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VOL. XIV.
THE fiFOßfrll JEFFERSOXHJf
in niii-ntp mil THrciPit morkikq
BY WILLIAM CLINE,
At Tw Dollars and Fifty Cents per an.
nna. sr Two Dollars paid in advance.
\OVKRTISKMKNTS art- ins*-r*i*! at OJITfc
f>ntJ~lß n*-r tir llu* tbul insertion, nnl
I tFT 1 CCA r* |ft Mjiutr, linr each iimTtinn
t tie real ter.
\ rr.*ni’*’c <!•-<! uomhi will nc made to those
advertise hv the ves*’.
All a<ta-erii*ements not otherwise ardrred, will
h*cwwiiitv? i : l ImHmH,
OF /—-J-V/IS liy Aiininislrnto r ,
I't-eniors or tlnt'dians are rrrjuireil lii l.iw to he
i ! 'l on t!o* t;i's! r<ii'il.iv in the tnonlli, between
k.* hours o ten in the lo'-ennon amt lliree in tin
Hf’emoon, at the Court •Mouse, in tin* rniintv in
” Sirh the lan.t i sitnateil. Notice of these sal**,
nn*t he given in a pn .hr gazette FORTY /).*VS
|>***-MV* *o tl.e day of sale.
S 11. F.S OF .YKGROES must hr made n> pnh-
I• aiM'tioti on the first Tuesday of the mnlh, he
t ween the uital hours of sale, .it the place ol pub*
•:c s.il.-s in the enmity where the letter.* Testa
nen’ary,wf Administration nr Gnardinnsltip may
hav heeo granted; first givmg FORTY DjIYS
nV ■<— th-'reofin one of the public “nxeties of this
N*.!?•*, md at the c-itrt house wins e such salcarsc
t • **s held.
N.**.'e t-.r the sale of Personal Property must
he given in like manner FORTY I\IYS previous
to the dav of sale.
Notice t Oehtnr* an-! fVeilitors (! f an estate
m is’ he mihltshcl FORTY n.-IYS.
No'iee that aonlieation will lie made In the Court
Or h ivrv l‘r i.r. \vf. to *ki.i. land must he puh
ll-Sed for Tiro Mo.vrns,
No'iee lor l.r.ivr. To SK.l.t. KF.anoF.s nvtst he
!n'* s'i'* t T'VO MO.X'TfIS before any order ab
sniute s’nll he nia le titer eon hv the Court,
CIT.iTiOVS for Letter* nf Administration,
most he nn'disheil thirtt pat*; tor Dismission
from Vd nmistraTion, Moxrill.T six mof.ths; lor
Disuiissi ot from Guardianship, furtt d.it •,
I* ules lor the Foreclosure of Mortgage must be
Ptl’i'idled MOXTUIT FOR rr.UR i.oXTIIS, ostuli!
lia'uas lad papers, for the full space of three
movms for eont,ellinff lilies from Lxecutors or
Adini'iistrati-in, wlieto a uomJ has uci-n given by
Ihe i|ei r.*|Je.|. the lull Anacc of rIIRF.F. MONTHS.
Fjr the Jeffersonian.
Jots and Sorrows.
IY \V\f. F. WIGHTMAN.
Joys and so-rows they come and part
In the niysiic depths of the human heart.
Like the sunbeam's “lance through tin; tempest
cloud,
‘Vlien the s'ortn-g ,and ri.leilt lii"!i and proud.
In their pathless High! they come and go,
Like ocean's tides in ohh and flow;
And the heart is lit fora moment luig-lil,
lint to grieve o’er joj’s departing light.
L ke star'*oams mill night’s frowning gloom,
L ke golden wreaths on a uiouh.’nng tomb,
I Inis ever joys and sorrows come,
T o dwell apace in the heart's deep home.
Like the joyous Ir.tigh mid the iiiniirnev’s prayer,
L’kc the ghsl’ning light inn falling liar:
L'ke the Christian’s smile o’er his dying face,
When the goal is won in lift’s short met!
Joy Band sorrows, ol: what are they?
But like the moonbeam’s silent play
O’er the tide’s daik face, that gleams a while
In the light ot the innotiheani’s ghsl’ning strt'le,
There linivnsagain when night’s proud qiu-cil,
I las verlerl in gloom her silver sheet!
I Inis joys and sorrows conn* and part.
O'er the clnuigeiul tides of :he human heart.
Griffin, Ga.
1 lie following articles were prepared
f r our paper of last week, but crowded
out for want of room. Some of them arc
too good to be lost, so we insert them to
day :
“Coming again, Massa”
We once heard a story of a man comin i
in to the fire of a very cold morning, where
a little negro had been set to keep up the
warmth by throwing in chips. The unc
tions state of the poor fellow’s nose, soon
attracted little darkey’s attention, and
as the oily substance was scon to exude, he
would officiously call out “Coming again,
Massa!” “There! there! coining again!’’
The communications which have lately ap
peared in the Macon ‘Messenger,’ in op
position to Col. Bailey, have forcibly re
minded us of this greasy anecdote. Two
appeared the week before last, and anoth
er last week. Wc believe they are all
from the same manufactory, though bear
ing different signatures, and probably will
not cease till after the election, though
they already show signs of much weakness
The last is certainly the weakest of the
three. It charges Col. Bailey with not
being present at a large number of ballot
tings which took place in the house, as if
a member of Congress had nothing else to
do than ballot. Now there arc a thou
sand things appertaining to a member,
and all within the legitimate sphere of his
duties, which may prevent him from vo
ting on mere minor questions. It is well
know’ll that nine-tenths of the votes in
Congress are for taking up bills, reports or
resolutions, postponing or committing the
same, taking up or postponing the order
of the day, adjournments, and on a large
number of collateral issues, which it is not
of material consequence how they are de
cided. These questions frequently arise
while the House is in Committee of the
Whole, and members arc speaking for
Buncombe, when it is well known the oth
er members, who feel no interest in their
speeches, and cj.iT* read them in the next
day’s paper, withdraw to write letters,
draw bills, make out reports, prosecute
researches in the public olliecs or the li
brary, or otherwise devote themselves to
some useful employment. The writer of
these articles, wa arc sorry to say, must
be exceedingly stupid of the common rou
tine of duties of a Congressman, judging
from his article, and he could scarcely
have proluced better evidence of the ac
tive habits and industry of Col. Bailey
while in Congress, than showing that he
was not always in his seat upon the floor
to answer yea or nay at every call. John
Randolph, after his sarcastic manner, very
severely pdiculed this class of yea and nay
representatives, by comparing them to the
cUckoo bird, whose constant and unvarying
note is “cuckoo!” U mdolp’i styled them
the “Cuckoo members.” Mr. Bailey is
no Cuckoo member. When he finds no
thing of interest going on ia the House,
lie devotes himself usefully elsewhere.—
Me will venture to say that he answered
to his name quite as often as Mr. Toombs
or Mr. Stephens
’ Our neighbor down the street argues,
because Mr. Bailey held certain opinions in
1850, which have since been put to rest,
he must be governed by the same opinions
still. Let us see how this argument will
apply to Sandy himself. Some time prior
to 1840 he was supposed to be a pretty
good Democrat, at least avowed himself
such, and acted with the party. At that
time he held the lucrative office of Clerk of
the Superior Court of Henry county. It
was intimated to Sandy, however, that he
had had the fat of that office long c
noagh, and it was only fair that publie pap
should lie divided round. Sandy could
not Ift go the prolific teat; ko, to insure
himself another term, lie went over to the
Whi<;s in the Harrison stampede, under
the assurance that lie should be elected
again. Sandy was thenceforth as sound a
Whig as he had ever been a Democrat,
until the Union and State Rights ques
tions came up, since which time he has
been hopping about like a monkey. He
was first a Union man, then went to Mil
ledgeville as a Scott delegate, deserted liis
friends while in Millcdgcvillc and went o
ver to the Webster portion, and is now,
we believe, a Toombs and Stephens Con
servative Republican Citizen. If Mr.
Bailey retains all his old notions and opin
ions, although being removed from before
the people, wc presume Sandy does too,
and we won'd ask, what arc Sandy’s o
pinions at present? He’has been Demo
crat, Whig, Union, Scott, Webster, and
Republican Citizen. What color will that
make when it is all mixed up? Sandy,
what is the color of yc ur political tronsa
loons now?
You can always know the winning from
the losing part}’, as well at a game of pol
ities as of cards, by the manner of their
play- The winner is collected, quiet, and
content with matters as they are progress
ing. The loser, on the other hand, is fret
ting and fuming, swearing and calling
names, and otherwise cutting fantastic
tricks and making a fool of himself.—
While the friends of Jenkins are charging
the General Administration with appoint
ing abolitionists, frecsoilers and negroes
to office, and Judge Johnson with being a
spiritual table turner, a follower of the
unchristian doctrines of Swedenborg as
they say, a secessionist and disuniouist, all
of which have not one shade of truth in
them, either as applied to Mr. Tierce or
Judge Johnson, —while the whigs are thus
conducting, the democrats are as pas
sive as a coy girl when asked in marri
age by the one she loves. They have not
a word to say on the subject. It is easy
to see who is riding the winning horse un
der such a state of things. Toombs, Ste
phens and Jenkins have been pawing the
dust amazingly for several weeks past,
while the little fellows, the host of seventh
rate orators of the whig ranks have been
most industriously imitating their leaders,
striving to hollow louder, and throw the
dust higher, if possible, than their illustri
ous examplars. If noise and fustian could
gain the day, the Jenkins men would have
it. But the democrats, like good soldiers,
arc saving their ammunition, and waiting
until they can see the whites of their eyes.
That will be at the ballot box, and then
the whigs will receive their broadside.
We do not wish to slight Sandy, or
treat him with inattention, but we really
have no room to devote to his popgun dis
charges against Col. Bailey. Ilis small
business cannot alter the state of things,
or interrupt manifest destiny. That child
is already christened, and the name has be
come a fixed fact. Sandy cannot save his
friend Trippe from the worst sort of a
beating. So he had better save his am
munition for that woodpecker Col. Bailey
told him of.
A Hit.
The Recorder of last week, in making
some enquiries as to the whereabouts of
Judge Johnson, asks, “Where is he now?”
And answers, u side by side with a frezsoil ,
abolition-appointing President.” Judge
Johnson was at that identical time side by
side with Mr. Jenkins, filling joint appoint
ments to speak in the Cherokee counties.
We perceive that the yellow fever is
prevailing at Natchez with great mortali
ty. The citizens are much alarmed, and
fleeing from the dreadful contagion. It
is supposed to have been brought from
New Orleans.
Well, it is too bad. An editor is ex
pected to know every tiling, and yet is
kept so busy as to afford him no time to
learn any thing. The Savannah Journal
wants to know what the Georgian means
by the 11 rrnly bronzbicss of the hautboy .”—
How should the Georgian know? He is
no organ builder. Is not the critique suf
ficicnt?
Liberal Contribution. —Tim Central
llail Road Company contributed two hun
dred dollars for the use of the sufferers at
New Otleans by Yellow Fever.
GRIFFIN, (GA.) THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 8, 1853.
Communicated for the federal Union.
Messrs. Editors: —The desperate and
despicable efforts of the Southern Recor
der, to defeat Judge Johnson, demand the
stern rebuke of every friend of truth and
virtue. The writing editor of that journal
[whom alone I hold responsible] lives in
the same community with tho object of his
constant assaults, knows that his charac
ter is above reproach, and yet in every is-
Mie of his journal publishes base inuendoes
and downright falsehoods, with the hope
of exciting prejudices against him. It is
not enough that he gives circulation to
the misrepresentations of others, he en
dorses their slanders, converts the remarks
made in jest by Judge Jolison into sober
truths, bases upon them the gravest char
ges, reiterates them after he has been told
of their falsity, and worse than all, with a
recklessness unprecedented by any journal
making any pretensions to decency, manu
factures out of the whole doth, assertions
without the slightest foundation in troth
In every issne of his paper, for several
weeks past,, I can designate perversions of
truth, as gross and palpable as those con
tained in the following:
“When immediate secession was openly
recommended at the Macon meeting by
Rhett & Cos., in 1850, did lie interpose one
word of dissent? Did he not stand upon
the same platform, and permit the flag of
his country, waving those stars and stripes
which no true American can behold with
out a thrill of patriotic pride and pleasnr *,
to receive indignity and insult? Did he
not on that occasion make an ultra resist
ance speech himself, thus adding fuel to
the fire, affording aid and comfort to the
South Carolina disunion missionary? Was
not his heart and hand with Towns and
McDonald,* throughout the great conflict,
and were not his valuable services in the
disunion cause rewarded by a seat in the
United States Senate?”
In this brief paragraph, to say nothing
of its false inuendoes, there is no less tfaii
four unequivocal and absolute untruths.
Ist. Judge Johnson did interpose pub
licly and privately his dissent to the course
of policy recommended at Macon by
Me .srs. lthett, Yancey, &e.
2d. He did not stand on the same plat
form. for lie was not present at the meet
ing in Macon.
3d. He did not on that occasion make an
ultra resistance speech , for he was not there,
and it may be added, he never did make
an ultra resistance speech, for he never
harmonized with the ultras.
4th. His services in the disunion cause
were not rewarded by a seat iu the Uni
ted States Senate, because lie was ap
pointed in 1847, two years before the sub
ject of secession was agitated iu Georgia,
and at a time, when honest men never
dreamed that the Whigs of Georgia, or
the Hecorder, once the States Rights
Nullification party and the advocates of
the right of secession, would ever repudi
ate their once cherished sentimen's, and
revile those who repudiated their nullifica
tion, but maintained the republican doc
trine of the right of secession.
But this editor of the Recorder has a
way of his own, a way of insinuating a
falsehood when, from the fears of detec
tion, he has not the manliness to assert it.
Os all modes of deception, this among
casuists and honest men, has ever been
deemed the most mean and despicable. -
Instances like the following, taken
from the last Recorder, may be found in
every number for several weeks past. Af
ter bespattering Mr. Jenkins with praise,
daubed oil so freely that his best friends
could scarcely recognize him, making him
first and foremost in the construction of
the great Rail-road enterprizc of Georgia,
he adds: “To Chas. J. Jenkins’ eloquence,
statesmanship, firmness and unyield
ing integrity of purpose and action, is Geor
gia more indebted for her material pros
perity, than to any man, whatsoever, ei
ther living or dead.” Then follows: “when
Charles J. Jenkins was thus nobly labor
ing to give Georgia, through her well de
vised system of internal improvements, her
present attitude, where was Judge Johnson ?
IVas not his position then hostile, to the true
interest of the State ? Are the people will
ing to entrust him with the management of
those interests now?” What do those in
terrogative inuendoes mean? Do they
not mean to carry the idea, that Judge
Johnson was opposed, was “hostile to” the
internal improvements of the State, the
State road and all her “material prosperi
tyV ’ If they mean any thing, they mean
this; and yet Judge Johnson has occupied
on these subjects the same platform with
Mr. Jenkins, and in the sphere in which
he has moved, has co-operated with him.
For the then of the cause of
journalism, for the sake of Mr. Jenkins
himself, vrho, if he be as you say, a pure
and honorable gentleman, cease Mr.
Knowles, this mode of warfare; the world
may give you credit for a bold and abso
lute falsehood, pertinaciously adhered to,
while it remains undetected, but it detests
the sneaking, cowardly inueudo, which
shows a heart willing to deceive, but desti
tute of its courage to sustain its propensi
ties. Yon complain that your brethren of
the press revile you. Do not impose up
on them the necessity of exposing you
Their independence is commendable, and
far distant be the day when a more enlar
ged “experience” will have given them bet
ter “manners-.” JUSTICE.
* Guile likely. —Editor Jeffersonian.
Coinmifhicated for the Macon Telegraph.
Views of a Union Democrat.
Sir;— l regret to discover, that a por
tion of the Union Democrats are permit
ting themselves to be deceived by the
tricks of the enemy. A Union Democrat,
myself, I have never hesitated before giv
ing my humble support to the Democratic
candidates, and 1 am fully convinced that
such is the position ot’ all who have a true
understanding of the political condition of
Georgia.
I did not become a Whig when I uni
ted with the Union organization, and I
do not see why I should support the new
party of Mr. Toombs, simply because I
defended the Compromise. I was born a
Democrat, and a Democrat I intend to
die. When I considered the Union in
danger, I abandoned my party, but in a
period ot profound peace an 1 quiet—when
| the issues of 1850 are extinct, and our
safety in no jeopardy whatever, nothing
shall seduce me into the sttppo t of my
old Federal antagonists. The Union par
ty is dead, and I, for one, am not willing
to chain myself to the carcass at the bid
ding of the Whigs. Many months ago,
Mr. Jenkins publicly proclaimed that the
Union organization was disbanded, and he
openly rejoiced at the result. He not only
did that, but he announced himself as good
a whig as ever. lie avowed that he was
not democratized in the slightest particu
lar, and he advised the Union Democrats
to return to their old party organization. I
intend to take his advice. I have faith in
the Democracy, and no personal Xecling
shall make me an instrument in the hands
of Mr. Toombs. Upon what pretext can
Union Democrats support Mr. Jenkins?—
Not as a member of the Union party, for
he himself has declared it disbanded. Not
as a Democrat, for he has asserted himself
a Whig. Not as a supporter of the pre
sent administration, for his partisans are
denouncing the President. Not as a friend
to the people, for he is the advocate of a
law making one thousand dollars the
price of suffrage. Upon what principle, I
ask again, are Union Democrats to sup
port him? If his position differs at alb
from that which he occupied in 1844, I
have yet to discover it. He is neither a
Democrat nor a Union man. The Con
vention which nominated him was not a
Union, convention, and no sane man sup
poses that it was Democratic. Mr. Jen
kins is a Whig—a bitter, consistent, un
compromising Whig—and as such, I con
sider it my duty, and the duty of those
Democrats who acted with me iu 1850, to
oppose him to the last.
I am told that the Union Democrats
have been proscribed in the division of
the offices. Sir, this may be a good argu
ment for those who are democrats for the
sake of spoils and plunder, but to men who
are Democrats from conviction such rea
soning conveys an assault. lam not a
Democrat because I want office for myself
or my friends, but because I believe the
Democratic creed. It would not affect my
position if all the offices in the State had
been appropriated as alleged. Men
may deprive me of political honors, but
they cannot deprive me of my faith. To
that faith, I intend to stand under every
contingency. When I know that Johnson
and Colquitt are Democrats to day, and
when I remember that they were Demo
crats long before the issues of 1850 came
into existence, lam satisfied. lam more
than satisfied when I compare them with
Mr. Jenkins, who has been a bitter Whig
from my earliest memory, and witli James
Jolinson, who has become a renegade and
a W big for the sake of political emolu
ment.
I am not singular in these opinions.—
They are shared by many Union Demo
crats, whose views are worthy of attention.
They are the sentiments of Gol. Chappell,
the Tresident of the last Union Conven
tion—of Mr. Chastain and Mr. Ilillyer,
both Union Democratic members of Con
gress, and as I believe, of all Union Dem
ocrats who have studied the position of
parties. To my mind, the path of duty
seems very clear. Others may do as they
please, but I will never support the man
who declared the Union party no longer
necessary, and at the same time denied
that he was in any way a convert to De
mocracy. PULASKI.
Communicated for the Georgia Ciilz'r*,
“Important Card.”
Dr. Andrews. —You will oblige sever
al of your friends, and probably revive
some interesting reflections, by publish
ing the following “Card,” which is a
relic of the past —a fragment of the en
gine that Mowed up the great national
whig party. It will be remembered by
some gentlemen, that on the 3d of July,
1852, Mr. Toombs made the famous
speech in Washington city, in which he
strongly urged that the “Great Constitu
tional Uniou party,” of that day, should
support Mr. Pierce for the Presidency.
On the 6th of the same month this card
was issued. Let it be recollected also
that this was done by Messrs. Toombs
and Stephens, with the unasked, volunta
ry obligations resting upon them, to abide
the decision of the Convention which
was to assemble on the 15th. It will be
also well to recollect that the whole of
their charges against Gen. Scott, subse
quently proved to be untrue. —The “ante
cedents” of these gentlemen may not be
uninteresting to your readers at this par
ticular juncture.
I will simply remaik that James Aber
cro i bie, one of the signers, has since
been elected to Congress by accident —
and that C. J. Faulkner, of Virginia, is now
a democrat:—
A CARD.
[From the National Intelligencer , July G J
Washington, July 3d, 1852.
l'o prevent all mistakes and misap
prehension, we, the undersigned, mem
bers of Congress, adopt this method of
making a joint statement to our constitu
ents respectfully, that we cannot and will
not support Gen. Scott for the Presiden
cy, as he now stands before the Ameri
can people, for the following amongst
other reasons:
He obstinately refused, up.to. the time
of his nomination, to give any public
opinion in favor of that series of mea
sures of the last compromise, the perma
nent maintainance of which with us is a
question of paramount importance. —
Nor has ho since his nomination made,
any declaration of his approval of those
measures as a final adjustment of the is
sues in controversy.
Jt is true the resolutions of the conven
tion that nominated him are as clear and
explicit upon the question as need be,
but Gen. Scott, in his letter of accept
ance, which contains all that we have
from him on that matter, does not give
.them the approval of his judgement. —
1 his he seems studipusly to have avoid
ed. He accepts the nomination “with
the resolutions annexed.” That is, he
lakes the nomination am oncrc t as an in
dividual takes an estate, with whatever
incumbrances it may be loaded with.—
And the only pledge and guarantee he of
fers for his “adherence to the jthciplles
of the resolutions” are “the known inci
dents of a long public life.”
Among these “known incidents” of
his life there is not one, so far as we are
aware of, in favor of the principles of the
Compromise—in one at least of his pub
lic letters,he has expressed sentiments
inimical to the institutions of fifieen
States of the Union. Since the passage
of the compromise, he has suffered h*is
name to be held up bi-fore the people of
several of the States as a candidate for
•he Presidency by the open and avowed
enemies of those measures. And in the
convention that conferred this nomination
upon him he permitted himself to he used
by the fieesoilers in that body to defeat
Mr. Fillmore and Mr. YVebsier, because
of their advocacy of these measures and
their firm adherence to the policy that
sustained them.
I o join such men and aid them in com
pleting their triumph over and sacrifiec
of the true and tried friends of the consti
tution, and the faithful discharge of all
its obligations, is what we can never
do. The dictates of duty and patriotism
sternly forbid it.
We consider General Scott as the
favorite candidate of the freesoi! wing of
the Whig party. That his policy, if he
should be elected, would be warped and
shaped to conform to their views, and to
elevate them to power in the administra
tion of the Government, can be consider
ed as a legitimate and probable result.
And believing, as we do, that the views
of that fraction of mischievous men are
dangerous not only to the Southern
States (which we represent in part,) but
to the peace and quiet of the whole coun
try and to the pernnment union of the
States, we regard it as the highest duty
of the voters of the country everywhere,
whatever else they may do, to at least
withhold from him their support. This
we intend to do.
Alexander H. Stephens, of Ga.
Charles J. Faulkner, of Va.
W. Brooke, ofMisaissippi.
Alex. \\ hite, of Alabama.
R. Toomb3, of Ga.
James Johnson, ot Ga.
For reasons tc some extent indicated
in speeches and addresses heretofore
made by the undersigned, they deem it
to to their duty to withhold their sup
port from Gen. Scott as a candidate for
the presidency. If it should be necessa
ry, we will hereafter in some form exhib
it more fully to our constituents the facts
and reasons which have brought us to
this determination.
M. P. Gentry, Tenn.
C. 11. Williams, Tenn.
From the DeKalb Democrat.
Ia the Whig party Dead?
It is the policy of tho Jenkins party,
(we call it by the only intelligible name,)
to disguise, confuse, and conceal the is
sues before the people in the present cam
paign, hoping in this way to induce dem
ocrats to cast their votes for a whig can
didate. Hence they are proclaiming
throughout the land, that if Johnson is
elected, it will be a defeat of the Union
and triumph of Disunion party. This is
untrue from beginning to end, and to ex
pose the trick and couvince the people
that their is now no questions of Union
and Disunion to be decided, but that, on
the contrary, the only issue is whom shall
we have for Governor —a whig or demo
crat, —it is only necessary to refer to a
few points in the history of the two par
ties.
From the begiun.ng of the Government
to the present there have existed
in this country two great national politi
cal parties. 1 hese are ihe parlies known
as Republican and Federal in the days of
Jefferson and Hamilton—as the democrat
ic and whig for tna .y years past. Th v
areseperated by a wide gulf of difference
upon the fundamental principles of the
Government. The one holding to a
strict construction of the .Constitution,
and believing the Government to be one
of limited delegated powers, have war
red against and finally defeated the ef
forts of the other, whose favorite projects
the Ba ik and Tariff, are offsprings pf that
latitude of construction which this party
have ever insisted should be applied to
the Constitution of the Uuited States.
While the one asserts that our Federal
Government has no right to levy taxes,
except to defray necessary expeuses, and
no right to disburse money but for the
general welfare of the w hole country, the
other proclaiming, in former days, that
“a national debt was a national blessing,”
and -‘high tariffs make low prices,” con
tends for a vast consolidated empire,
mighty in its authorities, lavish in its ex
penditure, magnificent in all its operations.
Here runs the line of dernarkation be
tween the two, and while our Govern
ment las's, it will never be obliterated.
Differing in fundamental doctrines, based
upon the Constitution, can they cease
to exist? The Bank and Tariff ques
tions may pass away—perhaps have pas
sed away for a time, but the withdrawal
of a practical question, cannot effect an
amalgamation upon original principles.
No, intueory and in principle they differ
as much now as they did in the days of
Clay and Calhoun, and whenever the oc
casions arises, will differ again as much
upon practical questions. ihe Bank and
tariff were but branches of the great
Federal trunk; Can you destroy the root
by merely lopping off the limbs? No—
it will put forth new shoots, which will
again require the pruner’s knife. While
the democrats are m power w,e need ap
prehend no protective tariff, and hence
the whigs.in. Georgia endavored to per
suade us that they are now as much op
posed to.it as we are. But can we be
lieve them? Have we any guaranty
that the old Federal root will not pul
forth shoots as soon as the sun of power
& prosperity shines upon it? No, Gentle
men, we cannot trust you; the whig party
is not dead but sleeping ll\p possum's slum
ber! No longer coons , but still “ the. same,
old Coon”
Now we come to the question, who are
the Jenkins party? Are they not whigs
in disguise, who, conscious of the weak
ness ut their cause, have adoptud the
itnaatie of ‘“Union,” to conceal their odi-
ous Federalism, and thereby deceive, mis
lead, and defeat the democratic party?—
We ask any candid man to look at the
facts.
No later than 1852, Charles J. Jenkins
formally dissolved the Constitutional U
nion party, declaring that the questions
upon which it had been founded, were
settled, telling whigs and democrats to
herd after their kind, a-id stating that
he was in no wise democratised by his as
sociation with Union democrats. This
fixed him as a whig against the democrat
ic party. How has he maintained this
position? Lo! in 1853, he tells the peo
ple that the Union is still in danger, and
if they would preserve it, they must still
light against (be disunion party! We ask,
what is his object in thus endeavoring to
revive a party which he himself but last
year helped to dissolve? Ah! he has
consulted with Chang and Kng, and they
have told him that the whig party is not
yet strong enough in Georgia to.fight o
penly under the whig colors for whig
principles! Hence the difficulty in under
going the rite of baptjsm, and the soreness
to the name of whig.
But we can fix their position in anoth
er way. Suppose all the Jenkins candi
dates are elected and go to Congress, facile
Jimmy among the rest, who will they aci
with? There is no Union party there—
.they tried toj'et it up two years ago, and
signally failed—they will hardly fry it a
gain. Will they join the democrats'*—
Xo —because they are denouncing the
Pierce administration. They must then
join the whigs, the only open opposers
of lhat administration and will come home
as go >d whigs ps ever voted for bank or
tariff.
In view of these facts—and we ask for
them a cool, candid examination—we ask
you democrats, who will you suppoit,
Johnson or Jenkins? Mark well, that in
voting for Jenkins, you are supporting
the old Federal whig party, and denoun
cing Gen. Pierce’s administration; in vo
ting for Johnson, you are supporting that
administration and proving yourselves
true to your old principles.
We leave the subject with you, confi
dent that your good sense and party faith
will return an unanimous verdict for
Herschel V. Johnson, and the democrat
ic party.
The First Discussion
We had the pleasure of hearing Judge
Johnson and Mr. Jenkins address the cit
zens of Rome, on Wednesday, the 17th
ult.
Mr. Jenkins who commenced the de
bate, occupied almost the same ground
taken by Mr. Stephens fthe day before,
here and there interspersed with a notice
of the political life of his opponent. We
thought Mr. Jenkins rather cramped, ow
ing to the inconsistent position which his
Alexander 1 letter,* dissolving -the .Union
party, placed him. Now, when he is
seeking the votes of the people as a U
nion candidate, he attempts to explain
this inconsistency by saying that since
the writing of that letter, events have
taken place calculated to alarm the friends
of the South and the Union—but as we
conceived, utterly failed to show them.
Nothing has transpired as we know of,,
save the numerous undoubting evidences
of the administration and Northern peo
ple lo silence the slavery question by giv
ing the South her constitutional eights.
•We have not heard of a single Northern
State, since Gen. Pierce’s anauguratiaß*:
agitating the repeal of the Fugitive Slav*”
Law, or any measure calcu'ated to endan
ger the interests of the South. Mr. Jen
kins is certainly a fine speaker—a talent
ed man, and as Judge Johnson truly re
marked, one of the cleverest fellows in
the world, and we regret to see him in
his present awkward position. It would
better suit his honest heart to avow his
principles, than to electioneer upon false
issues. He did not deny that he was a
Whig., but said that the Whig party
would not be benefited by his election
The fact of it is, Mr. Jenkins intends to
oppose the President, though he may.
maintain and carry out every principle of
the Georgia Platform.
Judge Johnson, whom . we never
heard speak before, came fully up to our
expectations. He told the people that
he was a full-blooded democrat—aye, a
Jackson democrat: lhat he was a South
ern Rights man in the late contest, and
that he had no excuse to make for what
he then said and done; that since the
Convention of 1850, when Georgia
spoke in her sovereign capacity, he had
been upon the Georgia platform, where
he intended to remain. He ’ neither ad
vocated nor opposed the construction of
the Pacific Railroad, by the aid of the
General Government--but left himself
free to oppose or advocate the .measure
when the route and manner of its con
struction were settled upon. He, how
ever, thought that if the Memphis route
was adopted, it w'ould be a source of
immense wealth to Georgia, that it would
make Brunswick and Savannah the New
York of America. He .made an
exceedingly happy reply to the abuse of
the Presidents appointments. Messrs.
Jenkins and Stephens, Messrs. Fillmore,
Webster, and Corwin were bad, yet that
in their advocacy of the compromise,
they were purified: the appointees of
of Gen. Pierce, who had supported the
Baltimore Platform, ami since maintained,
its principles, were likewise cured of
their former Freesoil tendencies.
The friends of Judge Johnson throughout
the State may rest assured that they have
nothing to lose while he is their standard
bearer; a wonderful reaction is going on
in his favor since his arrival among us.
The discussion was conducted in a
courteous, mild and gentlemanly manner;
the utmost good feeling prevailed, not
only between the. candidates but their
friends also.— Cassvillc Standard 25th ult.
The Yellow Fever continues its ravages
unabated in the city of New Orleans.—
About two hundred die of the disease
daily.
He who rises late, never does a good
day’s work.
Judge Johnson and Mr. Jenkins
at Cassville.
On Friday last, by previous appoint
ment, the Gubernatorial candidates ad
dressed a large and ve y attentive, audi
ence at this place. Judge Johnson com
menced the debate by reviewing the histo-
Jry of parties in the State of Georgia for the
last two years, and conclusively establish
ed the fact that both the Southern Rights
and Constitutional Union organizations
were dissolved; that the Southern Rights
party had been disbanded by the formal
resolutions of its members, and the Union
party by the deseition of most of the U
uion whigs; that in the late Presidential
election the Union democrats, to a man,
! supported the democratic nominee, upon
the gronnd that he was safe on the rights of
the South and the prcservat : on of the U
nion; and the Union whigs, although they
viewed him in the same light, most of them
refused to vote for him merely because he
was a democrat. He placed Mr. Jenkins
in close quarters about his efforts to dis
solve the Union party last year—now ho
was claiming Union democratic votes be
cause he was a Union man, and warned
them not to let Mr. Jenkins deceive them
again. Mr. Jenkins made a very pleasant
and interesting speech; but owing, we sup
pose, to his awkward and cramped posi
tion at present, his efforts here and at
Rome, were not in that lofty, eloquent
strain, which is usual with him. He spoke
much of his opponent's receut political
course, and read a great number of news
paper extracts about Mr. Pierce’s appoint
ments—that in this respect the President
had deserted the principles upon which ho
was elected, and showed an untrustworthy
desire to conciliate the free-soil wing of
the democratic party. In answer to Judge
Johnson’s enquiries as to his political views,
Mr. Jenkins frankly admitted that he was
not, never had been, and never expected
to be a national democrat. We were
pleased to hear Mr. Jenkins make the a
bove avowal; it will tell, with those truly
national democrats who are lukewarm in
the support of Judge Johnson; for now,
let it be distinctly understood, Mr. Jenkins
is not a national democrat, nor never ex
pects to be, and how can Union demo
crats who have always looked upon their
Northern brethren as true to the consti
tutional rights of the South, support him?
In doing so they would desert the princi
ples which divided them from the South
ern Rights party. In the concluding half
hour, Judge Johnson made appeals to the
democracy not to be deceived, but to stand
by their old and long cherished principles
that will ever be remembered by old Jack
son and Po!k democrats.
The discussion will have a good influ
ence in this county; in fact it is what we
need; let us bit awaken the people to the
true issue, and victory is ours. .We are
pleased to see the kindest feeling existing
between Judge Johnson ajidLMr. Jenkins;
they are exceedingly social—-travelling,
eating and rooming together.- —Cassviltc
Standard of the \st last.
Democratic meeting in Ogle
thorpe.’
Oglethorpe, Aug. 26, 1853.
Gentlemen: We had a glorious rally
of the democracy here on yesterday, and
notwithstanding the many numerous and
generous predictions of his political ad
versaries to the contrary, Maj. Colquitt
was present, and by his able and lucid
exposition of the doctrines and positions
of the party not only showed himself a
foernan worthy of the steel of his compet
itors, but revived the spirits of his friends
and proved to them that it was altogeth
er practicable, notwithstanding the boasts
of the Conservatives, with proper exer
tions on our part to carry the district—
He was well received and left an impres
sion that will tell,: and tell favorably in
October next. lie was aided in his dis
cussion by Mr. Howard, of. Crawford,
who, in addition to the many home truths
he told, made the fur fly from the Re
publican Citizen party in general and the
division under the command of General
Toombs in particular. Major Colquitt,
accompanied by Mr. Howard, leaves
here to-day for Hawkinsville, at which
place they will address the people of Pu
laski on Saturday next. lam sorry that
my limited time will not allow me a
<more detailed account, of the actings and
doings on yesterday; at another time
when I have more leisure I may do so.
It is enough at present to say, that al
though our candidate is guilty of the un
pardonable sin and presumption of being
a young man, he does not fear to meet
his adversary on any field of discussion,
where the question growing out of the
affairs of the country are in issue, and
when the meeting does take place his
friends entertain no fears for the result —
it will be creditable to him and will vin
dicate the choice of those who have
placed him in the front of the battle. ,
‘ LANIER.
P. S. Owing to the severe hoarse
ness under which Judge Colquitt was la
boring, brought on by the exertions cf
the previous day, he was unable to make
a speech. He nevertheless gave the
people a little talk, in which he indicated
the true line of policy. The Judge has
no new laurels to reap as a stump orator,
and the loss fell on those who expected a
rich repast. — Times Sentinel L.
Further from the Canvass.
Hawkinixsville, Aug 26th, 1553.
Messrs Editors: —l had the pleasure
yesterday of attending a meeting of the
democracy of Pulaski county, which;
was addressed by Major Colquitt! erind
Messrs Chappell and DeGraffenried.—
You have good reason to be proud of
your standard- bearer in this district.—
The gravest charge preferred agains him
heretofore, is, that he is too young, but
never have I known a man grow old in
the opinion ot his enemies so fast as Col
cjuit has done sitce he look the-field.-
I he danger now'is that the whigs will at
tempt to prove him an old Fogy beforethe
first Monday in October mext. IJiseffort
yesterday was most creditable in every
particular. He evinces the most perfect
mastery over the questions involved in
the contest, and his exposure of the im
posture of Chang an*l Eng in their pro
fessions of denvu’incv, and in their pre-
!Vo. 36.