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JSTEYVI^n AJST, GEORGIA, SATURDAY, A.TXG-TTST 25, 1S66. [NO. 51 4 ■ f ° Th^momy for adrertiseinjf due after the
The Philadelphia Convention.
0F PRINCIPLES
T H I B D
DECLARATION
REPRESENTATION demanded.
that position
the hands of j
TlioPro"
idont Upliolcl
office has proved steadfast iti his devotion lars the victory achieved by the National cognized by solemn proclamation of tbe ; Constitution of my country, to call the
to the laws and interests of his Country, Government has been final and decisive.: Executive department. The laws of the' attention of my countrymen to these pro-
unraoved bv persecution and undeserved First, it has established beyond all fu- United States have been extended byj ceedings. Having placed myself upon
reproach, having faith immeasurable in ture controversy, and by the highest of Congress over all these States and the
1 the people and in the principles of the , all human sanctions, the absolute supre- people thereof. Federal Courts have
government we recognize a Chief Magis- maev of the National Government, as de- been re-opened, and Federal taxes itn-
tratc worthv of the nation and equal to ' fined and limited by the Constitution of | posed and levied, and in every respect,
the great crisis upon which bis lot is cast, the United States, and the permanent in-1 except that they are denied representation
and we tender to him in the discharge of 1 tegrity and indissolubility of the Federal in Congress and the Electoral College,
his high and responsible duties, our^pro- ' Union as a necessary consequence ; and, j the States once Itl rebellion are recog-
Addxess to the people of the IT. States, founcTrespect and the assurance of our second, it has put. an end finally and for-1 nized as holding the same position
cordial and sincere support.
! soil or within the jurisdiction _ . _ _ .
THE ADDRESS. j te <j States. Both these Doints became i our common Union. j ism, was that the struggle should he auffi- as best I can compatibly with my own
The lion Henry J. Raymond o New di t , inToIved in the CO utest, and con* j It seems to us, in the exercise of the 1 ciently audible for the American people poor humanity. For the other, in a poli-
\ork, was then announced to the Conven J - - - - — - - -
tion has been to occupy
which retains all power in
the people.
the broad platform. I have not been i It is upon that I always rely, and it is
awed or dismayed or intimidated by eith- j upon that I rely now, and T repeat that
er threats or encroachments, but have, neither the taunts nor jeers of Congress,
stood there in conjuclion with patriotic | nor of a subsidized, calumniating press,
and bold spirits, sounding the tocsitl j can drive me from my purpose. [Great
of alarm when 1 deemed the citadel of; applause.] I acknowledge no superior
liberty in danger. (Great applause.) I but my God—the author of my existence
said on a previous occasion, and I repeat!—and the people of the United States.
Philadelphia, Aug. 1G.—After the
passage of sundry unimportant resolutions,
tbe Secretary read the declaration of
principles, aa drawn up by II. J. Ray
mond, each clause of which was loudly
applauded. The last one. which indorses
the President, was greeted with prolonged
cheering, in which the audience and del
egates united.
DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES.
The National Union Convention, now
assembled in the City of Philadelphia,
composed of Delegates from every State
and Territory of the Union.
Admonished by the solemn lessons
which for the last five years it has pleased
tho Supremo Ruler of the Universe to
cive tho American people j
Profoundly gratified for tho return of
peace;
Desirous, as a large majority of their
countrymen, in all sincerity, to forgot the
past; .
Revering the Constitution as it comes
-to us from our ancestors ;
Regarding the Union in its restoration
m moro sacred than ever;
Looking with deep anxiety to tho fu
ture as of instant and continuing trial,
Hereby issue and proclaim the follow
ing Declaration of Principles and purpo
ses, on which they have, with perfect
unanimity, agreed :
1st. Wc hail with gratitude to Almigh
ty God the end of the war and the re
turn of peace to an afflicted and beloved
laud.
2d. The war just closed has maintained
tho authority of the Constitution with all
tho powers which it confers, and all the
restrictions which it imposes on the Gen
eral Government unabridged and unal
tered; and it has preserved the Union
with tho lawful rights, dignity and
authority of tho States, perfect and un
impaired.
3d. Representation in the Congress of
the United States, and in tho Electoral
College is a right recognized by the Con
stitution as abiding in every State, and as
a duty imposed upon its people, funda
mental in its nature, and essential to the
exercise of our republican institution;
and neither Congress nor the General
Government has any authority or power
to deny this right to any, or withhold its
enjoyment under the Constitution from
tho people thereof.
4th. Wo call upon the people of the
touted States to elect to Congress mem
bers who admit the fundamental right of
representation, and who will receive to
scats their loyal representatives from eve
ry State in allegianco to the U. States,
subject to the constitutional right of each
House to judge of the eleotion returns
and qualifications of its own members.
5th. The Constitution of tho United
States and the laws thereof are the su
preme law of tho land, anything in the
constitution or laws of any States to the
contrary notwithstanding.
All the powers not conferred by the
Constitution upon the General Govern
ment nor prohibited to the States, arc
reserved to the States or the people there
of; aud among them the right to pre
scribo qualifications for the elective fran
chise therein, which right Congress
cannot interfere with.'
No State, or combination of States, has
tho right to withdraw from the Union, or
to exclude through their action in Con
gress or otherwise any State or States
from tho Union.
Tho union of the States is perpetual
6th. Amendments to the Constitution
of the United States may be made by
tbe people thereof as they may deem ex
peuient; but only in the mode pointed
out by it. In proposing such amend
ments, whether by Congress or by Con
vention, and in ratifying the same, all
the States of the Union have an equal
right to a vote thereon.
7th. Slavery is abolished and forever
prohibited; and there is neither desire
nor purpose on the part of the Southern
States that it should ever be re-establish
ed upon the soil or within the jurisdiction
of the United States.
And the enfranchised slaves in all the
States of the Union should receive, in
common with all the inhabitants, equal
protection in every right of person and
property.
Sth. While we regard as utterly invalid
and never to be assumed or made of
binding force, any obligation incurred or
undertaken in making war against the U
States, we hold the debt of the nation to
be sacred and inviolable, and we proclaim
our purpose in discharging this, as in
performing all other national obligations
to maintain inimpaired the honor aud
the faith of the republic.
9th. It is the duty of the National
Government to recognize the services of
the Federal soldiers and sailors in the con
te6t just closed, by meeting promptly and
fully all their just and rightful claims for
the services they have rendered the na
tion, aud by extension to those of them
who have survived, and to the widow;
and orphans of those who have fallen
the most generous and considerate care
10th. In Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, who, in his great
ever to the existence of slavery upon the ■ owing the same obligations, and subject it bow, that all that is necessary in this. [Prolonged and enthusiastic cheering.]
soil or within the jurisdiction of the Uni- J to the same duties as the other States of; great struggle against tyranny and despot- { For one I try to obey all Ilis commands
. . , , troversy upon both was ended absolutely
Lon b, tho President and vas received ^ ^ the rcsult .
i cnce iavin„ een , j n ,| le , 1 L ir>j place, tre deem
with loud cheering.
restored, Mr. Raymond proceeded to read
the address which had been agreed upon
by the committee :
To the People of the United States:
Having met in convention at the City
of Philadelphia, in the Slate of Pennsyl-j
vania, this 16th day of August, I860, as
the representatives of the people in ali
sections, and all the States and Territories
ot tbe Union, to consult upon the condi
tion and the wants of our common coun
try, we address to you this declaration of
our principles, and of the political purpo
ses we seek to promote.
Since the meeting of the last National
Convention, in the year I860, events have
occurred which have changed the charac
ter of our internal politics and given the
United States a new place among the na
tions of the earth. Our Government has
passed through the vicissitudes and the
perils of civil war—a war which, though
mainly sectional in its character, has nev
ertheless decided political differences that
from the very beginning of the Govern
ment had threatened tbe unity of our na
tional existence, and has left its impress
deep and ineffaceably upon all tho inter
ests, the sentiments, and the destiny of
the republic. While it has inflicted upon
the whole country severe losses in life
anil in property', and has imposed burdens
which must weigh on its resources for
generations to come, it has developed a
degree of national courage in the presence
of national dangers—a capacity for mili
tary organization and achievment, aud a
devotion on the part of the people to the
form of government which they have or
dained, and to the principles of liberty
which that Government was designed to
promote, which must confirm the confi
dence of the nation in the perpetuity ol
its republican institutions, and command
the respect of the civilized world.
Like all great contests which rouse the
passions and test the endurance of nations
this war has given new scope to the am
bition of political parties, aud fresh im
pulse to plans of innovation and reform.
Amid tho chaos of conflicting sentiments
inseparable from such an era, while the
public heart is keenly alive to all the pas
sions that can sway the public judgment
and affect the public action; while the
wounds of war are still fresh and bleeding
on either side, and fears for the future
take unjust proportions from the memo
ries and resentments of the past, it is a
difficult but imperative duty which on
your behalf we, who are here assembled,
have undertaken to perform.
For the first time after six long years
of alienation and of conflict, wo have
come together from every State and every
section of our land, as citizens of a com*
mon country, under that flag, the symbol
again of a common glory, to consult to
gether how best to cement and perpetuate
that Union which is again the object of
common love, and thus secure the
blessings of liberty to_ourselves and our
posterity.
In tbe first place we invoke you to re
member, always and everywhere that, the
war is ended and the nation is again at
peace. The shock of contending arms
no longer assaults the shuddering heart
of the Republic. The insurrection against
the supreme authority of the nation has
been suppressed, aud that authority has
been again acknowledged by word and
act, in every State and' by every citizen
within its jurisdiction. We are no longer
required or permitted to treat each other
as enemies. Not only have the acts of
war been discontinued, and the weapons
of war laid aside, but the state of war no
longer exists, and the sentiments, the pas
sions, the relations of war have no longer
lawful or rightful place anywhere through
out our broad domain. We are again
people of the United States, fellow citi
zens of one country, bound by the duties
and obligations ot a common patriotism,
and having neither rights nor interest
apart from a common destiny. The du
ties that devolve upon us now are again
(he duties of peace and no ionger the du
ties of war. We have assembled here to '
take counsel concerning the interests of
peace; to decide how we may most wisely
and effectually heal the wounds the war
has made, and perfect the benefits it has
secured, and the blessings which, under
a wise and benign Providence, have
sprung up in its fiery track. This is the
work, not of passions, but of calm and
sileut judgment, not of resentment for
past offenses prolonged beyond the limits
which justice and reason prescribe, but of
a liberal statesmanship which tolerates
what it cannot prevent, and builds its
plans and its hopes for the future rather
upon a community of interest and ambi
tion than upon distrust and the weapons
of force.
In the next place, we call upon you to
recognize in their full significance, and to
accept with all their legitimate consequen-
ces, the politioal results of the war just
closed. In two tnoft important particu-
It of the
utmost importance that the real character
of the war aud the victory by which it
was closed should be accurately under
stood. The war was carried ou by the
Government of the United States in main
tenance of its own authority, and in the
defense of its own existence, both of
which were menaced by the insurcction
Which it sought to suppress. The sup
pression of that insurrection accomplished
that resuit. The Government of the U.
States maintained by force of arms the
supreme authority over all the territory,
States and ppople within its jurisdiction
which the Constitution confers upon it;
but it acquired thereby no new power, no
enlarged jurisdiction, no rights of territo
rial possession or of civil authoritv which
it did not possess before the rebellion
broke out. All the rightful power it can
ever possess is that which is conferred
upon it, either in express terms or by-
fair and necessary implication, by the
Constitution of the United States. It
was that power and that authority which
the rebellion sought to overthrow, and the
victory of the Federal arms was 6imply
the defeat of that attempt. The Govern
ment of the United States acted through
out the war on the defensive. It sought
only to hold passession of what was its
own. Neither the war, nor the victory
by which it was closed, changed in any
way the Constitution of the United States.
The war was carried on by virtue of its
provisians, and under the limitation which
they prescribed, and the result of the
war diet not either enlarge, abridge, or in
any way change or affect the powers it
confers upon the Federal Government, or
release that Government from the restric
tions it has imposed.
The Constitution of the United States
is to-day precisely what it was before the
war, the “supreme law of the land, any
thing in the constitution or laws of any
State to the contrary notwithstanding;”
and, to-day, also, precisely as before the
war, all the powers not conferred by the
Constitution upon the General Govern
ment, nor prohibited by it to the States,
are “ reserved to the several States or to
the people thereof.”
This position is vindicated not only by
the essential nature of our Government,
and the language and spirit of the Con
stitution, but by all the acts and the lan
guage of our Government, in all its de
partments, and at all times from the
outbreak of the rebellion to its final
overthrow. In every message and proc
lamation of the Executive it was explicit'y
declared that the sole purpose and object
of the war was to maintain the authority
of the Constitution and to preserve the
integrity of the Union; and Congress
more than once reiterated this solemn
declaration, and added the assurance that,
whenever this object should be attained,
the war should cease, and all the btates
should retain their equal rights and dig-
n : ty unimpaired. It is only since the
war was closed that -other rights have
been asserted in behalf of one depart
ment of the General Government. It
has been proclaimed by Congress that, in
addition to the powers conferred upon it
by the Constitution, the Federal Govern
ment may now claim over the States, the
territory and the people involved in the
insurrection, the rights of war, the right
of conquest and of confiscation, the right
to abrogate all existing governments,
institutions and laws, and to subject the
territory conquered and its inhabitants to
such laws, regulations and deprivations
as the legislative departments of the
Government may see fit to impose. Un
der this broad and sweeping claim, that
clause of the Constitution which provides
that “ no State shall, without its consent,
be deprived of its equal suffrage in the
Senate of the United States,” has been
annulled, and ten States have been re
fused, and are still refused, representation
altogether in both branches of the Fed
eral Congress. And the Congress,
which only a part
the people of the Union are represented,
has asserted the right thus to exclude the
rest from representation, and from all
share in making their own laws or choos
ing their own rulers until they shall
comply with such conditions and perform
such acts as this Congress, thus composed,
mav prescribe. That right has not only
been asserted, hot it has been exercised,
and is practically enforced at the present
time.~ Nor does” it find any support in
the theory that the States thus excluded
are in rebellion against the Government,
and are, therefore, precluded from shar
ing its authority. They are not thus in
rebellion. They are one and all in an
attitude of lovalty toward the Govern
ment, and of sworn allegiance to the
Constitution of the United Slates. In
no one of them is there the slightest in
dication of resistance to this authority,
or the slightest protest against its just
and binding obligation. This condition
of renewed loyalty has been officially re-
our common Union.
It seems to us, in the exercise of
Calmest and most candid judgment we
can bring to the subject, that such a
to hear and properly understand it. They
did hear, and looking on and seeing who
claim, so" enforced, involves as fatal an : the contestants were, and what the strug-
overthrow of the authoritv of the Consti- : was about, determined that they would
tution, and as complete a destruction of battle this question on the side of the
tbe Government and Union, as that which ! Constitution and of principle. I proclaim
was sought to be effected by the States
and people in armed insurrection against
them both. It cannot escape observation
that ti e power thus asserted to exclude
certain States from representation is made
to rest wholly in the will and discretion
of the Congress that asserts it. It is not
made to rest on any specified conditions
or circumstances, nor to be subject to
any rules or regulations whatever. The
right asserted and exercised is absolute,
without qualification or restriction, tiot
confined to States in rebellion, nor to
States that have rebelled; it is the right
of any Congress in formal possession of
legislative authority to exclude any State
or States, or any portion of the people
thereof, at any time, from representation
in Congress and in the Electoral College,
at its own discretion and until they shall
perform such acts and comply with such
conditions as it may dictate. Obviously,
the reasons for such exclusion, being
wholly within the discretion of Congress,
may change as the Congiesa itself shall
change. One Congress may exclude a
State from all share in the Government
for one reason; and that reason removed,
tbe next Congress may exclude it for
another. One State may be excluded on
one ground to day, and another may be
excluded on the opposite ground to-mor
row. Northern ascendancy may exclude
Southern States from one Congress; the
ascendancy of Western or Southern in
terests, or of both combined, may exclude
the Northern or Eastern States from the
next. Improbable as such usurpations
may seem, the establishment of the prin
ciple now asserted and acted upon by
Congress will render them by no means
impossible. The character, indeed the
very existence, of Congress and the Union
is made dependent solely and entirely
upon the party and sectional exigencies
or forbearances of the hour.
[Concluded on second page.]
President Johnson's Speech.
Washington, August 18.—There was
a great crowd to-day to hear the speech
of President Johnson in response to Rev-
erdy Johnson who presented the official
proceedings of the Pniladelphia Conven
tion. He said, referring, with feeling to
the scene represented of South Carolina
and Massachusetts entering the Conven
tion together, he was overcome, and could
noi but conclude that an overruling Pro
vidence was directing us aright. He said
our brave men have performed their du
ties in the field, and won laurels imperish-
ishable, but—turning to Gen. Grant, he
continued—there are greater and more
important duties now to perform ; and
while we have had this co-oporation in
the field, we now need their efforts to
perpetuate peace. (Applause.) The
Executive Department tried to pour oil
on the wounds and restore the Union, but
it had not entirely succeeded. We have
seen, he said, in one department of the
Government, every effort to prevent the
restoration of peace and harmony in the
Union; we have seen hanging on the
verge of the Government, as it were,
body called, or which assumed to be the
Congress of the United States, while, in
fact, it is a Congress of only part of the
States. We have seen this Congress as
sume and pretend to be for the Union,
when its every step and act led to perpet
ual disunion, and made a dissolution of
the States inevitable. Instead of promo
ting reconciliation and harmony, its le,
islation has partaken of the character of
penalties, retaliation and revenge. This
has been the course and the poliey of one
portion of your Government. The hum
ble individual who is now addressing you
stands the representative of another De
partment of the Government. The man
ner in which he was called upon to occu
rf Z S».« «f P* «“"«* .Hade .0 on
this occasion. It is sufficient to say that
he is here under the Constitution of our
country, and being here by virtue of its
provisions, he hopes to stand upon the
that charter of our liberties as tbe great
rampart of civil and religious freedom.
(Prolonged cheers.) Having been taught
ia my early life to hold it sacred, anu
having practiced upon it during my whole
public career, I shall ever continue to
reverence the Constitution of my fathers,
and make it my guide. (Hearty applause.)
The President proceeded and denied
the charge that he had ever been tyran
nical or a despot, bnt said such charges
were simply intended to deceive and de
lude the public mind into the belief that
there is some one in power who is usurp
ing and trampling upon the rights of the
Constitution. It is done by those who
make such charges for tbe purpose oi
converting their own acts. (That s ao,
and applause.) 1 have felt it my duty
in vindication of the principle* and tbe
it here to-day, as I have on previous oc
casions, that my faith is in the great
mass of the people. Jn the darkest
hour of this struggle, when the clouds
seemed to be most lowering, my faith,
instead of giving way, loomed up through
the cloud beyond. Then I saw that all
would be well in the end. My country
men, we know that tyranny and despot
ism, in the language of Thomas Jefferson,
can be exercised and exerted more
effectually by the many than the
few. We have seen a Congress grad
ually encroach, step by step, and violate,
day after day, and month after month,
the Constitutional rights and fundamen
tal principles of Government. We have
seen a Congress that seemed to forget
that there was a limit to the sphere and
scope of legislation. We have seen a
Congress, in a minority, assume the ex
ercise powers, which, if allowed to be
carried out, would result in despotism or
monarchy itself. This is the truth, and
because others as well as myself have
seen proper to apppeal to the patriotism
and republican feelings of the country,
we have been denounced in the severest
terms. Slander upon slander, vitupera
tion upon vituperation, of the most villain
ous character, has made ils way through
the press. What, gentlemen, has been
your and my sin ? What has been the
cause of our offending ? I will tell you.
Daring to stand by the Constitution of
our fathers.
I consider the proceedings of this Con
vention as more important than those of
any Convention that ever assembled in
the United States. (Great applause.)—
When I look with my mind upon that
collection of citizens coming together vol
untarily, and sitting in council with ideas,
principles and views commensurate with
all the States, and co-extensive with the
whole people, and contrast it with the
collection of persons who are trying to
destroy the country, I regard it as more im
portant than any convention that has sit
since 1787. I think I can also say that
declarations that were there made are
equal to the Declaration of Independence.
(Cries of “Glorious,” and most enthusias
tic, prolonged applause.) Your address
and declaration are nothing more or less
than a reform of the Constitution of the
United States. Yes, I will go farther,
and say that the Declarations you have
made, that the principles you have an
nounced in your address, are a second
proclamation of emancipation to the peo
ple of the United States. (Renewed ap
plause.) For in proclaiming these great
truths, you have laid down a Constitu
tional platform upon which all can make
common cause, and stand united together
for the restoration of the United States,
and preservation of the Government with
out reference to party.
The question, the only salvation of the
country, rises above all party considera
tions or influences. How many are there
in tbe United States that now require to
be free? They have the shackles upon
their limbs, and «re bound as rigidly as
though they were, in fact, in slavery. I
repeat, then, that your declaration is the
second proclamation of emancipation to
the people of the United States, and offers
a common ground upon which all parties
can stand. (Applause.)
Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, let me,
in this connection, ask, what have I to
gain more than the advancement of the
public welfare? I am as much opposed
to the indulgence of egotism as any one
but here, in a conventional manner, while
formally receiving tbe proceedings of this
Convention, I may be permited again to
ask, what have I to gain, in consulting
human ambition, more than I have gain
ed ? My race is nearly run. I have
been placed in the high office I occupy
under the Constitutien of the country
and I may say that 1 have held from the
lowest to the highest, almost every posi-
to which a man may attain in our Gov
ernment; and sorely, gentlemen, this
should be enough to gratify a reasonable
ambition.
If I wanted authority, or if I wanted
to perpetuate my own power,|how easy it
would have been to hare held and wielded
that which was pbced in my hands by
the measures called the Freedmcn 8 Bu
reau bill. (Laughter and applause.)—
With an army which was placed at my
discretion, I could have remained at the
Capital of the nation, and with fifty or
sixty millions of appropriations at my dis
posal, with the machinery to be worked
by my satraps and dependents in every
town and village, and then with the Civil
Rights bill following as an auxiliary,
(laughter,) in connection with all the
other appliances of the Government, I
coaid have proclaimed myself dictator.
But, gentlemen, my pride and ray arabl
tical and representative sense, the high
behests of the people have always been
respected and obeyed by me.
And now, Mr. Chirman, I have said
more than 1 had intended to say, for the
kind allusion to myself contained in your
address and the resolutions adopted by
the Convention. Let me remark that in
this crisis, and in the ptesent period of
my public life, I hold above all price,
and shall ever receive with feelings of
profound gratification, the last resolution
containing the endorsement of a Conven
tion emanating spontaneously from the
great mass of the people. I trust and
hope that my future action may be such
that you and the Convention you repre
sent may not regret the assusance of con
fidence you have expressed.
Before separating, my friends, one and
all, accept my sincere thanks for the kind
manifestations of regard and respect you
have exhibited on this occasion. I repeat
that I shall always be guided by a
conscientious conviction of duty, and that
always gives me courage, under the Con
stitution, which I have made my guide.
At the conclusion of the President’s
remarks, three enthusiastic cheers were
given for Andrew Johnson, and three
more for Gen. Grant.
The President then took a position’neat
a door opening in the hall, with Gen.
GraDt by his side, where, as the gentle
men of the Convention passed oat, be
grasped each by the hand, and had a
smile or a cheering word from all; after
which they passed on to take Gen. Grant
by the hand.
GREAT ATTRACTION!
spw
J. LORCH & GO.;
Have just received at J. M.
DODD’S old stand, South-
West Corner Public
Square,
NEWNAN, GEORGIA,
A liew and large supply ft
REAOIf MADE
GL0THIN6,
AMD
GEORGIA RAIL ROAD.
E. W. COLE, Superintendent.
Leave Atlanta ..6.15 A. M.
Arrive at Augusta 6.00 P. If.
Leave Augusta 7.00 A. M.
Arrive at Atlanta 6.35 P. M.
Leave Atlanta 6-30 P. M
Arrive at Augusta 5.25 A. M
Leave Augusta 6.25 P. M
Arrive at Atlanta 5.30 A. 11
ATLANTA and WEST POINT
RAIL ROAD.
Leave Atlanta ,....G 00 A M
Arrive at Newnan 8 44 A M
Arrive at West Point .........11 45 A M
Leave West Point ....r 12 35 P M
Arrive at Newnan. 3 28 P M
Arrive at Atlanta . 6 02 P M
GEORGE G. HULL,
Superintendant.
The Southern
EXPRESS COMPANY.
Have unsurpassed facilities for tbe transpor
tation of
Freight of all Descriptions,
GOLD, SILVER CURRENCY,
AND BANK NOTES
To all parts of the
V. STATES, CANADA and ETJHOPE.
Freight brought through from New York to
Atlanta in sixty hours, and from Savannah or
Charleston in twenty-four. Special attention
is called to our new rates.
V. DUNNING,
Agent, Atlanta,,Ga.
G. W. RAMEY,
June 23-tf. Agent, Newnan, Ga,
THOS. A. GRACE,
NEWNAN, GA.,
Insurance Agerrt for the following Companies:
2ETNA LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY,
Hartford, Connecticut.
KNICKERBOCKER LIFE INSURANCE CO.,
New York.
iETNA FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY,
Hartford, Connecticut.
UNDERWRITERS’ FIRE INSURANCE CO.,
New York.
SECURITY FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY,
New York.
EUFAULA HOME FIRE INSURANCE CO.,
Eufaula, Ala.
JAMES RIVER FIRE INSURANCE GO.,
Ho wards ville, Va.
July 28—47-tf.
STAPLE (HIS,
LADIES and GENTLEMEN'S
All varieties of
CBIMBEH’S SBOSS,
BOYS & GENTLEMEN'S
HATS,
NOTIONS,
Of all kinds;
JSWCIeftV,
HOOP & BALMORAL SKIRTS {
CLOAKS, CORSETS; .
HARD-WARE
AJNXP
CUTLERY.
Also a large and full supply
of all kinds of
GROCERIES & CROCKERY.
J. M. MANN, \ Salesmen
J. A. HUNTER,/Newnan, Ga.
R. T. HUNTER, \ Salesmen
J. S. NALLS, / for LorcbAOo
A. M. WOOD, \ Salesmen
W. MARTIN., /Franklin, Ga.
Sept. 16-2-tf:
$^»After the 1st October,
J. Lorch & Co. will occupy the
old stand of J. J. Neely with a
portion of their stock.*^3$f
JNO. C. WHITNER’S
General Insurance Agency.
Fire, Inland, Life & Accident,
Insurance Effected and Lo33es Promptly Paid.
Office at KcCamy & Co’s. Drug Store, Franklin
Buildings, Alabama Str’t., Atlanta, Ga.
Refers to Rev. Jamzs Stact, and J. J. Pis-
sos, Esq., Newnan, Georgia.
Aug. 11-50-ly.
JOH5 RAY. LAVtSDSB B. BAT.
JOHN BAY & SON,
attorneys at law,
NEWNAN,— GA.,
Will practice in the Courts of
Fulton, Campbell, Fayette, Coweta,
Troup, Meriwether, Carroll,
Heard and Haralson.
Particular attention given to the collection
of aH Claims of every description.
near Newnan Hotel.
PHffim TIN SHOP,
—AT THE—
T I jST T REE.
~S7%7". 3MC-
W OULD respectfully inform everybody
and the balance of mankind, that he i*
now prepared to furnish anything and every
thing in the way of
ST0YES & TIN WARE,
At the very lowest prices and shortest notioe.
Best Patent of Family Cook Stoves,
from $25 to $50, according to aizel
and outfit. I
Tin Ware reduced 25 per cent, under 1
any other market.
Come, come everybody, and buy I
I will duplicate bill3 bought at wholesale-id-
any market in the Union since the war.
January 20-20-7m.
A. P. BURNETT Sc CO*
ATLANTA, GA.,
BURNETT BROS.,
MACON, QA.,
xiff
I 0_ES .
W E ARE prepared to furnish ICE (Crys
tal Lake) at 4 cento per pound to pir-»
ties in country or on line of Rail Road. Libe
ral deduction made on car load or ton.
g^yShipmenta well packed. [june23-3m.
1ST otice.
A LL kinds of COUNTRY PRODUCE to
ken in exchange for GOODS at the high
est market rates, also RAGS and LOOS#
OOTTON. RANDALL & <3».'