of the
general government in their whole con
stitutional vigor, for that, as Mr. Jofler-
son said, was “the shoot-anchor of our
peace at home and our safety abroad,”
and they carefully guarded tho rights of
the states as the only security wo could
have for a just administration of our do
mestic aImirs. This was unlvoisally
assented to as right and t rue. No counter
theory was set up. Difference of con
struction there might he, but all ad
mitted that when the line of power was
accurately drawn between the federal
government and state sovereignty, the
rights on one side were us snored ns
those on the other. Hut within two or
three years last past the low demagogues
</l' your party have got to putting in
their platforms the assertion that this is
a nat ion and not a confederation. What
do they mean ? What do you mean
when you indorse and produce it? Do
von deny that the states wore sovereign
helbro they united ? Do” ’ »'•*■
Uioir HovofuigiU'jr wnouy mu^ut ...
the federal government when they
assented to the constitution ? Is the
tenth amendment a more delusion ? Do
you moan to assert that Iho stales luivo
not now, and never had, any rights at all
except what arc conceded to them at the
mercy of tho " nation ? ” No doubt this
new article was inserted in the creed of
the abolitionists, kceuuso they supposed
it would give a sort of plausibility to
their violent Intervention with the in
ternal affairs of the stales. Hut it is so
false, so shallow, and so destitute ot all
respectable authority that it imposes
upon nobody^
HKCESKION A YANKEE PRODUCT.
Asa part of this conflict of theories,
and resulting from it, you describe the
south as " Insisting that each slate had a
light*, at its own discretion, to break
the union, and constantly threatening
secession, where tho full rights of sla-
were not acknowledged.” In fact
aiuf in truth secession, like slavery was
first planted in Now England. There it
and flourished and spread its branch-
r over the land, long before it was
thought of in the south, and long boforn
“ the full rights of slavery” were called
in question by anybody. Tho anti-doni-
rats of that region, in former as well as
latter Lim's, totally misunderstood the
purposes for which tliis government was
made.
'They regarded it as a mare commercial
ochine, hy which they could make
uch " giiyncfull pilladge,” if allowed to
iu it their own way. When they were
disappointed iu this hy certain perfectly
just and constitutional regulations of
llicir trade, which the common defense
I general welfare made necessary, they
immediately fell to plotting the dismeiu-
icnt of the union. He fore IK07 they
lized a conspiracy with the Hrilish
miLlioriti<-s in Canada for the erection of
New England into and a separate repub
lic under Hrilish protection. (See Ca
rey’s “Olive Hraneli ” and the Henry
•oiMspondcnee.) Not long afterwards
losiidi (Jniney, whose fidelity to the
party which elected him was never
doubled, formally announced in congress
the intention of his state to leave the
union, “ peaceably if she could, forcibly
' i* must.” 'Their hatred of the union
depended, and their determination to
break it up grew fiercer,as tho resolution
of the democrats to maintain the indepen
dence of tho country been to stronger.
When tho war of 1812 began they were
virtually out of the union, and remained
out during the whole of that desperate
struggle, not only refusing all assistance
to carry it on, but helping the enemy
in every possible way. It was while
England had her tightest grasp on the
throat of the nation that the Hartford
convention was called to dismember it;
and this, Mr. Jefferson says, they would
have accomplished but for the battle of
New Orleans and the peoco of Ghent.
John Quincy Adams in 1839, and Abra
ham Lincoln in 18*17, made elaboratcjar*
gunicnt in favor of the legal right of a
state to go out. 'The later abolitionists
did not attempt to conceal their raneor
ous hostility to the union. “ No union
with slave-holders” was one of the
watch-words, and down to the opening of
tho war its destruction was the avowed
object of their machinations.
There is one conclusive proof of your
enmity to the union, and that is your
unwavering opposition to the constitu
tion which held the states to
gather. You know as well as 1 do how
absurd it is to suppose that any men or
party can support the union, and at the
same time trample on the constitution;
and you certainly are not ignoiant that
you and your predecessors, from the cur
liest times, have bet'll anti-constitutional
iu all your proclivities. Contenipluos
disregard of constitutional obligations is
not now the mere germ of a doctrine; il
is a part of your settled creed. Heforo
the war, and since, you have trodden un
der foot every provision contained in the
great charter of our liherlics. I do not
speak at random. I challenge you «lo
designate a Mhgln constitutional right of
the stales, or individuals, which you
have not at some time, or in some way
deliberately violated.
I.AWLUH8NE8H AND " LOYALTY.”
'This contempt for the constitution
this practical denial that an oath
to support it Ih sacred, implies a disre
gard of all laws, human and divine, and
when adopted, it left nothing to guide
you except the propensities, evil or good,
of your natural hearts. Many of you
(and notably you yourself) roulruetoil
no individual guilt, because you wore too
proud for jiotty larceny, too benevolent
for high-handed jobbery, and too full of
kindness to break wantonly into the
tuhernnelo of human life. Hut, generally
the moral principles of the ultra aboli
tionists (if they ever had any) became so
wholly perverted that they saw nothing
wrong in the worst ofTenses that could he
committed against their political oppo
nents. In their eyes, theft and murder
mil only lost their felonious character,
but became meritorious, if tho victims
lived south of Mason St Dixon’s line.
When John Brown stolo horses in tho
peace of Hod and tlm state of Missouri,
lie was taking his"lawful booty; when he
sneaked into a quiet Virginia village on
a Sunday night and assassinated defense
less citizens, he was a hero; when he
died a folon's doath on tho scaffold, to
which ho was justly condemned, ho be
came a martyr.
THE DEMOCRATS OF THE NORTH.
You persist in misunderstanding tho
uuU-hcmim attitude of the northern de
mocracy. We stood steadfastly hy the
union against all attempts of the New
England party to break it up hy seces
sion. Wo sustained tho constitution
agaiimt tho ferocious nvsaults of the abo
litionists; wo labored earnestly to save
republican institutions from tho destruc
tion with which t hey wore threatened hy
you; and as long as tho southern people
acted with us, wo gratefully accepted
their aid in tho good work.
Your a Vermont that tho democrat ie
party desired the aggrandizement of
slavery, and "yielded tliolrconsciences”
on that subject to the south, is grossly
unjust, if you mean to charge them with
anything ‘more than a willingness to pro
tect tho southern,as well as the northern
mid middle states in tlio oxofolao of tliolr
constitutional rights. Wo had disposed
of .slavery within our own jurisdiction
according to our sonso of sound policy
mid iuntiM. But wo had inode un ox-
. 'Vo iko with the other states to
ion d ' :?*bonLrnl.of their domestic
affairs to ^wmiselves. Wo kept our cov
enant, simply because It would Mvoboon
gross dishonesty to break it, The aboli
tionists look adiireront view, and refused
to keep the faith. They swore as sol
emnly as wo did to observe the terms of
the bargain, but according to their code
it was a sin not to violate it. The fact is
true that wo did not think it right to cut
the throats, or shoot, or strangle the men
or women of the south for believing iu
negro slavery; hut that is no justification
of your mwortion that wo yielded our
consciences to them. •
Again: You charge us (the northern
democracy) with having given had advice
to tlio southern people. Ibis consisted,
my, in assuring them that if they
seceded, we would take their partaguinst
any attempt to force them back again
into the union. This is a gross error,
and you will see it when I recall your
attention to the facts. In all our exhor
tations to southern men against seces
sion wo were met by the expression of
their fear that tho abolitionists intended,
in any event, to invade and slaughter
them. Homo reason for this apprehen
sion was given hy tho ficreo threats of
your leading men, and CHpooially by
your almost universal admiration of
Brown for his raid into Virginia. Cer
tain democrats (and very good men, tno)
did then declare that a lawless expedi
tion intended for purposes of more pillage
could not and should not he started in
the north, without sueh opposition as
would ellectually stop it. But this was
e secession, and it was Intended to
>nt that movement, not to encour-
nK< You can not, with any show of justice,
deny that devotion to the union was one
of the strongest feelings in the heart ol
the northern democracy. Wchnd always
deprecated a separation from the south-
states with so much earnestness that
of the opprobrious epithets you be
stowed on us was that of “ union saverH.
'l ids was not a mere sentiment of admi
ration or gratitude to the great sun thorn
men who had led us through the perils
of tlio revolution,nettled our institutions,
and given our country Hh high place in
Ih • estimation of the world. Wo felt all
this! hut wo felt much more. 1 ho pres
ervation of the union was to us an
absolute necessity. It was indispensable
to the security of our lives, our personal
liberty, and our plainest rights of prop
erty. How true this was at all times,
and especially in I860, you will see if
von reflect a moment on our situation
at thu. Ximo.
THE ADVENT OF RADICALISM.
The aliolitionists were coming into
power. I m cd not say hy what combina
tion of imposture and accident they
irol it. All tin' northern ttlni™ iih
well nn lilt! federal |>overiraient tell
into their hands. No doubt their dis
like of southern people was very great;
but northern democrats were objects oI
their special malignity. Long before that
time, and over since, this sentiment has
lieen expressed in words and nets too plain
to bo misunderstood. You show how
strong it is in your heart when you tell
southern men (and you do tell them so
iu this very speech) that you honor them
ten thousand times more than democrats
of the north. Remember, in addition to
this, that the leading abolitionists ac
knowledged no law which might Hand in
the way of their interests or their pas-
sions. 'Against anybody else the consti
tution of the country would have been a
protection. Hut they disregarded its
limitations, and had not scruples about
«wearin? to sumxirl it with a predeter
mination to violate it. We had been
well warned by all the men best entitled
Conchukd on Fourth J‘uge>
