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fiOLITICAL.
ADDRESS
To the Whigs of the United States
The undersigned, members of the thirty-
second Congress of the United States, ad
dress you under an imperious sense ofdu
ty. Events have occurred at this Capitol
within the last twenty days which are
worthy ofyour serious and immediate con
sideration. They are likely to affect the
future unity of the Whig party, as they
have already disturbed the harmony of its
members. We desire to state them accu
rately, that you may estimate their tenden
cy and force correctly. A plain narrative
of facts, in proper connection, will accom
plish this purpose and will serve, at the
same time, to impart a correct conception
of our own motives and,conduct.
In the early part of this month, at a meet
ing of Senators, it was determined to invite
a consultation between the Whigs of the
Senate and House of Representatives.
Who initiated this momement, or for what
purpose is known from the following no
tice, which was published in the newspaper
of this city on the 7th day of April, 1852,
by direction of J Ion. Willie P. Mangum, of
.North Carolina:
“The Whig Members of Congress are re
quested to meet at the Seriate Chamber on
Friday evening next, the 8th instant, at
seven o’clock, to consider of matters ofim
portance to the Whig party.
“Wednesday, April 7th 1852.”
At the time and place suggested by the
notice, some sixty-eight members of the
two Houses assembled. Mr. Mangum was
called to the chair, and Messrs. Chandler
and Dockery were appointed secretaries.
Before any distinct proposition was submit
ted to the consideration .of the meeting, af-
ter the statement from the Chair, a .motion
was made to adjourn to a subsequent day,
that a more numerous attendance of the
Whig members of Congress might be ob
tained. Remarks were made by several
gentlemen indicative of a desire to limit the
attention of the meeting to the single ob
ject of determining the time and place for a
National Convention to select .Whig can
didates for the Presidency and the Vice
Presidency. And it was urged that the
most important results might flow from the
determination of the time and place for the
convention, as each point was calculated to
affect the nomination. It was then sugges
ted (by Mr. Marshall, of Kentucky) that it
was deemed immaterial the. meeting should
pass upon another proposition before pro
ceeding to determine time and place for
tho National Convention—a proposition
which affected the persons to exercise the
right of determining the time and place for
holding the convention. He observed that
at the the commencement of this session of
'Congress, certain gentlemen had retired
from a meeting of Whig Representatives
because that meeting refused to lav on the
table a resolution endorsing the position of
the present Administration upon the series
of measures known as “the Compromise
measures”—that some of; the same persons
had, during the session, publicly as
sailed the said resolution as an untrue ex
pression qf Whig sentiment in regard to
those measures—-and that these persons
were present now, to assist in determining
the time aud placedbr the Whig National
ConyeBtion. Considering the position of
the Administration on this class of .ques
tions,] the condition of. political parties, and
the fact that, by some, the resolution re
ferred to was deemed cardinal as a princi-
Tfe, it was “any to be the pro-
Si tion which the Whigs in Congee* hold^n
before proceed
tlfo steps preparatory for a conven-
; the Whier party. He then remarked
the National Convention ; were determined
he designed to submit a resolution to the
the meeting embodying the principle pro
claimed by the* Whig Congressional chucus
of December last; and he hoped all present
to participate in the proceedings, would a-
gree to the same.
This view was met by the argument,
from one quarter, that the Whig members
of Congress were only authorized to fix
the time and place for the National Con
Vention; and therefore any resolution to
test political opinion Was beyond their pro
vince to consider in the meeting. In an
other quarter it was argued that the at
tempt to harmonize the opinions of Whites
on the Compromise measures or their ef
fect, or upon the questions springing from
the institution of slavery, was useless; that
the proper course was “to agree to disa
gree” where radical differences were known
to exist, and that true policy required all
to abstain from effort to engraft new prin
ciples upon the long-established creed of
the party, leaving every section to think
and to act at will where a common plat
form was inaccessible.
The debate was participated in by sev
eral gentlemen, and we only seek to state
the points of it. The Chairman remarked
tn at, before submitting the question of ad
journment, he felt bound to say that should
the resolution indicated by the member
from Kentucky he offered at the next meet
ing, the Chair would refuse to entertain it,
and should decide it to be out of order.
This statement the Chairman made in .ad
vance, that gentleman disatisfied with the
view entertained bv the Chair might pro
ceed to select some one also to preside.
The annunciation of a foregone determi
nation by theOhairman to limit the sub
jects to which attention might be directed
in a meeting convened under a general no
tice to consult on matters of importance to
the Whig party, and this refusal, in advance
to consider a political proposition whieh is,
in the opinion of many, vita! to the Union
and essential tB the integrity of the Whig
party, at once invested the future action of
this Congressional consultation with an in
terest and importance that had not there
tofore attached to it. The assumption of
the Chair was met by instant remonstrance.
The right to present the resolution was
pressed now as a point of principle, and
notice was given, that at the next meeting
it would be insisted upon. On this issue'
the meeting was adjourned to the 20th day
of April.
At the appointed hour,, on the evening
of the 20th of April, the Hon. W. P. Man
gum called the meeting to order. So soon
as the Journal was read, Hon. Edward
Stanly, of North Carolina, offered the fol
lowing resolution:
Resolved, That it be recommended to
hold the Whig National Convention in the
city of Baltimore, in the State of Maryland,
on Wednesday, the 16th day of June next,
for the purpose of nominating candidates
for President and Vice President of the
United States.”
Mr. Marshal, of Kentucky, immediately
presented the resolution of which-notice
had been given at the former Meeting, and
asked that it might be adopted as a substi
tute for the proposition of the gentleman
from North Caroliua. It is in these words: ;
Whereas, the determination of the time
and place for holding a national Whig Con
vention has been referred to the Whigs of
Congress, the Whig members of the Sen
ate and House of Representatives have as
sembled in Convention with the explicit un
derstanding that they “regard the series of
acts known as the Adjustment measures as
forming in their mutual dependence and
connection a system of compromise the
most conciliatory and the best for the en
tire country that cculd be obtained from
conflicting sectional interests and opinions ;
and that, therefore, they ought to be ad
hered to and carried into faithful execution
as a final settlement, in principle and sub
stance, of the dangerous and exciting sub
jects which they embrace,” and do unite
on this basis as well as upon the long es
tablished principles of the Whig party, do
hereby recommend the day of
and the city of as the time and place
for holding the National Whig Convention
for the choice of Whig candidates for the
Presidency and Vice Presidency respect-
Mr. Stanly objected to the introduction
of the substitute, because it was out of or
der. The Chairman sustained the objec
tion. Mr. Marshall appealed from the de
cision of the Chair. Mr. Stanly moved that
the appeal do lie on the table. An inform
al debate ensued, which was cut off by a
decision of the Chair, that all discussions
was out of order unless strictly confined to
the question of order. The vote was then
taken by ayes and noes on the question,
“Shall the appeal from the decision of the
table ?” and it was decided in the affirma
tive—ayes 46, noes 21. The following
will exhibit the names of the gentlemen
who voted, and their respective localities:
AYES.
Maine—Goodenow and Washburn.
Vermont—Hebord-andMeacham.
Massachusetts—John Davis; Fowler;
Goodrich and Scudder.
Connecticut—T. Smith and* Chapman.
Rhode Island—Clarke and r G. G. King.
New York—Fish; Bdwne; Briggs; Has-
call; Horsford; Sackett; Schoolcraft: Wal-
bridge and Wells.
New Jersey 1 —Miller.
Pennsylvania—Allison; Chandler ; T.
0. Wr-Howe; EuhnaiandMoore;
arei
Ohio- Wade; Barrerej L. D. Camp bell ;
Hunter; B. Stanton and Taylor.
Indiana—Parker* and Brenton.
Illinois—rYates.
Michigan—Penniman.
Kentucky —tJuder wood; Grey and Ward
Missouri—Porter.
Tennessee—Culloin.
North Carolina—Morehead and Stanly
Total 46;
NOES.
Massachusetts—Appleton.
New York— Brooks; Haws; Haven, So-
hermerhprn and M HI tin.
Pennsylvania—Cooper.
Virginia—Strother.
Kentucky—Ewing; Marshall and White.
Tennessee*-—Gentry and Williams.
North Carolina—Clingman; Dockery and
Outlaw. ■
Louisiana—J. ‘Mooreiand Landry.
Florida—Morton and Gabel.
Mississippi—Brooke. Total 2i.
When this result was announced several
of the undersigned formally withdrew from
the meeting. Mr. Gentry, of Tennessee,
then submitted the folio wing to be added
as an amendment to the resolution offered
by Mr. Stanly :
Resolved, That the Whig members of
Congress, in thus recommending a time
and place for the National Whig Conven:
tion to assemble, are not to be understood
as pledging themselves to support the nonir
nees of said convention, except upon the
condition that the persons then and there
nominated as candidates for President and
Vice President shall be publicly and une
quivocally pledged to regard, the series of
meaures known as the Compromise meas
ures as a final settlement of the dangerous
questions which they embraced, and to
maintain that settlement inviolate.”
Objection was made to the introduction
of this amendment, because it was out of or-
der. The Chair sustained the objection.
An appeal was taken from the decision of
the Chair; and after some debate, the meet
ing sustained the ruling of the Chair.
Thereupon the remainder of the undersign
ed formally withdrew from the meeting.
It is officially announced that, after our
withdrawal, the resolution of Mr. Stan!
was passed; and then the meeting adjourn
ed.
The foregoing statement exhibits the
character and order of the proceedings,
which compelled the undersigned to leave
the meetiug of the 20th instant.
By a reference to the list of persons who
participated in these proceedings, it will be
perceived there was a great disparity in the
representation from.the free States and the
slaveholding States. We are authorized
to state that several gentlemen from the
slaveholding States, belonging to the Whig
party, declined to participate at all in a
meeting of which the result was palpable
under the intimations of purpose advanced
by the Chairman at-the first meeting.
The meeting was eomposed of forty six
gentlemen from the free States and. twenty
one from the elaveholding States. The
vote is divided, forty-six to twenty-one—
seven from each class of States voting with
the opposing section.
The entire meeting was a meagre ma
jority of the representation classed as Whig
in the Congress of the United States. The
quota from the*slaveholding States remain
ing in the meeting after our withdrawal
was just one-fourth of the Whig representa
tion from the slavehojding States. The
determination of the time and place for the
Whig National Convention may therefore
justly be considered as made by the .Con
gressional Representatives from the free
States.
Of the members of Congress from the
free States present and acting in this meet
ing a large majority were committed by
legislative action, against the Compromise
measures at their passage, or have refused
to express an intention to maintain and ex
ecute them since, their passage. Among
those who took these proceedings were
some of the most conspicuous opponents of
the Adjustment and most active agitators
of the North. Of the thirty-one Repre
sentatives from the free States, who voted
affirmatively on the proposition that the
appeal do lie, only three had recorded their
votes in favor of the passage of Hillver’s
resolution at this session, expressing as the
rftMfiirt
" r 7 * ulSf *ppw j Dream vue reauza>
tion of our wish, anq, because of the, effort*
tv'a ItQtra Kaaii l .-i'v J '■ '
ion. y what parliamentary law or com-1 lejss these nominees, shall be. publiely and tain and enforce this settlement in ^oodfaith
th f 1 cbair 5 nan of a meeting unequivocally pledged to regard the juries and honestly.. To this end we did desire
a 8,Dgl ® .^ u ? s '| of measures known as the Compromise the declaration, to this effect to con* from
tion, when no limitation .is expressed m the measures as a final settlement of the dan-' the distinguished gentlemen who assembled
notice under which it assembled 1 DoesHie | gerous questions they embraced, and to in the capitol, under the hope that the ifoi'n-
objection lie in the fact that the members maintain them inviolate.” What inference trv Wrml4 ;.nfkiic5oo*; rt oi{^
present were to be called upon to express can be drawn frqm the refusal to grant..this
their sentiment as to the propriety of main- exemption but that determination existed
foming apdenforcing theCompromise meas- j to commit all who participated in the meet-
Ur wu j^Yeyouto: judge. I ing; to the support of the nominees of the ;
What reason can be rendered for the de- National Convention, whetht r he shall Be
s tha y her f! d “ tl0n I ^ . 0 ^ of order/ pledged to support the Compromise or not?
it differed from Mr. Stably s in one partic- Some of the undersigned are bound by -
ular only. In addition to the determina- -solemn public declaration, made in* 18 W v,
Uom of theUme and place for holding tjhe : that we will support no man for office un-
National Convention, Marshall’s resolution less he is known, unequivocally and beyond
su pg e sted the Congressional caucus resolu- controversy, to be determined to maintain
tioii of December, 1851, as a condition pre- support, and execute the laws known as tht
cedent to the union of the Whig members Compromise measures—Fugitive Slave law
of Congress in the approaching canvass. It. and all. We shall religiously redeem our
?i! d ^fAriTi, ttopre ? (5ribea P la ^' 0J, m for I word. We felt, after the defeat of Gentry
the National Convention, or to dictate to amendment, that silence or acquiescence,
' e * e ff a fe 3 from tbe primary assemblies uuder the circumstances would committ us
ot tne people. It avowed the determina- to an inconsistency, and justly awaken sus-
tion of the friends to remain uncommitted picion of our sincerity. Regarding the vote
and to abstain altogether from taking steps [on Gentr ’s amendment as the emphatic
initiatory to a National Whig Convention, [declaration by the meeting either that the
unless the condition was satisfactorily met. persons present remained uncommitted as
It was not inconsistent with Stanly’s resolu- [to their own support of the Adjustment
tion, but cumulative thereto by the imposi- measures, or that they refused to establish
sition of a condition affecting only the ac- any suchj.est.of the qualification ofthe nom-
^ S ji° this Congressional meeting, and, im- inee of the National Convention, no course
pliedly, relieving them from a committal remained, consistent with our conviction of
to sustain .. the nominees of a convention duty and sense of self-respect, but to with
which might fail to require the same condi- draw formally from the meeting and to re
of its candidates. It did not dictate or seek | tain the position we designed to maintain,
to dictate the programme of the National It has been charged that it is our delib
Convention! but merely asserted an affirma-1 erate purpose to distract the counsels af thef
live endorsement ofthe“finalitypf the Com- Whigs, and to create an unnecessary .schism
pi omise, as »basis of union among the in the body of the Whig party. It has been
present V\ hig members of Congress. Was charged that our object is to open afresh
that improper? _Can the Whig members of the agitation upon the slavery questions,
this Congress, who claim to be national in and to create sectional strife, in order to pre-
their feelings, unite upon a candidate on | vent a concentration of Whig strength at
' It
any other basis? Ought National Whigs I the approaching Presidential" election,
anywhere, North or bouth, to agree, for a has been charged that we present insultiDg
moment, to forego a point so vital to the terms to the North by requirinor thefeiter-
preservation eff the peace of society’? We ation. of pledges to maintain and tp enforce
did ardently desire the Whigs of Congress laws which exist on the statute took, and
to adopt the proposition as a conclusion of which no member of Congress or political
their own, and to publish it to the country aspirant has manifested an intention to dis-
qs one of the bonds of their political associa- turb. These stateftients, feliow-whigs, are
tion. It required no sacrifice of principle— unjust and untrue. If any schism shall occur
no recantation of opinion—no renunciation in the Whig party, it will result from the
of eiror; only a determination Consistent attempts of men whose presen t distinction is
with the noblest impulses of patriotism—to alone attributable to the success with which
abide for the future by a settlement design-[they have heretofore fell the flames ofsec-
ed to restore peace to a distracted country, tional fanaticism, and whose future hope
and to carry into execution honestly the J rests mainly updn the creation of sectional
compacts of the Constitution. We frankly di visions. Our effort has been to induce the
state that it was our deliberate purpose to Whigs to assume a national ground—&eon-
announceat the threshold an unalterable servative and patriotic positioh--the only
determination to aid in no scheme for an position upon which the statesman and the
election associated with or allied to men patriot can maintain the harmony of these
whose policy it was tty ignore the final set- States or preserve the existence of "this Gov-
tlement of those dangerous and exciting ernment.
questions which are embraced by what is So far from opening citation upon tlje
termed “the Adjustment.” With the can- slavery questions, our avowed object is, and
dor of freemen we presented in ibe proposi- the effect of the proposition we assert must
tipn submitted to the meeting the position to be, to terminate agitation by assuming as a
which we shall adhere. We rest its vindi- starting point for the canvass that the en-
cation upon the fact that it wtd assumed tire party, North and South, faithfully 4-
from a solemn sense of duty to ourselves bides by the law it exists, and maintains the
and to our country; and we rely for a jus- Compromise measures as a final settlement-
tifieation of our course in these proceedings of the exciting questions they embrace. How
upon the honest impulses of the people, and is it possible that this position <$n afford a
the patriotism of all who love the Union, basis_for renewed agitation, unless there is a
determination hot to- abide by that settle-
jiugned by political dealers athwart whose
policy lies our own course and as we sol-
eranly believe, tite true direction forj^e f pub
lic good. What would be the effect of a
refusal to endorse the ptoi tion we have ;B8»
sum^d? What wilBl^ the! result 4f; ! ajfail-
ure to respond to the. principle we have
asserted? Neither nipre nor Iqas thhn
the inglorious and deserved. defeat of
the Whig candidate for the Presidency, be
cause the platform of the party will be tpo
narrow for the pariotism of the people*
TBey will demand on£ as broad as.the inter
ests of the wliede Union.
Should both of the great polititical par
ties fail to shape future party organization
upon the enlarged and fair principle to which
we invited the Whig meeting at the Capi
tol on the 20th inst., there reinajps but one
other resort. The pebple will demand such
an organization, at the expense of existing
partids, and it .will triumph over botlv; or
infsied by political leaders, whose personal
ambition rises above their love of country*
the people will becorhe involved in a qgnVass
conducted by candidates whose pafasitps
^i|l pander to dfeciional prejudices, and will
seek political preferment by arousing sec
tional passions. The next Congress,in that
case, will be composed of men of all pa rties
pledged to renew, the agithtiOn of questions
which the 31st CongresH closed with . .so
much difficulty. The result of such a strug
gle human foresight cannot compass. YV'e
4ave believed that intelligent statesmanship,
by tfmely action and patriotic effort, could
avoid the trial and the catastrophe. We
made an honest effort to point the, way.-r-
We have now explained our motive and our
conduct, and we confidently submit them
for your judgment
/Hie events of the Congressional meeting
of 20th April are of significant import. It
does not become the Undersigned to suggest
your course in view of them. Our object is
accomplished by inviting to them your im
mediate consideration, satisfied, as we are,
that they will awaken, your serious reflec
tion, and guide you to such an action as
may be demanded by tbe duties to the pres
ent and the hopes of the future.
W. BROOKE, Mississippi.
JACKSON MORTON, Florida.
JOHN MOORE, Louisiana;
HUMPHREY MARSHLL, Kentucky.
-M.P. GENTRY, Tennessee.
C. H. WILLIAMS, Tennessee.
E. C. CABjELL, Florida.
DAVID OUTLAW, North Carolina.
J. A.RITIDE LANDRY, Louisiana.
JAMES F. STROTIIER, Virginia.
M I 8 C E L L A N E O U 8,
and wish to perpetrate its blessings!
To assert the converse of our proposition
“to agree to disagree” on questions con
nected with the institution ot slavery, as it
recognized by the constitution, on the Fu
gitive Slave law and the finality of the Com
promise—is to open willingly the sources of
the most noxious agitation, and to reveal
the means ; of assailing anew the harmony
and, mayhap, the existence of the Union.
Have the dissensions of the past inculcated
no moral? Shall the progress and peace of
the luture be marred by the renewed efforts
of a fanaticism which halts at no barrier
erected by mortal power, and exultingly pro
claims ife obedience only to a power high
er than human law? Shall the ties that
link the various parts of a noble country to
gether yield to the force of a demagogueism
which wears the mask of liberty only to per
petrate crime; or that it may, with compar
ative impunity, excite passion, to re ware ul
timately a desire for self-aggrandizement ?
Will the Whig party, under existing circum
stances, shroud honest convictions of pub
lic duty in silence, that our candidate for the
proudest honor of earth may have his opin-
sense of the,country that the Compromise ions interpreted variously to suit the chang
measures should be maintained as a final j ing prejudices or prepossessions of particular
latitudes? Fellow-Whigs! such a policy
will not—should not succeed. It is unwor
thy of a great party whose sentiments are
conservative, and whose aim is the prosper
ity and happiness of the people. Its ten
dency is to reduce the Whig party to a mere
heterogeneous compound of discordant sec
tional factions; the ballot-box to a recepta
cle for votes obtained by fraud upon one or
other, of the sections of the Uhi ted States;
and the Presidential elections to a trial of
chicanery and dissimulation among politi
cal mountebanks. We do not seek to make
an injurious ascription of motive to any man
or association of men; but we repudiate and
refuse, for our part, no# and hereafter, to
lend our support to any candidate whose
principles are not plainly defined, or to join
in any crusade against popular rights, the
honesty of politics, or the palpable interest
of the country, for the purpose of achieving
a temporary political triumph.
But to return. What was the ingredi
ent in Gentry’s amendment that induced
the Chairman to rule it out of order? The
only aim of the amendment was to exclude
a eohclusion. It was framed dj^ctly with
a view to absolve the Whig nfeiphers pi
ent from an implied pledge to support
nominees of the National Convention, ‘
- - ''‘S- " '
settlement of the questions they embraced
and should be fairly and honestly executed.
Nineteen had voted against that resolution.
Nine were absent. These, united to the
vote of the Senators, would have been suffi
cient to overpower the whole representa
tion present from the slavebolding States,
had that representation been united. We
will not dwell upon the considerations these
facts suggest, or express the reflections
which they naturally awaken. It is ap
parent, however, that the. time and place
have been determined, not only by a min
ority of the Whig representation, but by a
preponderance of that element of the repre
sentation which either opposed the Ad
justment or disavows the “finality” of the
settlement.
The undersigned now invite a review of
their course as connected with the Congres-
sionaj consultatioc. We shall pass over
without eomment the evident predetermi
nation of the Chairman to guide the meet
ing to a fixed result, by confining it to the
some this will be manifest to every one, from
th8 determination he announced in advance
to rule Mr. Marshall’s resolution out of or
der, even as an origiual substantive proposi-
ment? The principle we assert may be
avowed as consistently by the opponents of
the Compromise .measures as! by those
whose exertions enacted them. When part
ners have litigated questions arising.in their
former dealing, and a decree has been ren
dered asserting the true state of their ac
count, would it be considered insulting or
unfair that, in opening new books, one
should demand of the other that the decree
be accepted as the basis on which they re
new business? Would the answer be con
sidered satisfactory-—“You have your de
cree—enforce it if you can; but not require
an acknowledgement of its justice, by com
pelling me to assert that I will abide by it J”
Had two neighbor disagreed and referred
their respective claims to arbitrators, does
the loser forfeit dignity by acknowledging
the award, and renewing business upon the
basis thereof? These homely illustrations
point to the view we take of the present du
ties of all patriots in this Government. The
original compacts of the Constitution estab
lished the terms of this Confederacy, and
constitute the organic law of government.
After a series of years sectional disputes
arose, and the Missouri compromise was
made to quiet controversy relating to cer
tain governmental powers and constitution
al questions.
It was faithfully executed by the United
States, and submitted to by the people of
the slaveholding States. After another se
ries of years new acquisitions of territory
were made—new disputes arose touching
the same powers and the same questions; A
new compromise was made whereby the
balanced power was yielded by the slave-
holdinging States, and the Teins of enapire
were delivered up to the free States by the
admission of California into the Union. The
slave trade was suppressed in the District of
Columbia, territorial governments were cres
ted over the whole public domain, and an
made, has the South murmured at the law
suppressing the slave trade in this District?
Look upon the opposite picture. Reply to
,~how *
your own frearte.
delita
has the law for the
fiigHive slaves been executed?
•ely that the Whig party shall
d th» last setelement-rthai it
itself'
.... vegfr s.
psg
lerls am*.
“Save me from my Friends?'~ln, a recent
action brought in London by Mi* Ivors
against a faithless lover ndteed Blakey, for
breach of promise of marriage, Mr.; Sergeant
Wilkins addressed the jury" for the defend
ant. He said he would not casf the slight
est disparagement on either the daughter
or the mother. No doubt the plaintiff was
entitled to a verdict, but what had she lost?
He thoughts!* had lost a,silly young man,
as be must be who .could write to her. such
doggerel as the following;-—
“Thou charming fair
Thy face and air
They make me star©.’* laughter.
tune of marrying a fool, and that it wps -a
very good miss. Mr; Baron Alderspn; sugs-
med up, and the jury found s verdict for the
plaintiff—damages $225. . / .
Weheard lately repeated, $av»the-fcook-
ville American, the grounds of a strong affd
devoted attachment. A young- and beautiful,
but poor widow, Was about to marry-«m old,
rich widower. Her friends Wished 40 know
what she Was about to marry him for. She
feelingly replied, “pure love—I loyeMtfee
ground, meaning form, probably)On which
le walks, and the very house in which he
lives.” There is a platonic tove for yoh.
There is none ofyour schob? girl foolishness
in that
r i’s ideas of comfort are raripus. A
clelebrated. hangman in England, showing
the gallows attached to Newgate, observed
to the by-standers that he had hung tweuty
persons on it at one time. Some one sug
gested that it was too small. “Oh ho bleS3
ou,” said the hangman, “twenty-five peo-
* could swing on that very comfortably.”
The only money they Use in the back
rt.of Oregon, consist of live i
paying for a dollav; & sheep for
keys twenty-five cehte and voi
for a shilling each. If Smith
$4 121'2;he
ceivea for change one sheep, one
and two pups.