Newspaper Page Text
VOL. XIV.
THE GEORGIA JEFFERSONIAN
18 PUBLISHED EVERT THURSDAY MORNING
BY WILLIAM CLINE,
At Two Dollars and Fifty Cents per an
num, or Two Dollars paid in advance.
advertisements ar* inserted at one
DOLLAR per square, (or the first insertion, ami
FIFTY CENTS per square, for each insertion
thereafter.
A reasonable deduction will be made to those
who advertise bv the year.
All advertisements not otherwise ordered, will
he continued till forbid.
OF LANDS by Administrators,
Executors or Guardians are required hy law to he
held on the first Tuesday in the month, between
the hours of ten in the forenoon and three in the
afternoon, at the Court-House, in the county in
which the land is situated. Notice of these sale,
must be siven in a public gazette FORTY DAYS
previous To the dnv of sale.
RALES OF NEGROES must he made at pub
lic. auction on the first Tuesday of the month, be
tween the usual hours of sale, at the place of pub
lic: sales in the county where the letters Testa-
Hentary, ol Administration or Guardianship may
have been granted; first filing FORTY DJIYS
notice thereof in one of the public gazettes of this
State, and at the court house who c such salearsc
to t'e held.
Notice fi,r the sale of Personal Property must
he given in like manner FORTY DAYS previous
to tlie dav of sate.
Notice to Debtors and Creditors cf an estate
must he published FORTY DJIYS.
Notice that application will he made to the Court
Ordinary for leave to ell land must lie pub
lished for TWO MONTHS,
Notice for leave to sk.il negroes must be
published TWO MONTHS before any order ab
solute shall be made thereon bv the Court.
CITATIONS for Letters of A lmini-tration,
must be published thirty dats; for Dismission
from Administration, monthly six months; lor
Dismission from Guardianship, forty day .
f!ules (brtlie Foreclosure of Mortgage must he
nnhti.h'*d monthly Fon four months, estab
lishing lost papers, lor the full space of three
Months; for compelling litlra from |''ymn>non-
Administrators, wheip a bond has been given by
the decease I. the full soace of three months,
‘''■L-g-LJ™ !
COMMUNICATED.
DOYLE AND CRITTENDEN.
Democrats to your post. Rally to the
standard of the true democracy'; never let
the flag of your principles trail in the
dust. Arouse! wake up—hoist your ban
ners, and let us have a long pull, a strong
pull, and a pull altogether, and the victo
iv is ours.
The Doyle banner having been flung to
the breeze at first under very unfavora
ble circumstance?, is now, from good au
tliorit3r, afloat upon a more certain sea.
It was the general opinion, especially
among the knowing ones of the demo
cratic party when he last announced
himself a candidate, that he would be
distanced in the race—but what a change
lias come over the people! the tide is be
ing turned in his favor, democrats of the
old school, particularly those who act from
principle, cannot refuse to vote for him,
and like men good and true, they are es
pousing his cause all over the country.
All that has been wanting to bring a
bout concert of action, is the proper ap
preciation of the principles upon which
Cos/. Doy/e was brought out.
The people are now beginning to un
derstand that, and are rallying to the
true democratic standard every where
throughout the county. Democracy
wants no mcvgrel breed in her ranks. —
Principles not men! is one of the leading
characteristics of democracy; therefore
we cannot expect to have our principles
advocated and carried out by voting for
a whig. What do democrats expect to gain
hy voting for Moseley? Do they expect
to make a democrat out of him, by sup
porting him for Senator at this particular
time? , v ...
Hardly. Then where is the party to
h>e :sene jilted, by giving him our support?
It is onlv giving him a stick to break our
own head with. Re.mlse his advances
i>s jou would the opening jtws of Bn.ad
der; both are” equally dangerous , Vote
for Moseley, and you give the enemy a
power which will hardly, if ever, be over
come.
Democrats! Friends! Think before
vou take the fatal step. Look well to
your future interests. A miss step now,
may prove your everlasting ruin. Think
of it.— Doyle, the poor man’s fiiend, is
the Democia'ic candidate', and calls loud
ly for your suffrage, upon correct princi
ples, while Moseley,’ the iron hearted
despot, expects to swindle you out of
vour votes by making false pretences. —
Listen no longer to tbe syren songof
.Moseley at.d the crusaders, against our
party and the principles we advocate.
News front ail quarters throughout the
county proves conclusively, that Doyle
is gaining ground daily, and that if things
go on as they have tor the last ten days
until the day of the election, he is just as
certain to he elected as the day coni“S.
The still sow always drinks the slop. Do
your duty democrats, and Doyle and
Crittenden are certain to cany aloft suc
cessfully, the banner so gallantly thrown
to the breeze. He inactive, and whig
gery nrd despotism reign for years to
pome. ]t is known-th2* Moseley is only
rawing to defeat his OWr. party, because
h'e failed in getting the nomination —thetl
do not throw your votes away on him.
Preserve the integrity of your princi
ples and ali is well
TKUF DEMOCRACY.
Sept. 20, 1853.
A> this little sample of Young Ameri
cas humor, we have laughed, perhaps,
more than the occasion required. It is
from a description of a fight in Virginia,
done by an eye-witness:—“l teckin he
was from low down on Guyan, somewhar.
.Tea as f’ieyjg|ar j' lw *V “ c!, '*P r,>^e u l*
on a boss I reckiti he was
Messinger stock, a scrowging anemt/, a
fettle blind o’ both eyes—a peert-looking
chap enough—an’ when he got fernent
the place, ses he, ‘ls this a free fight? an’
they tole him it war. ‘Well,’ says he,
giiting off an’hitchfpg his ole claj-bank
to a swinging lim, ‘count me ihV He
hadn’t moie’n got it out, afore someone
fetched him a lick, an’ he drapt., lie tiz
dreckly with some de/icAully, and Bes he,
‘ls this a free fight?’ an’ they lole him it
arr. ‘Well,’ ses he, unhitching his hoss,
and puttin’ his left leg over the back
leather, ’count me out 1 ’ an’ then he mar
velled.”
Frequent application is to the mind,
what repeated tillage is to the earth.
MR. jtfC’ilfflULAiVS
ADDRESS.
In the Federal Union of the 9th inst.
we find an address to the people of Geor
gia, from Hou. Robert McMillen, of the
county of Habersham. Mr.” McMillen
presents a lucid view of the Whig party,
showing its direct emenation from old
federalism, and its tendency in every phase
of its career, to federal measures. That
it is indeed nothing but old federalism
subdued and checked by the voice of the
people.
We have not room to publish the whole
of the article, but subjoin the latter part
of it, which treats of the present times:
They now are no longer Whigs but
“Resolved, that they are “Republican Citi
zens,” and invite the co-operation of “all
those, whether whigs or democrats,” &c.,
and yet in the same resolution and in their
presses and stump speeches, denounce
President Pierce for affiliating with any j
but Simon pores. They denounce, and
consider the country in “imminent danger”
from, the fire eaters, secessionists, &c., and
yet are by all means in their power, invi
ting those fire-eaters and. disunionists to
co-operate with them. Before their late
defeat, and for the last two years, thqif
motto was, “a faithful execution of the
compromise measures, finality of the slave
ry agitation.” The body of the democrat
ic party of Georgia belieririg that the
South had been wronged, Opposed these
measures until they were settled against
them finally, then, as was their di*ty*tiicy
acquiesced. Now the whigg,'(b‘f I should
say a portion of the whigs) are opening
the agitation anew, and thereby showing
that their vows about wishing the compro
mise to be a final settlement of the ques
tion, was as faithless in this, as in the
compromise of 1833, in the days of
cation. The same men who put in office
and supported Fillmore and his cabinet of
freesoilcra —Tom Corwin of bloody hands
memory, and others, say that they look
with distrust on President Fierce,, This
same party in Georgia ptit tht}, trtiq test
of political orthodoxy upon the question
of acquiescence in the compromise mea
sures. I defy them to show, that the
President has appointed a man to office of
any kind who does not subscribe ,to this
doctrine. In his letter accepting the nom
ination, and in his .Inaugural he declared
this to be his creed)’ and he has appointed
no man to office who did not support him
and the platform, fugitive slave law and
all. These men get up scare crows when
ever it suits their ends. Some of them
objected to Gen. Scott on account of;hi§,
freesoil proclivities, and to answer tlieit
designs in Georgia, took up Daniel Web
ster, who boasted that “I never would con
sent and never have consented that thopy
should be one foot of slave territory be
yond what the old thirteen States had at
the time of the foundation of the Union.
Never! never! the man cannot shew his
face to me and say he can prove that I
ever departed from that doctrine.” This
is Georgia whig consistency, these are
the men who talk about the country be
ing in “imminent danger” by the appoint
ment to some minor offices under the su
pervision and vigilant eye of the Presi
dent, .When a freesoiler filled the Presi-
dential chair, and whose every vote on
the subject proves him to be so, and al
ways against the South, when these men
put him in office, lie was their “Model
President”. -Not a syllabic then about
the country being in danger.
Since they see that they are broken
down, and their policy and political tactics
repudiated by.the people, they are now,
as of old, endeavoring to assume demo
cratic positions, and deny their old cher
ished principles, until they can attain pow
er. For this ptitposc they are becoming “all
things to all men.” fn one portion of the
State they are running as “Union men,”
in other counties as “Conservatives,” in
others as “Republican Citizens,” .and in
some counties they have even.ihc temerity
to run <as*“Whigs.” The different names
are adopted in different sections to de
ceive Whenever yon hear of a man pass
ing himself off by different names at differ
ent places, it is a bad sign he wants to
deceive somebody—call them by their old
name Whig, and they repudiate it—call
them by their lately assumed name of “Re
publican Citizens,” and they feel as squea
mish as a boy who has got on a sto
len coat when you point your finger at
him. With regard to thoir new faith set
forth in their new platform of opposition
to internal improvements, distribution. &c.
also relative to economy, (on the Tariff
and other favorable measures they are
mum,) and also their loathing of freesoil
ism. For proof of their insiuccrity only
look to their whole history and past course.
It is but another stratagem, a pretended
repentance since the last election. Why
did they not declare against these mea
sures in 1834, in 1841, in 1842, in 1844,
and 1846, when they and their party were
-rlopt>ng, battling for, and enacting them,
lit fact every time they ever got into pow-
eras I have yhowS; not a word then a
i bout extravagant and appro
priations for internal impi’Pve.Tcnts of the
Whig administration of 1841 and ’42, and
distributions of the land fund, and all iu?se |
reekless appropriations; and distributions
made, too, at the same session of Congress
at which they passed a bill to borrow
twelve iniilions of dollars—thus beggaring
the treasury to give them a pretext for
laying a high protective Tariff.
If they afe sincere now in their repent-
ance and in their new avovfal of opposi
tion to those measures which they have al
ways supported heretofore, and enacted
whenever they had the power, how is Jt
that they are opposing Judge Johnson who
has all his life opposed those measures con
sistently, and have put up against him Mr.
Jenkins who has been a firm adherent to
the whig party and supported its measures
and its men all his life? If these men
were sincere in the doctrines of their plat
form, would they nbt support the man
who has always battled for them?
When a party undertakes double-deal
ing their path is difficult., The “Republi
can Citizens” convention for the purpose
of catching democrats, say—“both the
! whig and democratic parties of the United
GRIFFIN, (GA.) THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 29, 1853.
States have been faithless to their oft re
peated pledges of economy in the expendi
ture of public money, and we view with
great alarm and disapprobation, the par
tial, unequal, and unjust appropriation of
the public lands, to internal improvements,
&c.” And yet, as I have shown, all this
i was done by whigs and whig administra
tions put in powetf and supported by the
very, men ivho built this “Republican Citi
zens” platform, without a word of com
plaint from them—and Mr. Jenkins says
but lately, that he has a “ stronger desire
than ever before to adhere to the National
Whig Party.” ,Ye,t, though not one act
or measure of the whig party has since
transpired to change that “strong desire”
in accepting his norainatibn by,-the con
vention which resolved that the .“whig
party has proved faithless” to its pledges]
Mr. Jenkins says “an entire sympathy with
the spirit of their deliberations, forbid
even momentary hesitation of acquiescence
in their wishes,” and although he makes a
fling at appointments to office, and altho’
Ihe says by the late contact with demo-
J erats lie is ‘‘not at all democratized,” and
although he repudiated Gen Pierce and
set up for himself with the freesoilers on
the Webster ticket, yet he has now the
modesty to ask “the support of all my fel
low citizens by whatever party designa
tion heretofore known.” Anybody! Any
body!! Now who will help them to form
a captious, sectional, faction, to save them-
selves? Oh yes—
“VVc f>k not, we care not if enilt’a in thy heart,
Come join our new party, whatever thou arl n
Mr. Jenkins says “upon th 6 closest self
examination I do not perceive that I am
at all democratised.” and yet he and his
friends are calling on democrats to vote
for him, saying as does one of the whig
candidates sot Congress in this district “we
are all whigs, and all democrats.” There
is just one half of this declaration correct,
or rather the “all” is made up in this way
—‘They’ are whigs” but‘we’ afg .hot; ‘We’
democrats, but ‘they’ are not. If they
were .cfempcr.at9 they would support demo
cratic men and democratic measures: “If
ye love me keep my commandments”^-sup
port Judge Johnson, and then we will have
some-evidence, of, jpnr being “democrat
ised;” prove your faith by your Works—
as it is your works do give your profes
sion a. contradiction!-flat. Mr. Stephens
ana others in an .address to the people of
Georgia just published, and other whig
leaders cry out that the democrats will
waste the people’s money in building a
rail road to the Eacilte, and denounce that
project—while Mr. Morton, another whig
candidate for Congress in this district tells
the people here that the project “will re
ceive my warm support.” Thus they go in
different plages,. ‘
■Mr* Stephens and the committee say,
Mr. Jenkins “has waived the attractive
honors of National position.” How has he
done it? was j| by managing with the aid
of Mr. Stephens/and Mr. Toombs (or per
mitting {hern to do it for him) as to get
np opposition to Gen. Pierce or Gen.
Scott, and run for Tice President on the
freesoil, Federal ticket, with Daniel Web
ster, who voted against an appropriation
of money to rebuild the Capitol of the
Union, after it had been consumed by
British fire, and boasted that no man
could show his face and prove that he had
not always been opposed to the extension
of slavery. This committee also say, Mr.
Jenkins “as a member of the Legislature,
is identified and indissolubly associated
with every measure which looked to the
moral, social, intellectual and material
progress” of Georgia. Is this proven by
his advocacy and support of the principles
of the “Algerine law” by which no citizen
of Augusta should vote for Aldermen un
less he owned “one thousand dollars worth
of real estate, or paid twenty-five dollars
tax?” Mr. Jenkins not only voted for
this law, but declared its doctrines to be
his principles, by avowing that ‘I am op
posed to the repeal of the act.’ Apply
this principle to the voters of Georgia, and
how many would be deprived of the ines
timable privilege of having a voice in ma
king the* laws by which they are to be
governed. ,in England, no man dare to
vote for a member of parliament unless he
has this property qualification. But God
forbid that such a revival of British des
potism should ever be fastened upon a
freeman this country. .To be taxed and
governed without a voice in the same
was one of the despotic evils set forth in
the Declaration of Independence, qud on
account of- which the Revolution was
fought. These men talk about fairness
and candor, and yet the Editor of the
Washington Gazette, a whig paper in
Wilks county, is called a knave or a fool,
and is to he put down for publishing a
letter .of Mr. Jenkins’, in which he says be
is not “at all democratised.” Mr Jenkins
talks about love of State, &c., better than
party; and his friends talk about his high
bearing and fairness, &c. When did he
ever vote for a democrat, or a democratic
measure against whiggery? Has he not
been the uncompromising opponent” of de
mocracy all his life—do they fprget that
in the contest of 1844 between Clay and
Polk, that Mr. Jenkins was one of a club
in Augusta who on tbe 22d of October,
just a few days before the election, got up
a Bulletin and signed their names to it to
give it influence, and headed it “WHIG
3.ANKER,” telling the voters of Georgia
that til? democrats had formed a ‘coalition
with the abol'tionists’ and that “abolition”
was “avowed cs ft democratic principle.”
This document Carefully issued and
sent out by thousand.? °y er . Geor
gia just a few days before the so
that there could not be time to conirau'ct
its false influence anil impression. Talk
about principles and fairness—they are
now running whigs in every whig district
ancF. county, and where whigs stand no
chance, they cry out for a “Union” demo
crat as the best means to divide the demo
cracy. They put their opposition to Pre
sident Pierce upon the ground of his ap-
pointments to office. - This is the ground
in their resolutions at Milledgeville. They
“view tfltls Alarm,” &c these “appoint
ments.” This is their only hobby on the
stnmp and everywhere. • To prove that
this is a mere pretext and a false cry and
that their true objection to him is, that he
is a democrat, it is only necessary to re*
collect that before he was elected and be
fore he ever made any appointments, these
same men put up Danie^Webster and Mr.
Jenkins to defeat hinf (n Georgia—to
“save themselves,” altlflrrugh they well
knew that such a ticket could not get a
rote outside this State.
Their whole farcical coarse has been
but the result of a well concerted plan to
break np the democratic party, and get
office. Look at it—Pierce men (almost)
Buchanan men (quondam) Webster men
their opposition to Pierce—opposition
to Scqtjt, any thing by which office iraight
be qbtajned and democrats divided. Elect
these men and what would be the result?
Let the past answer—we do not gather
grapes of thorns and figs of thistles.—
When the Greeks made war upon Troy,
they besieged the city for ten years with
out effect; at last.tjiey effected, by strata
gem and deception, what they could not
do by fair and open warfare—they built
an enormous wooden horse, planked up
his sides with boards, covered him with
furs for haii I ,’ set him upon wheels that the
Trojans might the more readily roll him
into the city—all inside, this horse was
hollow, and in the night the Greek sol
diers encased themselves in the great
horse, ad but a few who went on an island
close by, so that in the morning their,
camp-fires were left, and a straggling
Gneek s,uildier:(left for the purpose) was
taken by the Trojans into the city, and
closely questioned—who told them that
the Greeks had. abgndqned the .war, nnd
as an evidence that they hacf ceased hos
tilities, and were sincere in their friendship,
they had left for the Trojans a present
from Minerva, of the great horse. The
Trojans shouted with joy, ppened their
gates, threw down enough of their walls
to admit.it, and,rolled the horse into the
city shouting hosannah'. But no sooner
had they got him into the heart of the
city and the Trojans lu’led to quiet—than
the Greeks burst forth in the dead of the
night, from their wooden horse, and join
ed by the “outsiders” took the city cap
tive.
The whigs have been battering at the
gates of Democracy ever since the days of
John Adams, they succeeded in deceiving
the democrats in 1824, with John Quincy
Adams, but were expelled; they again en
tered the city in 1840 by means, not of a
wooden hqrse, but log cabins, cider bar
rels, &c. and did play havoc, by setting up
pillars of a protective tariff, internal im
provements, distribution of the land fundj,
a United States Bank, &c. but democracy
rolled back their cover and themselves
with it. Not despairing they again made
a desperate effort and succeeded in getting
within the gates, but democracy this time
hurled them headlong without the walls
with force and terrible disaster. In Geor
gia a few of the scattering captains have
assembled at Milledgeville, and built a
Wooden Horse, by which to deceive the
democracy, but the moment you rub a de
mocratic hand over him the fraud is appa
rent, the coon-skin fur flies off a,ml there
are his sides planked up with Ahe rotten
log cabin boards of 1840, his ribs are
made of staves of the old hard cider bar
rels, without a spark of vitality or a drop
of blood. Nothing but the old hard ci
der, high colored with an old string of red
pepper pods, while all within is hollow !
hollow 1 ! hollow !!! And then the build
ers of the wooden horse—who and what
are they? Pull off the cloak, and there
stand tho whig skeletons with federal
bones, bank sinews, tariff joints, internal
improvement features, anti-war hands. In
short, true whig frames ready to besp r ung
into life and vigor upon getting hold of
the reins of government. They fight,with
the two edged sword of craft and decep
tion, and self aggrandizement. Let the
Democracy stand by its party organization,
and keep it as it has made it, the protec
tion of the rights and liberties of the peo
ple, the guardian and shield of the consti
tution. ROBT. McMILLAN.
Clarksville, Sept. Ist, 1853.
Letter from lion. John P King:.
Augusta, Sept. 7, 1853.
(jrtntlcmen: —l have received your invi
tation to attend a mass meeting of the de
mocracy of the fifth Congressional district,
to be held at Kingston on the4Hb inst.—
It will not be convenient for me to attend,
but for your invitation you will please
accept my thanlfs. ,
■ I do not consider the approachin g elec
tion for Governor of the State, as of great
importance in its immediate effect upon
our State interests. .Our domestic policy
is pretty well setljled, and both tbe candi-
dates are able and experienced men, well
acquainted with the resources of tbe State,
and the wants of the people, and either of
them is, no doubt, in all lespects, well
qualified to perform the duties of the
office. •. - . >*
In a national point of view, an 1 in its
influence upon our federal relations, the
approaching election is vastly important.
Ev.cry year added to our age as a nation,
strengthens the conviction of the excel
lence of the institutions under which we
five. History furnishes no example of
such.wonderful advances in power, pros
perity and true national greatness. Rome
is often referred to as the classic model of
ancient republics, yet we have advanced
more in seventy, than Rome did in seven
hundred years; the condition of our citi
zens, individually, compared with other
nations, is not less enviable. They are
prosperous, secure and happy, under the
combined influences of liberty and law.
Other causes may
something to these great results, hut they
are mainly owing to the admirable form
of our government, a.ud the principles
l which it has been administered. —
Such and government, honestly administer-
ed, should be honestly sustained. We
have some diversity of interests to recon
cile, but these will nsver breed disturb
ance or civil strife, under a firm, faithful
and impartial administration of the go-
vernment. Such we have in the admin
istration of Mr. Pierce, and t:e * e no l
bound by every - obligation of duty to
sustain him? He has not been treacher
ous to his own sectioo, but his whole
.history is one cf unwavering devotion to
the constitutional rights of all the States
the South included. He has been no
holiday-friend to the South, but whatever
the political turns around him—whatever
dangers seemed to threaten him ac home,
he has never for a moment hesitated be
tween policy and duty. He is truly
and consistently a national dcmodYat;
I standing up firmly for “the rights of the
| States and the Union of the States/’ If
’ not sustained by the South, what encour
agement do we offer to a northern man
to do his whole duty, under all circum
stances, to every section ?
I cannot see the consistency of the
present organized opposition to the na
tional.’administration. ‘l'hey have dis
solved the Constitutional Union party, as
having accomplished its object ; have dis
carded the time honored name of Whig,
and though appealing to Union men, have’
certainly the only sectional organization in
the State.
What is the basis and the origin of!
this organization? To secure the execu
tion of the Compromise? We were told
in July, 1852, that this object was ac
complished, and the Constitutional Union
party was therefore dissolved. Then the
country was agitated by riots, rescues
and formidable combinations, which ren
dered the execution ,of the law difficult
and doubtful. Now, all is comparatively
quiet; fugitives are generally returned
withpu} difficulty, and if the compromise
has been attacked in any other feature, I
*m not apprized of if.
But the South is to be frightened be
cause the President has appointed some
freesoileis and Southern Bights men to
office. When did freesoilers become so
‘obnoxious to.the Whig party of Georgia?
It may be safely assumed that the whole
Whig party of Georgia would have voted
far Webster, Scott, Fillmore or Clay. If
they could not have been united upon
out of them— some om of them, would have
taken the Whig vote. Now, these dis
tinguished statesmen were all, in an ab
stract sense, either freesoilers or aboli
tionists. Even Mr. Clay, a Southern mao,
not only committed himself against the
further extension of slavery, but actually
introduced a scheme for the abolition of
slavery in his own State; the Whigs
would have entrusted the whole executive,
power of the government in the hands of
these gentlemen for a constitutional term, hut
organize against danger, if a Democratic
President appoints a freesoiler to subor
dinate office, to be removed at pleasure.
I do not wish to deal harshly with
these Whig preferences. I would on))
ask a deepnt respect for consistency.—
The South should make no war on ab
stract opinions upon the subject of slave
ry. This would be to disfranchise all the
citizens of the free States, an I effect a
dissolution of the Union at once. We
ask only that our constitutional lights shall
be respected. , ;
But Southern Rights men have been
appointed to office; is this a subject of
alarm to the South , that requires a sec-.-
lional organization to meet the danger ?
i hardly think so. The fault charged up
on the Southern Rights men was, that
their Southern attachments ran into a
dangerous passion. That they would
sacrifice by rashness what might be pre
served and secured by prudence. I'hat
their remedy was fraught with unmitiga
ted evil, and no good could come of it
in short, that it was no remedy at all.—
Their attachment to the South was never
questioned, but their rashness was sig
nally rebuked by the sober judgment of
the masses, and I was glad of it. Like
sensible men, they submitted to ibis im
posing judgment, and are now the most
quiet and orderly citizens vve have. 1
am sorry to see our friends the Whigs,
striving *.o occupy their vacant place, by
a sectional organization.
The object ot the President in making
these appointments has been national in
character, and pure and patriotic in mo-j
tive. Mis object has been to silence sec
tional complaints, and quiet agitation.—
He has wished to show his own conli
dence, in general submission to the late
measure of adjustment. He has wished
to prove to every class of our citizens,
and every section of our country, that they
have a common interest in a common govern
ment. Ifheshoull be disappointed in his
instruments, he has the. remedy in his
own hands, and will - doubtless apply i>.—
Will not t!)e President be sustained by
Union Democrats ? This class of our cit
izens I have considered as eminently .pa
triotic. When they believed the State
was in danger, they broke obi .party ties,
and rallied around the standard of their
j country. They will do so again if the
necpssity should require, but il will not be
by forniin r a sectional organization, ichich
they so lately contributed to gut doom,
Much more might .be sajd on this , sub
ject, but I must come to a close. Should j
. the Democratic party be defeated on this |
issue, Georgia would present rather a!
strange figure amoug her Southern sisters, i
They are all quiet—having nearly all re
cently decided that the South is perfectly
secure, and that the President has done, his
duty. Will Georgia be found “solitary
and alone” upon a platform hastily erect-
ed—with her lance poised against ene
mies nowhere to be found, and prepared
lo meet dangers long since passed away?
Is our State prepare ! to cut so ridiculous
a figure ? 1 hope not,
JOHN P. KING.
Messrs. Clayton and others, Committee.
The St. Paul Minncsotian of the 25th
ult., is responsible for the following. It
is a fast way.of doing business, and beats
Australia and California all.hollow:
One of Miss B—’s pupils, a young la
dy , stepped into the school-ioom the other
morning, and commenced gathering up
her books, staling that she was sorry
that she was compelled to leave the
school.
“For what reaso i?” mildly inquired
the teacher. .
“Oh, 1 was married last evening, that’s
all.”
“Why did you not inform me before?”
“For the simple reason,” replied the
blooming bride, “that 1 did not know it
myself until during the same afternoon,
never asked me until then.”
The favorite cosmelic in Paris for re
moving freckless, it is said, is an ounce of
lemon juice in a pint of rose water.
Hungry mon call the cook lazy .
’ Once a use and ever a custom.
“One of the People.”
In our last we copied an article, written
by a Scott Whig, from the Central Geor
gian, with the .above title, addressed to
: the Hon. A. H. Stephens. To-day we
make an extract from a subsequent num
ber, which appeared last week. It reads
as follows :
Upon a careful perusal of the Address
to th? people of Georgia* above referred
to, I cannot resist tho- desire of express
ing Ip you some ideas that occurred to
me while so doing. The acts and doings
of Mr. Pierce seem to meet your general
disapproval; and there is to my mind, a
shade of disappointment and of offended
pride, pervading the whole Address,
which gives, it the cast of; complaint.—
This is rather lowering your dignit) as a
statesman; and comes.,with a very bad
grace from yoU, considering how largely
he was aided, in his election io the Pres-
idency, by the indirect efforts of yourself
and Mr. Toombs. By your defection
35,000 men cast the vote of Georgia fob
him. Had you then.actfed'in’good faith
to the Whig party, that disgrace might
have been saved the State, and your pre
sent complaint of Pierce have had some
shawow of decency. This time, twelve,
months ago, you had nothing against Mr.
Pierce, and would believe nothing against
hiu. nor nothing in favor of Gen. Scott.
And if newspaper reports are to be cred
ited, you even went so far as to say that
Mr. Pierce “siumpeu” New Hampshire,
while you did the same in Georgia, for
the Compromise. On that point, however,
I confess I have never been fully satis
fied. At any rate, sir, I think you, Mr.
Toombs and Mr. Jenkins are fully,charge
able for a share of all Mjc, Pierce’s mis
doings— freesoij appointments and all.
Why should you complain ?
Let me put the matter to you in a plain
way. Suppose the Scott Whigs by their
lukewarmness towards Mr. Jenkins, and
their refusal to support him, Mr. Johnson
should he eleetde, (which I think at this
time very possible,! and a year hence they
should come to you with their denuncia
tions and complaints against Mr. Johnson
for some bad acts, would you not be in
clined to look upon, such complaints as a
contemptible piece of nonsense, and be
induced to tell them plainly that they
were to blame for it? that if they had
come up to your help, he would not prob
ably have been elected Governor? ]
think you would be likely to do this, and
you would do right.
So sir, you need not he surprised at
all, if a great many honest Scott men
should regard.your attempt to rally them
against Mr. Pierce at this time, in a con
temptible light; and as a very lame affair
at best. They are perfectly willing to
let you fight your own battle. 1 am, I
can assure you. ,
Another point, which you sesmed to
put much stress upon, I,could not help
noticing You hold up as an objection
to voting for Mr. Johnson, and probably,
very justly, the fact that the Democratic
pasty in Georgia migbt.be called upon to
support the Pacific Railroad scheme.—
Bui you either overlooked another fact,
or did not think fit to mention it, that
Mr. Buchanan, whom Mr. Toombs once
seemed to favor for the Presidency, ad
vocates that scheme.
But the greatest exposuro to which you
laid yourself open, and one positively as
tonishing in a politician of your astute
ness, is the argument you lay hold of to
prevent true Democrats from voting for
Mr. Johnson. You tell them he quitted
the Democratic party two years ago !
Yst you see he has returned to it again,
j Did it not occur to you National
i Whigs might take the reasoning to them
selves, in regard to yourself and Mr.
Jenkins? You quit the Whig party two
years ago, and have not returned yet —
and I cannot tell when you will do it.—
And what is worse, you have succeeded
in wheeling off Mr. Jenkins -also. So
you will perceive, you are as deep in the
mud as Mr. Johnson is in thei mire, if
not a little more so. “Some of the Re
publican Citizens,” however, tell me they
are all to be good Wbigs again, as soon as
they can get the Union Democrats firmly
welded on to them. “Eye hath nol.-sbeu
nor ear heard it yet.” Their wanderings
have but just commenced—their mission
for jhe “moral, social and intellectual im-
proiement of the people of Georgia,’? is
but just set out. If they will stick to
you, I. warrant you to lead them as wan
dering and vagrant a political life as their
hearts could wish. Often too, wheie they
j will get “well peppered,” like Sir John
| Falstaff’s raggamuffins. And I have no
| doubt tney will be led by you, as long as
| you can keep possession of Mr. Jenkius,
as a sort of Ark of the Covenant.
Sir, you have chosen your own ground
upon which you arc giving battle. But
you have chosen it unskilfully. In addi
tion to that, you have hiarshalled your
forces with little regard to feelings or af-
sections, and have evidently given high
preference to the mercenary troops over
your old and long tried political friends, to
whom you now appear disposed to turn a
cold shoulder. I prophecy for the “Re
publican citizens” a defeat.. And lam
free to confess I shall not feel mortified at
it. The proscriptive policy so apparent
among your partizans, at a time when they
should have better understood their depen
dence, augured no good to those who dared
to oppose the folly of the Tcrtium Quids.
It,spoke in language plain enough to ray
understanding, that they sooner risk de
feat, than give Scott men an honorable po
sition. And defeat yon are welcome to
for me.
THE CHAR3E CONFIRMED.
Under this head the Recorder publish
es an extract from a letter signed by 1’
G. McFarland, a member of the Union
Convention from Walker county, going
to confirm the statement charged upon
Judge Johnson, that he remarked, in re
ference to the Union party, “ I look upon
the whole pack with the utmost con
tempt.” Mr. McFarland says: 1 had
heard of his harsh remark before leaving
MMledgeville; and on our return home
from the OonVC.'l'mn, a goodly number of
us remained at Gordon several hours
waiting the cats, Mr. Connelly amongst
the number, and whilst there, some gen
tleman asked Mr. C. concerning the re
ported remark of Judge Johnson. Mr.
C. stated inpresence of several delegates,®
as well as myself, that Judge J. and him-’
self were standing or sitting together f.fc
the time that Mr. Jenkins read the re
port of the committee of 33, and after
Mr. Jenkins finished reading, Mr. Cor.-*
nelly turned to Judge Johnson and
him, “well Judge, what do you thiolc
now of the submissionists” or “submis
sion party?” I don’t recollect distinctly
which term he used; the Judge replied,’
“I look upon the whole pack with the
UTMOST CONTEMPT.”
We are pleased to see that the writer
has made his charge so plain. Judge
Johnson will not deny it, if true. But
by the mouth of two witnesses shall all
things be established. Mr. Conneiiy is
dead, but fortunately “several delegates”
heard Mr. Connelly’s statement. Where
are they? VYhy are they not named, and;
their evidence produced? The charge
may be as Mr. McFarland states. But
where-there are several who can testify
to a fact, one is hardly sufficient testimony.
Let us hear what the others say. Draw
’em uo, Mr. Recorder! Thera may be a
mistake.
Canton, Ga. Sept. 19th, 1853.
Capt. Wm. I’. Wofford:
Dear Sir—l noticed an editorial in your
paper of the 23th August last, denying
certain statements contained in a corntfut
nicatiou/signed ‘‘Cherokee,” published iii
the Southern Recorder of August 10th,
which charged that Judge Johnson, in his
speech at CaHton, in August, 1852, used
some very offensive language in respect
to Union Democrat. 1 also noticed that
in the Recorder of the 13th inst., “Chero
kee” has another communication, in
which he publishes a certificate, signed
by fifteen persons, sustaining his state
ments, and says he can get a list of three
hundred if desired.’ He, however, makes
his correspondent, Kemp, certify that
“no one pretends to j here.”
! He states that the issue is fairly made be
tween you and himself, and, with muck
parade, asks you and the other editors,
who published your denial, to publish
his article. When 1 saw his first article
and your denial, 1 determined to pay no
further attention to it, as 1 supposed he
had only adopted that as a mode of liv
ing publicity to 1 a little of his whig spleen
against Judge Johnson, and that he ex ? ?
pected his gord readers to make the.
necessary allowance; but since he has put
himself to the trouble to procure a certif
icate of fifteen persons,Who are, as he
certifies over the signature “ Ckerokcef
“highly respectable citizens,’? ,1 have
thought it proper to pay some niten'ton
to his charge, and to furnish, you with
abundant proof to sustain you m this is*
sue, wkich, He says, isr now “fairly
made.’’ . I send you the subjoined, state
ment signed by fifty-one citizens cf Cher
okee county, who heard Judge Johnson’s
speech, and whose credibility, I suppose
“Cherokee” himself will not deny. Giv*>
me time to see persons.who heard thO
speech, and I can increase this list to al
most any number they may require. I
suppose, however, that no one, acquaint
ed with the persons whose names appear
below, would ask for more evidence. f
f James H. Hardin is now a Justico of
the Inferior court of Cherokee county.
James McConnell is also a Jusiice of the
Inferior court and was a Union whig.—
Jasper L. Keith is Clerk of the Superior
court, and was a Union democrat. James-
Jordon is Ordinary of the county. Gen.
Littlebery Holcombe is now the comman
ding General of the brigade to which
Cherokee now belongs, and was a Union
democrat. Frederic Burtz is brigade in
spector, and has commanded one of the
battalliohs of the county for years—he
was a Union democrat. Ira R. Foster was
a Colonel in the Florida war—has since
been biigadier general, has represented
his county in the Legislature. Maj John
McConnell hss represented his county in
the Senate, and is one of its most reliable
and trust-worthy citizens. Maj.‘ James
M. Fielder commanded-;a battallion in
the county for several years. Col. James
E. Rusk has for years commanded one of
the regiments of the county. Joseph Mc-
Connell, Elias Putnam, aud Amos Braz-
leton are justices of the peace. L. M.
and John H. Gregory were Union
whigs. John M. Nuckolls is now a Jen
kins man, he asked to be permitted to sign
as an act of justice to a political oppo
nent. But I have not time to notiee the
character of each gentleman on the list
separately; the respectability of no oue
of them will, 1 apprehend, be called in
question. I regret to think that any
friend of Mr. Jenkins should have thought
it necessary to resort to such means lo
injure his opponent. Frommy knowl
edge of Mr. Jenkins’ character for-up
rightness, honor, and integrity,- I feel
confident that he looks forward with dis
approbation upon the course pursued by
this correspondent r “CherokSr.” I will
only add, that I sent off the list to some
of the papers below when 1 had only ob
tained the signatures of 33 persons, in
the hopethal it might reach them in time
sos- publication in this week’s papers.
This 1 did in order to give “Cherokee”
time to prepare his list of three hundred,
of which he speaks. I hope it may
reach io time for insertion this week, and ■
then see how far “Cherokee” can
go towards the three hundred. • > v /
He will have lime enough. * In conciiK
sion, I respectfully nsk the 4 Recorder a „d
all other Jenkins papers in theSSft f _ e w |jo
have published for “Cherok<’ e ** to pub
lish thrs communication together with
the statement-of fact* an( i lis ” of
I think ii is a* fcet of justice to Judea
Johnson which will not be denied by any
h.ghmindta, honorable gentleman, cun.
dueling ah opposition press.
Very respectfully,
Your ob’t Servant,
JOSEPH E. BROWN.
Here follows the same certificate which
’j we published last week, copied from the
Macon Telegraph. It was then signed
by thirty-three names', to which eighteeq
more have sin je been addeds,
a •* - - r .A. i'rj/ ■ “
No. 39.