Newspaper Page Text
■fin Weekly Soe
RICHARD H. WHITELEY, Editor
7 Morning St-ptembcr lTth 1574
vrms BEPUBLICAN TICKET !
FOR 44TH CONGRESS.
SECOND CONGRESSIONAL DIST.
RICHARDH. WHITELEY,
OP DECATUR.
FOR THE LEGISLATURE
HAYES, A. J. NICHOLSON,
PEOPLE.
Ruft-AtYiß fcr Everybody.
record.
We publish f*‘ tt*e information and reflec
tion of the pouffe of'the second Congressional
district, the scnWWifctttu of Mr. Greeley on the
worst feature s os ttoo Social Equality pet of
the Democratic We hope every voter
iu the District wifctvsad and remember, that
the very men who Urged them two years ago
to vote for Mr. Greeley knowing that he en
tertained ami published such sentiments,now
tirge them to vote Against Majoi Whit cloy be
cause he voted ui.der a suspension of the
rules of the House of Representatives, which
did not permit kha to either speak, or am,end
the bill, in favor of additional Civil Rights for
the colored people. These men further know
that the Civil Rights Dill is still in the House
of Representative and trill be open to both dis
cussion an/l amendment at the next session of
Congress. They further know tllat the bill
will be both discussed and amended before it
becomes a law. Now if they could swallow
Greeley with his record why is it that they
howl so over Major R'lutcley’s votes. The
answer is. they want to excite and mislead the
jwople tor the simple purpose of getting into
office. Will the people permit them to drive
from our midst the labor of the country and
further impoverish us ?
CIVIL RIGHTS AS UNDERSTOOD AND ENDORSED BY
THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN TIIEIR SUPPORT OF
HORACE OREEI.EY IN 1572.
OFEET.EY PLATFORM.
“We recognize the equality of all men be
fore the law, and hold that it is the duty of
Government, in its dealings with the people
to mete out equal and exact justice to all, of
whatever nativity, race, color, or persuasion,
religious or political.”
“But this thing is certainly clear—that tui»
tier the Constitution, in its most liberal in
terpretation, and admitting our cherished
American doctrine of equal human rights, if
a white man pleases to marry a black woman,
Hie mere fact she is black gives no one a right
to interfere to prevent or set aside such mar
riage. If a man can so far conquer his re
pugnance to a blac k woman as to make her
the mother of his children, we ask, in the
name of the divine law, and of decency, why
ho should not marry her? ITo arc not ’in fa
vor of any law compelling a Democrat to mar
ry a negress, unless under circumstances
which might compel him to marry a white
woman or go to prison; hut we insist that if -a
Democrat or anybody else, is anxious to en
ter into such union, His not for the Legisla
ture to forbid him or for his fellow creatures
to pronounce him a violation of the law of na
ture and God'—Horace Greeley—Tribune of
march 16, 1864.
“If our correspondent means, would you
by law prohibit and punnisli intermarriage
between white and black, our answer must be,
•No, we would not.’ Civil law has no warrant
to interfere in matters of taste. If such a
couple were resolved to marry we would inter
pose no legal obstacle, and desire none."—Hor
ace Greeley—Tribune of July 31, 1865.
“When Richard M. Johnson (Democratic
Vice-President of the United States) married
a negro and raised, a large family by her, no
Democrvhc stomach revolted,"Horace Greeley —
Tribune of March 17, 1864.
“All do know that there are several hund
red thousand mulattoes in this country; and
we presume that no one has any serious doubt
that the fathers of at least nine-tenths of
them are white Democrats. We assert that
Democrats, if they will have yellow children,
might better than otherwise‘treat the moth
ers respectively as wives after the laudable
pattern of that eminent Democrat, Vice-l’ves
ident Richard M. Johnson.”— Horace Greeley
December 10,1867.
‘'We have already assured the Virginian
that the Editor of this journal went to the
same common school with black children, not
for a few days, but for three winters; sat on
the same bench, and recited in the same
classes with them, and received no possible
damage therefrom. Why not take notice of
this assurance? And we know of no rural
school district in New England from whose
school colored children are excluded”— Hor
ace Greeley—Tribune of January 16, 1872.
"I hope the time will conie when our ed
ucational institutions anil seminaries will
be open to men of all races, with a free
dom, with a hospitality which has never
yet been enjoyed. I trust the time will
come when no man’s color will exclude
him from any religious organization what
ever."—Greeley 1872.
DEMOCRATIC CONSISTENCY AND HONESTY.
The following utterances from the mouth of
Horace Greeley, and known to the democratic
party previous to tlu-ir nomination and sup
port of him for President ought to be remem
bered by the people.
WHAT H. O. KNEW ABOUT THE DEMOCRATIC TARTY
IN JULY, 1860.
‘‘The utter impotence and paralysis into
which the once proud and powerful Democratic
party has fallen is evinced in many wavs, but
in none more strikingly than in the character
of its lies and liars. How its orators and jour
nals used absolutely to lain calumnies on
Adams and Clay and Harrison, and in later
days on Seward and Fremont! — none of your
little, contemptible, picayune falsehoods,' but
great, fat, black lies, that had venom and
sting in them—lies that evinced originalitv,
audacity, and even genius.”— 2nbuue July y,
1860. * ’
WHAT H. G. KNEW ABOUT TRAITORS IN MAY 1861.
“ When the Rebellious Traitors are over
whelmed in the Field, and scattered like leaves
before an angry wind, it must not be to re
turn to peaceful and contented homes. Thev
must find poverty at their firesides, and set
privation in the anxious eyes of mothers and
the rags of children.”— Horace Greeley, Tri
bune, Mag 1, 1861.
WHAT U. G. KNEW ABOUT THE DEMOCRATIC PAR
TY IN MARCH, 1871.
“The Democratic party of to-dav is simply
the Rebellion seeking to achieve ' its essen
tial purposes within and through tin- Union.
A victory which does not enable it to put its
feet on the necks of the black race seems to
the hulk of its adherent* not worth having.
Its lu art is just wlrtfcu it was when it regard
ed .Slavery and the Constitution as two names
tor one thing. It hates the Generals who
led the Union Armies to victory, and rarely
misses a chance to disparage them, it clings
to that exaggerated notion ot state Rights
which makes them the shield ol ail mo.m or of
wrongs and abuses. It takes counsel of its
liases even more than of its aspirations, and
will he sat istied with no triumph teat does
Lin result in the exi u sion of all active, i aru
est Republicans from the South.” ?W'-n,(c
Mart i i 33, 1871*
W HAT 11. G. KNEW ABOUT THE DEMOCRATIC TAR
TY IN APRIL, !S7l.
‘•To “loyt rum and hate niggers" lets so
h'Ug' t-i-i-n the essence of the Democratic raith
that the. cooler, wiser heads of the party vain
b their strength in efli.-rts to lift ii out
of negro-liatc- was an element of positive
fi i cngtli in our political contests, so that the
Constitutional Conventions of this ayd other
tree States were usually carried by the* Deans
ci at son the strength of appeals to the coarser
andjjbascr white s to the nigger know bis
place. **yWfrut#e Ajn'U 7 1871,
OIA IL UIC.UTS AS ENDORSED BY TIIE REPUBLICAN 1
PARTY.
REPUBLICAN PLARFOKM.
“Complete liberty and exact equality in the
enjoyment of all civil, political and public
lights should he established and ottectnally
laaintamed throughout the Union by efficient
and appropriate State and FederallegishUion.
Neither the law nor its administration should
admit any discrimination in respect of eiti
tinehy reason of race, creed, color, or previ
«-v condition of servitude.”
President Grant- in liis Inaugural address
March 4tli 1*73- after being elected on the
above platform said;
“The effects of the late civil strife have
been to free the slave and make him a citizen.
He is not poscsscd of the civil rights which
citizenship should carry with it. This is
wrong, and should be corrected;. To this cor
rection I stand committed, so far as executive
influence ran avail, Social equality is not a
subject to be legislated upon, nor shall I ask
that any tbipg bedoue to advance the social
status oftHpSblnred man, except to give him
a fair cbaitCe to develop what there is good
in him. Give him access to schools,and when
he traids iet him feel assured that bis con
duet will regulate the treatment and fare he
wiU'reeeive. ’
'V; the Ist of I),--. w-i p ; . ts kb. *d
-»»;« •- 1 ' ruial ,ues*»gr said;
’ r->ujoui cunaiilathe enact
■»i. u ui n ..tW to better secure the Ci vil Rights
which freedom should secure, hut Ims not ef
fectually secured to the enfranchised slave.”
Passion not Reason is to Rule.
f ihe intelligent citizen cannot but notice
the course beingpursued by the Democrat
ic party in the present canvas. It began
by appeals to the passion and prejudice of
the people. It has improved as the can
vas progressed, by the addition of a series
of printed circulars, alleging outrages by
blacks upon the white people of the coun
try. and urging upon the latter to assert
their manhood and unite for the overthrow
of the radical party. No party has ever
before resorted to such base means to in
flame the minds of an intelligent people.
Rapes, murders, exaggerated accounts of
j sayings or doings of colored are pa
j raded before the people by unsci’upelous
demagogues who seek but to arouse the
races to madness, regardless of its conse
quences or the peace and prosperity of our
section. Whilst pretending to be the
special advocates of the white man and
his interest, they urge him to a madness
t hat cannot fail to disgrace both his intel
ligence and sense of justice. In every
home these inflamatory circulars are found,
all appealing to the white men against the
; black and tending both in word and spirit
;to bring about a collision between the
races. Is it to be wondered at, that we
meet with and see so much lawlessness,
hear of so much disregard of the rights of
! citizenship; find the press of the country
teeming with outrages so horrifying that a
partisan press dose' not defend them? Is
not all this the very result of what has
gone before, the natural end of such teach
ings? We are not surprised at the result,
but we confess our surprise at the teachers
and teaching” refered to.
j We recollect in 18G1 when after a full
I canvas of Georgia the people had evident
ily determined to remain in the Union and
| not follow in the wake of the secession
j leaders of that day, that just this same
I policy was adopted and every mail brought
us from Washington accounts of the
wrongs that were being perpetrated upon
us. These accounts were sent in circulars
all over the country, just as the hot heads
of the present day are doing with the ac
counts of outrages committed by negroes,
and by such means the people were actu
ally forced out of a Union that had been
and was then a blessing to them.
Men who were convinced when surround
ed by reason that no cause for seceding
existed, forgot in the midst of the passion
and hate arroused and created by such
means their just conclusions, and became
wild with the spirit that deluged our laud
in blood and reduced us to poverty. Pas
sion not reason ruled the hour, and with
the disappeareuce of reason and the ad
vent of passion amongst us came the un
numbered woes that for years have affect
ed us. It was passion that defeated the
Union men of Georgia in 1861, and that
placed the Soutli in the chains of a despot
ic intolerance that is a disgrace to any age
or country. To that great error we again
direct the good men of this section of
Georgia; and appealed to them in the name
of past sufferings endured by our people,
past follies committed; to not again become
the slaves of passion, but to cling to rea
son as the great anchor of our national
and sectional hopes.
With reason uppermost, onr sense of
justice will not be deadened;our sympathy
for right not destroyed; our duty as a
common citizenship not forgotten; our hu
manity as a civilized people not disgraced,
our respect for law and order not disre
garded. But with reason gone and pas
sion in its stead, we are on a limitless sea
without chart, compass, or rudder, without
even a solitary star from which to hope.
The Effect of Democratic Vio
lence and Satolerence.
We clip the following from the Louis
ville Courier Journal published in Louis
ville Kentucky one of the most influential
democratic papers in the United States:
We give it up. There wa3 a chance
that the next House of Representatives
would not be Radical. That chance is
gone. The outbreaks in Kentucky and
the massacre in Tennessee settle that
much. No people, no party, could stand
under such a load as the people of the
South and the Democratic party of the
North are forced to carry.
Since the above was written the spirit
of intolerance and hate taught and cherish
ed by th.e Democratic party, have added
tenfold to the deeds of murder and outrages
recited in the paragraph quoted. From
all parts of the South the cry goes up to
the Seat of Government that freedom of
opinion and of speech are but imaginary
rights in a land of freedom, and that the
leaders of that Democratic party are en
gaged in inculcating intolerance and hate
both of sections and of race, for the pur
; pose of obtaining political power. The
country cannot fail to see who is responsi
ble for such crimes. The negro is power
loss to protect himself much less to harm
others, and the white republicans of the
South are even in a more defenseless state
than the colored people. Both want law
and order for the protection of person and
property, yet the intelligence of our sec-
I tions represented by the Democratic party
| seem to look with total indifference on the
| condition of affairs, and through desperate
i men and by appeals to the passions of the
’ whole people incite and urge a lawlessness
; that all good people should denounce.
If the men of influence and experience
I in our State and section, would discounte
! nance and denounce such conduct as is
being'indulged in all over our State, it
would cease; but tlveir silence gives to it
an endorsement that adds to its violence
and to our shame. As long as hot headed
men are applauded for sentiments that
disgrace onr manhood and citizenship, we
cannot expect or look for reason and jus
tice to control. When hatred of the Gov
eminent under which we live and defiance
of its power and authority, are taught and
received as the sentiments of patriotism,
I the reflecting citizen cannot fail to see
where we are drifting. So soon as we as
j sent to such doctrines we arc ready to
treat every one who differs with U3 as a
i public enemy, and this is where the demo
cratic party of the South is to day, and
| this is why the deeds of violence and
! bloodshed obtain in our section.
Gov, Jos' E ilrmvn s Letter on
Civil Eights;
The Ex-Governor is again in print. He
has a peculiar faculty for securing, a- share
of the situation and particularly so when
there is anything in it that can be utilized.
lie has the sense to see that, the
hot h-'adsare making something out of the
Civil rights sensation, and Joseph must
!, . .:io share ol the thunder, li .a uiis-
take not he came in second or third in
the role of secession in 1861, and he is in
the same category in 1874 as to Civil
Rights. The Governor never did lead but
once, and that whs when he championed
reconstruction. Ilow for his previous un
pardoned attempts to destroy the Union,
influenced his advice to accept the situa
tion, that, time can alone determine. His
letter is a glorification of himself and his
course on the only political issue he was
ever right in. aud in that light may be ex
cused as an ebttlition of personal vanity.
The Governor’s assumption that the Civil
Rights bill Is one of social equality is Very
mode3t in the face of the flat denial given
to such an allegation when made in the
United States Senate, by every Republi
can Senator in the Senate. Its dema
gogneism will be under stood when it is re
membered that Senator Frelinghuysen as
chairman of the Judiciary Committee of
the Senate, the first legal body of the Na
tion after the Supreme court of the Uni
ted States, distinctly denied the very as
sumption of the Governors, that the bill
interfered with the social relations of the
citizens. The Governor uses cheap thun
der of which he will be as much ashamed
in five years as he is now ot his efforts to
destroy the Union in 1861.
TOOMBS ON THE 14tli & 15tli AMEND
MENTS.
INVETERATE HOSTILITY TO FREEDOM AND SUF
FRAGE.
General Toombs—ln due time I shall
be heal’d from at length upon the great
questions which arc uow before the coun
try, and when I talk it will be with no un
certain sound. I never was a milk-and
cider politician in my life, and everybody,
frieud and foe, always kuow exactly where
Toombs stood. Columns of type would
hardly exoress my views upon present pub
lic vuestions, and yet in fifteen minutes I
can give you the substance of my present
political creed. I never shall acquiesce in
the fourteenth aud fifteenth amendments,
and I never shall tolerate the damnable
doctrine that there can be good govern
ment where negroes parricipate in the
shaping of pnblic policy. —Atlanta Herald.
Gen Toombs is a representative south
ern Democrat. lie has a virtue that many
of his type have not, he is honest, and
speaks what he thinks. The Democratic
party South think and feel like Gen.
Toombs, but they are wantiug in courage
to say what he does. The policy of the
Democratic party South is to keep the ne
gro as near a slave, as it is possible, to ad
mit his freedom. For this reason they
have opposed the amendment named cen
tering citizenship and suffrage upon him,
for the same reason they will if the oppor
tunity ever occurs, attempt to destroy
them. It is no mere whim, it is a well de
fined line of action and nothing establish
es it more conclusively than the action ot
that party at the present time.
Two years ago it accepted Horace Gree
ley upon a platform ot “Equality before
the law” for all men, and assured tiie coun
try there in both platform and candidate,
it meant to assure the nation beyond doubt
of itsgood faith and honest acceptance of
all the results of the war. Now it is en
gaged in denying the very pledges it then
made, and in denouncing the man it, then
took to its bosom, and the principle he
represented and it espoused. Such is De
mocracy iu the past and at the present.
De&iocracy Illustrated
The following is from the Providence
Journal of September 1. It will bear re
perusal two cr three times. It is from a
newspaper edited by Senator Henry B. An
thony, Mr. Carpenter's predecessor as Presi
dent of the United States Senate:
No one can read the accounts of the
violence and outrage in the South, without
understanding their meaning. The full
elections are coming on. and the Democrats
have determined that the negroes shall not
vote. Equally plain is the duty of thegov
ernment to protect the colored citizen in
the exercise of their fundamenttil rights
without which the guarantee of a repub
lican form of government falls. The meth
od in which that duty shall be fulfilled is
not so plain, but the method must be de
vised. and although, in the emergency, the
best one may not be adopted, hesitation
would be worse than any plan that is like
ly to be tried. It was thought that the
madness which had so long controlled
Southern politics was sufficiently punished
by the war, that even the presumption and
insolence of the “chivalry” had been mod
erated, if not altogether corrected. But as
soon as the restraints of the federal arms
are removed, these people are showing their
ignorance of the first principle of good,
government, the contempt for all law but.
the law of their own pleasure, and of all
order but the order which comes of the
complete ascendency of the other, where
both are entitled to equal rights and privi
leges.
Elections carried in the way in which
these people evidently intend to carry the
coming Congressional elections, are not
actions, and if the bloody conspiracy to
pr event by force, half the electors from vo
ting shall suceed at the polls, it will find an
other trial in Washington. The right of
the colored people to vote is secured by the
slme instrument by which the whole peo
ple are entitled to representation in Con
gress, and if it be violated in one case, it
does not operate in the other. Tennessee
i/s entitled to send members to Congress,
-but she must send them according to the
forms of law and the provisions of the con
stitution. Failing these, the men elected
are no more members of Gongres than if
they were appointed by the Grand Cyclops
of the Ku-Klux. It may prove an easy
task to overbear the timid, ignorant class,
which long oppression has enervated and
degraded; it will be quite another matter
to force into the House xis Representatives
men, the first condition of whose election
was to drive half the electors into the woods,
to prevent them from voting.
We cautioned the people weeks ago in
re card to the effects of intolerance, proscrip
tion and hate as taught by the hot heads
who now direct the democratic pautv
Already have they aroused the whole North
to a sense of the danger which menaces the
Union and from every State accustomed to
law, order and justice, conies the warning
voice of an outraged people. Asew T more
weeks of violence and outrrge by the Dem
ocratic party and an Exra Session of Con
gress will be called and the question there
settled. Is freedom of opinion of speech
and of the ballot the right of an American
citizen.
The Democartic Party and Civil
Eights
We call the careful attention of our
readers to the article from the Washing
ton National Republican under the above
caption, 'l l,ls paper is the Organ of the
President, and it will be seen takes the
same view of the Civil Rights bill that we
Jo. It asserts that the bill recognizes the
right of the several States to regulate the
enjoyment of the rights conveyed iu the
bill, by providing equal separate accommo
dations foi each race.
Q?he2ieal Issue.
The “social equality” feature of the
“Civil Rights Dill” appears so enormous
to white men, that in the South it has
overshadowed every otlict issue in the po
litical campaign and become the only issue
It has had the effect also of isolating the
black race, and changing the contest in
the coming elections from party to i ate
supremacy. It is impossible to raise the
colored race to the elevated position at
tained by white men in the social scale,
and Southern men, at least, decline to be
lowered to the standard of the negro, by
Oongressjpnal legislation. r I he issue there
fore is a real one and likely to be a serious
one. The South will not yield, even to the
superior wwei’ of the Government, and if
this mcur&a “ war of races," so be it. —
Thoniaswille Times.
"We copy the above from the Democratic
organ of Thomas county. It shows the
wot'l ing men of this country that the hot
heads mean war, and war means that the
hot heads are to stay in soft places, and the
poor men do the fighting.
The Future of the Colored Race-
The advice of Mr. Frederick Douglass
that the Southern negroes should emigrate
to those States where the colored people
are already either in the majority or very
close to it, has alarmed the Richmond En-
Th/\t journal has come to the
conclusion that he cannot be dispensed
within Virginia. “As silly and senseless,”
it say§, “as we know him to be politically,
we are “not ready yet to part with him.”
Then, why don’t you treat him fairly and
squarely?—Vi it. Re p.
The course of the Democrats in the
Second district will enable Mr. Douglass to
have his counsel not only heard but heed
ed. 'l'he planters are now “sowing the
wind” and may ere long “reap the whirl
wind.” When the folly and madness of
the present is felt in the emagration of the
labor of our section under Mr. Douglass’
advice, remember who did it.
Col Jack Brown.
We copy the following to show the gen
eral system of proscription and intolerance
inaugurated by the hot heads in Georgia.
Wf.ix’omf.d. —Jack Brown the “ground
hog” candidate for Congress in this dis
trict, has been joyously received into the
arms of Whitely, who endorses him as a
worthy bearer of the standard of equality,
and a’fit companion for himself, 't his is
rough on Jack, and fixes npon him what
he seemingly would avoid—the support of
the Civil Rights bill—and brands him a
scalawag of the blackest water, wholly un
worthy the respect or support of any white
man.
We are sorry to see any one who ever
“wore the grey” tluig bring down upon
himself the unfeigned disgust and con
tempt of his former friends and fellow
soldiers. Jack, can you not muster up
moral courage enough to follow the exam
ple of Freeman in the sth District, and
wash your hands of this dirty civil rights
issue? Are you willing, for the chances of
an office, the slim chances you have, to
give up the friendship and respect of jour
neighbors? Reflect, and before it is too
late come out from among them and leave
Whiteley to do the dirty work for his par
t) r . —Lumpkin Independent.
Well this may read well in Georgia, but
how about its sound at Washington.
“Whom the Gods destroy they first make
mad*”
Another VJ ar.
We copy the extract below from the
Atlanta News, a democrat paper:
An overwhelming majority of the white
men lif this country are hostile to a con
tinuation of the rule of Jdie negro and
white adventurer in the South If the
Federal government will keep its hands oft',
November next will witness the downfall
of the black oligarchy. If it persists in
its interference, then, in view of the almost
certain success of the Civil Rights bill, we
believe it time for Southern men every
where to organize and prepare for revolu
tion. Let us stand ready to resist the en
forcement of the Civil Rights bill, and the
maintenance of negro governments by Fed
eral bayonets. And when the contest
does begin. Ictus call upon those of the
Northern people who sympathize with us,
to give us their aid in tearing down the
infamous radical government which seeks
to force eight millions of white men down
to a level with four millions of negroes.
If force alone can destroy the Radical par
ty, then we must not shrink from using it,
and the sooner it is used the earlier w ill be
terminated the political struggles which
are retarding the development of the South,
and injuring the entire country.
This is the way the secessionists talked
in 1861, only they then hooted at the idea
of the Yankee's fighting, and wanted to
take a dozen apiece for their share. We
will wager all we are worth that should the
hot heads plunge the South into war over
the rights of the negro, that not one of the
loud mouthed patriots who would aid in
bringing it on. would stand gunpowder six
months. Bombproofs-Substitutes and ev
ery other device would be resorted to to
get the patriots out of danger and every
imaginable oppression devised to keep the
poor men of the country in to the hottest
of the fray. Go it democracy.
Whom the Gods destroy they
first make mad.
The following is from the Milwaukee
Sentinel of the first:
Our readers have probably seen it mild
ly stated once or twice in Democratic jour
nals that all this lawlessness is the result
of Republican rule; that with a change in
the IS t ate governmens to Democratic con
trol the mantle of peace would “fall like
the gentle rain from heaven” over the whole
distracted country, and wars and fightings
be heard of no more. But, unfortunately
for the force es any proposition of this kind,
some of the States are already under Demo
cratic control, and these are no better than
the others. The Courier Jour
nal. the ablest and most prominent Demo
cratic journal iu the South, has the man
liness. to come forth boldly and depict the
miserable state of affairs in Kentucky as
they are. That State is Democratic to the
backbone, and has never possessed even a
single Republican officeholder in the whole
of its existence. The Courier-Journal , af
ter reviewing the numerous outrages which
have resulted from the inefficiency of the
State government, makes a strong appeal
for the people to redeem themselves. It
concludes aw able article as fol^jws;
W e speak not only in the name ofa great
and honored commonwealth, with its mul
tiplied interests, but at the bidding of an
outraged humanity, which Ims cowered for
years under the outlaw's heel and the bul
ly's pistol, and we speak as soberly and as
unexeitedly as ever we did iu the world,
appealing earnestly, and after long forbear
ance, to the good sense and the good im
pulses of our fellow-citizens, to make these
present events the occasion of $ noble and
terrible popular demonstration for law and
order.
We have no desire to defend a single cor
rupt or incapable Republican official in the
South. We should rejoice to see dishonesty
and fraud punished no matter by whose
hands they are perpetrated. The fact re
mains, however, that in the majority of
ca es the disturbances have arisen from the
prosecution and intimidation of the blacks
by those calling themselves Democrats,
tha . v-.n jja*..os in dwindled at
t| u , box is established beyond perad
venture, and we have not a word of deiens
for either side; but the Giant parish massa
cre was at the hands of the Democrats.
The White Leagues are composed of Demo
cratic members, a-ud so far as the danger of
a war of races is concerned, the Democrats
are entirely responsible for it, For misgov
ernment and election frauds, let the Repub
licans in the South take the share of the
crime that belongs to them. Honest offi
cials are wanted. An houest man, though
a Democrat, is better than a dishonest Re
publican; but as honest Democratic politi
cians in the Southern States have shown
themselves to be about as scarce as white
blackbirds, we do not look to them to sed
that the negroes secures his rights.
'l’he North is looking forward to the so
lotion of the Southern problem with great
anxiety; and let us trust that wisdom will
be given to the administration to do what
is best.
Ixt the candid men who wish peace and
prosperity read the above and discern the
real cause of our troubles and the hvpocri*
ey of the pretensions of the democratic
party.
THJG DEMOCRATIC PARTY
AND CIVIL. RIGHTS
I’he Democratic party—North, South,
East and West—is endeavoring just now
to make capital out of the so-calied civil
rights bill. The charge is made by the or
ators, organs and conventions of that party
the Radicals, as they call them, liavo de
termined to force social equality upon the
country —to make, in the old ante-bellum
phrase, the negro the equal of the white
man. As Mr. Watterson says, the de
sign is to introduce the “nigger into our
tea and coffee” —to make him sleep and
eat and drink with us. To avert this con
dition of affairs white leagues are organiz
ed in the South, a reign of blood and ter
ror is inaugurated over nearly one half the
extent of the Union, murder and assassin
ation stalk through the land in broad day
light, and helpless men, women and child
ren are hunted into the woods and moun
tains like so many wild beasts.
Now, we maintain that in this attack
upon the civil rights bill the Democracy is
first inconsistent, and second is deliberate
ly falseifying the position of the Republi
can party. Let us examine the record,
see what the civil rights bill really is, and
where the opportunities stand iu regard to
it. The section of the bill to which so
much objection is made, the passage of
which by the Senate is the pretext for the
beginning of something like anew rebel-
as follows: “That all citizens
and other persons within the jurisdiction
of the United States shall be entitled to
the free and equal enjoyment of the ac
commodations, advantages, facilities and
privileges of inns, public conveyances on
land or water, theatres and other places of
public amusement, and also of common
schools and public institutions of learning
or benevolence, supported in whole or in
part by general taxation, and ofeemeteries
so supported, and also the institutions
known as agricultural colleges endowed by
the United States, subject only to the
conditions and limitations established by
law, and applicable alike to citizens of
every race and color, regardless of any
previous condition of servitude.” We de
ny that this makes any difference whatev
er so far as the public schools are concern
ed. It only declares, among other things,
that.the children of black parents shall be
afforded the same facilities in an educa
tional point of view as the children of
white parents. It leaves to the State the
question as to the mode and manner in
which those facilities shall be given, noth
ing more and nothing less. It does not
prescribe the methods, only that it shall be
done. If the State wants to create mixed
schools it can do so. If it does not it need
not. But it mutt be done in some way
That is the long and the short of it.
When the question came up in the debate
upon the measure Mr. Sargent wished to
have it expressly stated in the bill,
and to that cud offered the fol
lowing proviso: “That nothing here
in contained shall be construed to prohibit
any State or school district from provid
ing separate schools for persons of differ
ent sex or color, where such separate
spools are equal in respects to others of
the same grade established by such au
thority, and supported by an equal pro
rata expenditure of school funds.” Eight
Republicans voted for its insertion,but the
ground was taken that the section itself
plainly carried with it that meaning, and
the proviso was lost. This certainly does
not look like a premeditated plan to force
“negro equality,” to coerce the South into
the acceptance of that which is repugnant
to it, which is, as its red-hot opponent de
clare; “contrary to the laws of God and
man.” The bill simply provides for the
e lucation by the State of the children of
the State—that in Virginia the black man
shall not be taxed for the educatiou of the
white children; that in South Carolina the
white man shall not be taxed for the edu
cation of black children. All the children
black aud white, shall be given facilities
for education, and the State can in its own
way provide the machinery for it.
To show the inconsistency of the De
mocracy upou this point, it is only neces
sary to go back and read their declaration
upon the subject. In 1872, in national
convention in Baltimore, that party resol
ved, “That we recoganize the equality of
all men before the law; and hold that it is
the duty of Government in its dealings
with the people to mete out equal and
exact justice to all, of whatever, nativity
race, color or persuasion, religious or po
litical. We pledge ourselves to maintain
the uuion of the States, emancipation and
enfranchisement, and to oppose any reo
pening of the questions settled by the thir
teenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amend
inents to the Constitution.”
To show its sincerity in this declaration
it nomiuated for the I’residency a man—
Horace Greeley—who, in a speech at
Poughkeepsie, New York, anuounced that
he was in favor of mixed schools in the
South. If the Democracy had succeed in
that campaign it would, to carry out it
platform and pledges, have to pass the
very bill which it is uow biHerlv oppos
ing. It promised all and ieverythiiig con
tained in the civil rights hill. Again, to
take the position of the Democracy in one
ot the States: Last year the Pennsylva
nia Democratic party supported the new
constitution. The State committee of the
party so advised it.
Among other provisions in that instru
ment is the following: “The General As
sembly “shall provide for the maiutainance
and “support of a thorough and efficient
..system of public schools, wherein all the
‘children of this Commonwealth, above
“the age of six years, may be educated, and
"ahull appropriate at least one million dol"
•■lars each year for that purpose.” This i»
all that the civil rights bill of Congress pre
scribes shall be done. 'l’he Senate, in its
passage, only followed the example of the
Democracy of Pennsylvania, and fulfilled
the pledges the Democracy declared they
would fulfill in case they were restored to
power. An education at the expense of
the StSte is the birthright of every Ameri
can child. The civil rights bill means that
no class of American children, white or
black, shall be robbed of that right; that
education shall be free as the air and the
sunshine. It does not prescribe mixed
schools, and is only the legitimate and logi
cal deduction from the declaration of the
Democratic as well .as of the Republican
p rty. —National Republican.
Massacre of Negroes in Tennessee.
Sixteen colored prisoners WefO taken
out of Trenton Jail recently by a band of
armed men and murdered in cold blood.
This atrocity was committed by the white
men of the district without any provoca
tion which would give to their cowardly
act even the color of justification. If the
white men in the South imagine that acts
like those will be tolerated by the nation
they are sadly mistaken. The spirit which
led the masked band at Trenton to invade
the sanctuary of the law and commit a
cowardly and brutal crime may yet bring
on the South countless miseries. 'I he men
who hate most bitterly the negro race
can scarcely hope that they will be al
lowed to massaere the colored people
without interference; and acts like
the present point to the necessity —
of making tho law respected at
all hazards. A revival of Ku-Klux
outrages will inevitably lead to the adop
tion of such repressive measures as may be
necessary to the security of the peaceful
inhabitants in the disturbed district. In
the present case the duty of the govern
ment is clear. Unless the local authorities
immediately arrest and bring to justice the
perpetrators of this cowardly massacre the
general government should take the matter
in hand and see that fitting punishment be
meted out to the murderers. Such crimes
are a blot on our civilization. —New York
Herald.
A Call for A Convention of the
Republicans of th# Recon
structed States.
For the purpose of taking into conside
ration the condition of affairs in the Re
constructed States,aud to issue an address
to the people of the nation, containing a
true statement of the same. Republicans
of these States are requested to send dele
gates to a convention to be held at Chat
tanooga, Tenn., October 13th, 187-L
Each of said States may send as many
delegates as shall be deemed advisable and
such delegation will be entitled to the
number of votes to which then- States re
spectively are entitled in the Electoral
College.
All Republicans, whether of these or
other States, who still earnestly seek to
maintain the principles on which tile Union
was defended, and to inaugurate which in
the South reconstruction was begun, and
who feel an interest in the preservation ol
law, order, and the rights of citizenship, are
invited to attend this Consultation. All
should come poscssed of the facts as to tin*
true condition iu theft* respective localities,
so that an aulhoritive statement may be
made to the country. The Republicans of
the South, equally with the good citizens
of other localities, demand peace aud se
curity that prosperity may follow. \\ hy
these are not enjoyed hy them should be
made manifest by this (’ofiveution- Too
best men and minds of each State should
be summoned to this Council. If there
are those, anywhere, who doubt as to the
nurpose or capacity of Southern Republi
cans, or who believe the oppressions under
which they are laboring have been magni
fied, let them conic and see and hear for
themselves.
Charles Hayes, M. C., 4th District, Ala
bama; James T. Raplef, M. C., 2d District
Alabama; C. C. Slieats, M. C., At Large,
District Alabama; Geo. E. Sepencer, U. S.
Senator, District Alabama; Boulds Baker,
Texas; A Warren,Chairman Rep. S. Com.,
Mississippi; 0. G. Scofield,Chairman It. S.
Com., West Virginia; Powell Clayton U.
S. Senator, Arkansas; N. S Moore, Ken
tucky; G. W. Gist, Kentucky; 11. P. Far
row, Chairman Rep. S. Com.. Georgia; S.
W. Dorsey, U. S. Senator, Arkansas; W.
11. H. Stowell, M. C„ 4th District, Vir
ginia; J. J. Martin, Alabama; Samuel F.
Maddox, State Senator, Virginia; S. B.
Packard, Chairman Rep. S. Com., Loui
siana.
The Secesrsioti Platform ot the
Democratic J?arty of the 2nd
District.
We call the attention of the voters of
the Second Congressional District to the
platform adopted by the Albany conven
tion (to be found elsewhere), and announ
ced by that body as the principles of the
Democratic party of the District.
The first resolution asserts that the
General Government has no power or
nghl to protect person or property, and
that protection to both must come from
the States and them only. This, in sub
stance, declares that the 14th and 15th
Amendments are null and void, and agrees
with the position of Gen. Toombs, who
maintains the same, and who declares in
favor of another revolution to overthrow
them.
The second resolution asserts that the
legislation provided by Congress for the
protection of the citizen in the enjoyment
of the freedom of opinion, of speech, and
of the ballot, is null and void, and that the
courts of the United States but aid in the
subversion of liberty in its enforcement.
The third resolution asserts that the 14th
and- 15th" Amendments convey no power to
deal with the citizen of the United States
either to protect or punish him ; that the
power is confined to dealing with the
Stales as such, not citizens of the States,
and that no matter how outrageous the
conduct of the people of a State may be;
how much the citizen may be abused in
the exercise of his rights as a freeman; if
the actual words of the State laws do not
deny him the protection needed, the’ Gov
ernment of the United States has no pow
er to interfere to protect him, and all- law*
1 “ 89l ‘ and
in the enjoyment of hi Sri
in design, and an
The fourth resolution
Civil Rights Bill is
intended to foment strife am “
that it is a kicked
not be submitted to by t/ <e *
South.
Fifth resolution
cratic party of the
cultivate its powers of end,,
Whitetey has ha„
And the sixll, resolution^:;
onr gallant young men |, e . , k
duty.
Such is an outline of the
Democratic party of the Seconder
Th&t it Ims brought f,, rth y .
scription, hate, blackguardism^
the country has already wil J
that such conduct should l, ave "
the attention of the President -
induced him in the name of • "
free people to interfere to
pie of the South against
less creditable to his head, than ,
How long shall the false spirit of
rule our section, destroy oar u
mpoverish our people?
Macon, (} a ., Am, v,.
The Congressional Canvas,
»ist ,
I will address the people of th*
District at the following times nj
Quitman, Brooks Cos., 2nd s•.
September. Dawson, Terrell Cos i
urdayin September. I i nv j te ..
Am. E. Smith to attend each of t
I 'ointments,and discuss tfo
day upon equal terms.
Richard 11, ,v !: .
The poor man’s man-Richard v
levy
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