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BY S. B. GRAFTON.
SANDERSYILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, IAY 11, 1852.
YOL. YI—-NO. 16
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BUSINESS DIRECTORS'.
R. L. WARTHEN,
Attorney , at Law,
SANDERSVlliLE, GEORGIA
feb. 17, 1852. 4—ly
MULFORD MARSH,
Attorney and Counsellor at Law,
' feb. 10, 1852.
street. Savannah, Ga,
3—ly
J. B. HAYNE,
ATTORNEYAT LAW.
IIALCYONDALE Ga.
Will attend promptly to all business en
listed to his care in any of the Courts of the
iddle or Eastern circuits.
Halcyondale feb. 2 1852 2 ;y
TnowTrudIsill.
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
SANDERSVILLE, Ga.
March 10,1851 8 ~ 1 >Y
JAMES S. HOOK,
Attorney at Law,
SANDERSVILLE, GEORGIA
WILL PRACTICE IN THE COUNTIES OF
, „ . ) Washington, Burke, Seriven,
ddle-ctrcuil. ^ j e ff ersou an d Emanuel.
m Circuit. | - - - - Laurens.
rnulgee Circuit | - - - - Wilkinson.
Office next door to the Central Georgian
ce. jan. 1, 1852. 51—ly
S. B. CRAFTON,
Attorney at Law.
SANDERSVILLE, GEORGIA,
Vill also attend the Courts of Emanu
irens, and Jefferson, should business be en<
,ted to his care, in either of those counties
sb. 11. 4 ~ t L
LOUS & CO.
Factors and Commission Merchants,
No. 118, BAY STREET,
‘savannah, ga.
J. W. C. Loud.] [P. H. Loud.
nov. 4, 1851. 42—ly
BBBV A FOSTER,
ors and Commission Merchants,
Savannah, Ga.
. BEHN,] [JOHN FOSTER.
. 10,1852. 3—ly
J. X. JONES.
Manufacturer and importer of
uns, Pistols, Rifles, Sporting Apparatus, &c.,
No. 8, Monument Square, Savannah, Ga.
feb. 10, 1852. 3—ly*
S, E. BOTBWSU &CO.
Wholesale and Retail Store,
No. 173, Bay street, Savannah, Ga.
dealers in
QUORS, WINES, GROCERIES. $c
S. E. BOTHWELL.] [R- R- GAMBLE.
feb. 10, 1852. 3—ly
SRAJfTOHT, JOHNSON & CO.
GROCERS.
Savannah, Ga.
r. SCRANTON, ) g avarma jj.
EPH JOHNSTON. $
t W. B. SCRANTON,
J No. 19, Old Slip, N. Vor
? eb. 10,1852. ly
JOB NT 3VEALLBR1T.
Draper and Tailor.
)ealer in Ready-Made Clothing and Gentle-
n’sfurnishing Goods. 155, Bay street,
cb.10, 1852.
Savannah, Ga.
3—ly
X. 3>ASHBR’S
Cheap Dry Goods Store,
No. 146, Congress Btreet, Savannah, Ga.
; (Late H. Laihrop’s)
A well selected stock of seasonable staple
d Fancy Dry Goods, are kept constantly on
nd, and will be sold cheap for cash.
gSjjf” Please call and examine,
fab. 10,1858. S—ly
POETRY.
[FOR THE CENTRAL GEORGIAN.]
TO MISS R.
I’LL THINK OF THEE.
I’ll think of thee, when rosy mom
Breaks forth upon the skies,
And man, to ceaseless labor born
With early birds doth rise.
I’ll think of thee, when night shall cast
Her mantle o’er the sky;
And all but me, in sleep locked fast
Unconscious as they lie.
I’ll think of thee, in solitude
When the heart beats silently,
And pot a thought shall there intrude
That shall not be of thee.
I’ll think of thee, amid the crowd,
WRere wit and joy are found
The cheerful song, and laughter loud,
And scenes of mirth abound.
I’ll think of thee, beloved one
For thou to me hast been
A joy, to cheer my life so lone,
A day-star o’er the scene.
I’ll think of thee; though ’tis not all
My he irt to thee can give,
This gift refuse not, although small,
This offering, oh, receive.
SAP.
“Why Bless Bier, let Bier Go!”
Some time ago I fell in love
With pretty Mary Jane;
And I did hope that by and by
She’d love me hack again.
Alas 1 my hopes, a dawning bright,
Were all at once made dim ;
She saw a chap, I don’t know where,
And fell in love with him!
Next time I went—(Now how it was
I don’t pretend to say)—
But when my chair moved up to hers,
Why, hers would move away.
Before, I always got a kiss,
(I own with some small fuss,)
But now, forsooth, for love nor fun,
• ’Tis non-come-at-a-5«ss.
Well, there we sat—and when we spoke,
Our conversation dwelt
On everything beneath the sun,
Except what most we felt.
Enjoying this delightful mood,
Who, then, should just step in,
But he of all the world whom I
Had rather see than him.
And he could set down by her side ;
And she could—all the while
He pressed her hand within his own—
Upon him sweetly smile;
And she could pluck a rose for him,
So fresh, and bright, and red,
And gave me one, which hours before
Was shrunk, and pale, and dead.
And she could freely, gladly sing, .
The song hedid request;
The ones 1 asked, were just the ones
She always did detest.
I rose to leave—“She be glad
To have me longer stay!”
No doubt of it 1 No doubt they wept
To see me go away.
I sat me down—I thought profound
This maxim wise I drew :
’Tis easier for to like a girl,
Than make a girl like you.
But after all, I don’t believe
My heart will break with woe ;
If she’s a mind to love “that chap,”
Why, bless her, let her go !
MISCELLANE0 US.
POLITICAL.
Housn o» Representatives, )
April 15, 1852. J
To the Editor of the Union:
Sir : The following letter from Col. B.
F. Hallett, chairman of the Democratic Na
tional Convention, has been in my posses
sion for many days. Whatever of fault
there may be in not making to the public
an earlier vindication on tne part of Mr.
Hallett is in a great degree attributable to
myself. However much I may deplore the
agitation of disturbing questions of a per
sonal or sectional character in the bosom of
the party—however much I may deprecate
the action of extreme antagonisms, calcula
ted to destroy the great centre and nuecle-
us of the democracy—however much I
might be gratified to see the union of the
entire democratic party upon its funda
mental principles, calculated to preserve
the Union of the States on the necessary
basis of the rights of the Slates—I know
there is something due to individuals, and
I feel no longer justified in withholding Mr.
Hallett’s letter from publication.
With respect,
GEO. W. THOMPSON.
. Boston, March 15,1852,
Dear Sir : We are fast getting rid of
free-soilism as a presidential element in the
North. Can we not hope for a better feel
ing South? The controversies between
southern democrats on their former divis
ions upon abstract principles will give our
enemies their strongest hopes of trinmpb.
We must not divide again as in 1848, and
let them conquer. The South may hold
the next election in its hands. Acquies
cence in the compromises will'secure it. A
conflict on that point may defeat us.
I ask leave to call your friendly attention
to a personal matter. I perceive that in a
speech of Mr. Rantoul, the free-soil member
from Massachusetts, he is reported as hav
ing attempted to justify his own treason to
nationality by alleging that all democrats
in Massachusetts were nearly as much free-
soilers as himself, and to prove it quoted an
isolated part of a resolution which, as chair
man of a committee, I bad been directed to
report in a Massachusetts convention. Mr.
Cabell, of Florida, asked if the Mr. Hallett
quoted from was the chairman of the Na
tional Democratic Committee. To which
Mr. Rantoul answered in the affirma
tive—“What is called a hunker democrat.”
Now, I cannot give Rantoul the reply di
rect, as I should do if face to face, because
he has the floor and I have not. I would
give the best fee of my professional life for
half an hour to answer him on that floor,
and expose the false construction he has at
tempted to fasten on me and the national
democrats of Massachusetts. But what I
want to know of you and my friends at
Washington it, whether it made any false
impressions such as to require any notice
from me. He has dishonestly seized upon
part of a resolution, which expressed an ab
stract sentiment as common to the North,
and suppressed the conclusion which repu
diated it as a political test. Probably no
man in New England has written and spo
ken more distinctly and uniformly in de
fence of the rights of the South, under the
constitution, than I have ; and yet the in
dependent men who stand up at the North
against fanaticism in all its forms are too
generally, by the South indiscriminately
classed with those who pander for home
popularity to the abolition party, and thus
gain more than their own party. My whole
political course stamps Rautoul’s insinua
tion with falsehood; and yet so readily is a
political lie passed over the wires that truth
never overtakes it. While I was sitting as
a magistrate, trying the rioters who rescued
a fugitive slave in Boston, Mr. Rantoul was
attempting to rescue another by volunteer
ing as a “higher-law” advocate, and deny
ing in court the constitutionality of the fu
gitive law. By this mean he got to Con
gress, and there he attempts to brand oth
ers as being as bad as himself. The South
too readily seize upon this, especially whigs
like Mr. Cabell, and thus, by listening to
and encouraging the imputation, injure the
national influence of those who stand by
the constitution and the compromise at
heme, while the traitors are encouraged a-
broad. This injustice of a portion of the
South—I mean the whigs—is a fruitful
source of abolitionism at the North.
Among volumes of like speeches and
writings of mine, ever since abolitionism be
came political, I send you the address of
the State committee prepared by me as
chairman in 1848. These are my deliber
ate opinions of free-soilism, and of northern
and southern democrats.
The idea of defending myself on this
point seems to me as absurd as if I were
called upon to prove my identity. I have
had but one opinion on this sub
ject, since it became political. In 1840 1
traced polical abolitionism to the Hartford
convention in 1814. In 1844, on the 4th
of July, I made the first speech that was
uttered in Massachusetts in favor of ihe an
nexation of Texas, and therein strongly con
demned anti-slavery disunion. In 1846 I
reported and carried the following resolu
tion in the Massachusetts State democratic
convention, September 16,1846 :
“Resolved That we hold to the integri
ty of the Union as established by the con
stitution, and therefore we deprecate, as
disunion in its worst form, the attempts of
any party class of men to.stigmatize and de
nounce one portion of the Union for
its domestic institutions, with which the
constitution does not interfere, and of the
proprietor of which each State is its own in
dependent judge.”
This has always been my political action
whenever I could bring it to bear upon this
sectional, disunion issue—abolitionism.
At our last State convention, after Mr.
Rantoul had gone over to the free-soil par
ty and opposed the fugitive law, and when
the attempt was made by him and others
to abolitionize the democratic party, I pro
posed, as chairman of the committee on
that subject, and the convention carried
through the resolutions, August 20, 1851:
“Resolved, That the democratic party is
pre-eminently national, anti-sectional, and
for the Union as a whole Union—that it
has always sustained and can only regain
its supremacy in the Union by adhering to
its own men and measures, reposing on its
fundamental principles of excluding all test
marked by sectional lines South or North,
East or West, and by leaving to the sound
sense of the people of each State and Terri
tory their domestic policy and institutions.”
“Resolved, That the democratic party of
this Commonwealth fully and unreservedly
adopts the resolutions of the National Dem
ocratic Convention at Baltimore in 1848,
as the only true democratic creed''
“Resolved, That the Baltimore platform
covers, and was intended to embrace, the
whole question of slavery agitation in Con
gress, and therefore we go for a faithful ex
ecution of, and acquiescence in, all the com
promise measures settled by tne last Con
gress.”
This was the position which the “hunker”
democrats, as Mr. Rantoul calls them, occu
pied when, as he represents, they were with
in one step as near free-soilism as he was
when he joined the free soil party, and in
his Lynn speech, April 3d, 1851, (when
free-soilers nominated him for Congress,)
declared as his creed, “the fugitive-slave
law is unjust, unconstitutional, in deroga
tion of the fundamental maxims of free
government, and ought to be speedily and
forever repealed.” And yet Mr. Cabell,
a southern whig pretends he can sec no dif
ference between Mr. Rantoal and Mr. Hall
ett.
At the convention in 184#, which
out abolitionism, (because our democrats
wore smarting under the defeat of General
Cass, by the South, as was then contended
having deserted him for General Taylor,)
and when the barnburners of New York
were overrunning us, the test was put
to abolitionize our party 4 by making anti
slavery one of its element*. This was suc
cessfully resisted, and the free-soilers were
put down in that convention, which Mr.
Rantoul misrepresents as favoring free soil-
ism ; and it was resolved that the question
of slavery o>* anti slavery should not be
made a national party test. This was the
conclusion of that very resolution of which
Mr. Rantoul quoted half, and left out the
negation of free soilism as a party test.
I dare say that I am troubling you with
a matter of little importance; and I would
never descend to notice this for myself a-
lone; but, from the position I have been
honored with as chairman of the National
Democratic Committee, I do not want my
friends to be misled, whatever my enemies
may choose to say behind my back.
If Mr. Cabell, though a southern whig
really desires to strengthen the north
ern sentiment for Union and the con
stitutional rights of the South, he will not
take satisfaction, on reflection, in having co
operated with Mr. Rantoul in his course
sneer at “eating southern dirt,” and in his
attempt to place the constitutional men of
the North in the false position where he
stands, or as anywhere near him, in his pre
tended doctrine of State rights.
This doctrine, artfully used by Mr. Ran
toul to abolitionize northern democrats, and
obfuscate the South with a notion of bis ul
tra State-rightsism, he- has perverted from
Mr. Calhoun, by assuming that the best
way to protect the State-rights of the South,
iu reclaiming their fugitives, is to tie up the
bauds of Congress in enforcing the compact
of the constitution! This new “State
rights” leaves it to abolition States to put
an end to all southern State-rights in the
restitution of theii fugitives, which the con
stitution guaranties to them. By the same
rule, we should leave it to the States to en
force the revenue and other laws of the Un
ion, or let them alone, at their optron. And
this brings us back to the old confederation.
Why, the South would never have made
the Union but for the guarantee for their
rights of property; and now they are to be
told that “State-rights” mean that this
guarantee is to be enforced or let alone, at
the whim of the free States, with such agi
tators as Rantoul, Hale, and Sumner to
stimulate them to resist all laws,, State or
national, to restore fugitives to their claim
ants. Surely the South cannot consent
even to seem to co-operate with northern ag
itators by adopting this abolition construc
tion of State-rights and the constitution.
And yet the only way to avoid such an
inference is to recognise the binding effica
cy of the compromise resolu tion of the next
Congress and thereby sustain the laws ne
cessary to a faithful enforcement of the fu
gitive law, and put an end to further slave
agitation in Congess. Let us get rid of
sectional strife North and South, by leaving
it where the constitution and the sovereign
policy of the States place it, and the demo
cratic party will be invincible and the Union
perpetual.
Very truly yours,
B. F. HALLETT.
To Hon. George W. Thompson, M. C.,
Virginia.
[from thb new-yore express.]
The Spiritual Telegraph.
Arrest of Col. Fremont in London.—In
the U. S. Senate Wednesday last, Senator
Gwin, of California, said :
“By the mail this morning I received a
letter from Colonel John C. Fremont, late
a member of this body, dated London, April
13,1852, in which he states that on the
evening of the 8th instant, as he was step
ping into a carriage with his family to visit
a friend, he was arrested by a party of four
Bow street officers, who were of a low or
der—rude and insolent; that they were ac
companied by a solicitor’s clerk of the same
character. No time was allowed him to
collect information or have intercourse with
his friends; he was simply informed that he
was arrested on the suit of unknown parties
for the sum of $50,000; that he subse
quently ascertained that he was arrested on
liabilities connected with his military opera
tions in California during the years 1846
and 1847; that he was confined under lock
and key for twenty-four hours, and subject
to thr most exorbitant oxtortiofls. He also
says that he will be compelled to maintain
an expensive law suit, employ solicitors and
able counsel, to go through all the anxiety,
delays, and individual expenses of the law,
or pay $50,00. He further says he has
reason to believe that this suit will be fol
lowed by many others for large amounts
beyond his ability to give security—thus
permanently endangering his personal lib
erty.
1 have reason to believe that this whole
proceeding was unusual, and as could not
have happened to an Englishman of char
acter, and that it is considered by Ameri
can citizens Resident in London, conversant
with the eireiimstances, hot otly an out
rage to Col. Fremont, but disrespectful to
our Government.
I am requested by Col. Fremont to bring
the subject to tb« notice of Congress, and
in doing so,gl make this appeal toth e Senate
to take up the bill (have indicated and act
upon it.”
. J ■ -
Springfield has become
_ a city, having
for acceptance of a charter by a ra-
WJMV1% , f _ eent popular vote. Sprinftsld city in the
the mott difficult trial w* ever had iek**p old CeramfiweaUkv
We see by a notice in the New-York Tri
bune that a weekly newspaper devoted to
Spiritual Rappism is about to make its ap
pearance in this City and Brooklyn. And
the Tribune entertains not the least doubt
that “it will be cordially received by those
who are interested in modern mystical
phnenomena.” We were not aware that
the oft exploded humbug of which the new
journal is to be the official oiacle, had gain
ed disciples enough to make an enterprise
of that character pecuniarily profitable, un
til we were recently informed, that certain
female professors, or mediums, are even now
rapidly amassing fortunes, in the upper part
of the city. One, in particular, whose name
figured somewhat conspicuously, in the
“Rapping” exhibitions, at the Howard Ho
tel, where the nuisance was first imported
into this city, some two years since, we are
told is making a handsome thing of it. She
has established an office, in an elegantly
furnished mansion on the line of the Siith
avenne; and the patronage she is daily and ,
nightiy receiving, we are assured by one
who knows, is not confined, exclusively, to
that class of people, commonly thought to
be the most superstitious and credulous, and
gullible,—because the most ignorant of our
population. It is success of this Lady Spir
it, in money making, we suspect, that has
prompted the prospectus for the Spiritual
Telegraph, to which we refer. We are not
informed whether the Editorials are to be
written by the rappers or the rappees—
whether a side is to be taken in the approach
ing Presidential contests, or -whether each
successive issue is to bring with it,
-——airs from heaven, or blasts from hell;’
but doubts will soon be dispelled, however,
for this new channel of communication be
tween the world of spirits and the world of
flesh and blood is announced to be open
and,—as the North River steamboat cap
tains would say,—“ready tor travel,” on
about the first of May. We quote from the
Prospectus as much as follows, in order to
enable our readers to judge for themselves
what the scope and tendency of the new pub
lication is designed to be:
SPIRITUAL TELEGRAPH.—Friends
of Spiritualism: To meet the demand of the
times, and to furnish an earthly channel
through which the important facte and com
munications emanating from the Spirit
World may be collected together and pre
sented for the mutual benefit of mankind,
it is proposed to establish in the city of New
York a paper, to bo issued weekly, commen
cing the first week in May, 1852, to be en
titled as above.
The Spiritual Telegraph will be devo
ted chiefly to an impartial presentation of
the evidence of intercourse between the nat
ural and spiritual worlds, and communica
tions of general interest from spirits, through
whatever medium and wherever they may
have been given, and however diverse the
sentiments may be in themselves, or from
those held by mortals; to the end that all
the facts in spiriturl phenomena, and all the
sentiments expressed by spirits, may be
brought together in one sheet, and made
accessible to every person, energizing
thought, progress and social intercourse, and
exert their influence in harmonizing and
elevating mankind.
Seriously. Was ever blasphemy so im
pious or brazenfaced before? Was ever im-
E ostureso importunate, rascality so rampant?
[ere it is plainly professed to open a chan
nel of communication in order to receive
“emanations from the Spirit World,” and
for every message so received, we find there
is to be charged so much money, according
to the number of words in the message, just
as they charge for an ordinary messages
over the wires of the Electric Telegraph, at
House’s or Bain’s office, in Wallstreet. To
call this obtaining money on false pretences
is but to utter a plain truth, involving a
moral delinquency of greater magnitude
than has hitherto been the basis of indict
ments that have sometimes sent men to
State’s prison. So sorry a delusion, so silly
a superstition, would disgrace the heathens,
and to a country and community like ours,
it is a sad reflection on common sense and
self-respect. No doubt it will die out soon
among us,—for like all other blasphemous
impostures oi the same sort, it will have its
“hour upon the stage” with fools enough
to look on at, and run after it,—but reason
and shame, in the end, must overtake it and
bury it in everlasting oblivion. The com
bined influence of these will suffice for Us
extinction. We keep chrbtianty and civil-
zatiou out of the question, for both are es
sentially hostile to the blasphemous suppo
sitions upon which this new philosophy un
dertakes to predicate its faith.
Aiitausas Eloquence.
We’ll put the following sample of an Ar
kansas lawyer’s eloquence against any thing
they can bring from the West. As to the
justness of his reasoning, we say* nothing,
but as to its conclsiveness, we defy any one
to find a match. His clianfc was brought
up for stealing a mule. After the witness-
ess had all been sworn and the lawyer on
the other side had give in his opinion, our
or Aim gave the jury the following blast;
“Gentlemen of the jury, the whole of
you there where you set-you have all heard
what those witnesses have said, and of
course you agree with me, that vaj client
didn’t steal that mule. Do you ’spose, for
one second, that he would steal a mule?—
a low-lived muiel Devlish clear of it. What
does he want of a mule, when be has got a
bang-up pony like that one tied to yon tree.
(Pointing to a fine-looking mustang oppo
site the log court house.)' What, I say, in
the name of General Jackson, does he want
of a mule? Nothing—exactly nothing. No,
gentlemen of the jury, he didn’t steal the
mule—he wouldn't be caught stealing one.
He never wanted a mule—nor he never
would have a mule about him. He has his
antipathies as well as any body, and you
couldn’t hire him to take a mule..
“Jurymen! That lawyer on the other side
has been trying to spread wool over your
eyes and to stuff you up with the faofcioa
that my client walked off with the aforesaid
animal without asking leave; but you ain’t
such a pack of fools as to believe him. Lis
ten to me, if you want to hear truth and
reason—and while you are about it, wake
up the fellow who’s osleeep; I want him to
hear too.
‘“That other lawyer says, too, that my
client should be sent to prison. I’d like to
see you send him once. But it’s getting to
ward dinner time, and I want a horn bad;
so I’ll give you a closer and finish. Now,
you have no idea of sending my client to
prison—I can see that fact sticking out. Sup-
his.”
pose either of you was in his place—sup
pose for instance, I was, and you should un
dertake to jog me—put me in a log jail with
out fire, where the wind was blowing in on
one side and out oh the other, and the only
thing to brag of about the place was the
perfectly free circulation of air—r’o you sup
pose, I say, that I would go? I’d see you
shot first, and then I wouldn’t.”
“We don’t know what verdict the jury
returned, as when our informant left they
had all gone to the grocery to ‘‘liquor.”
A Joke Craftily Qualified.—The, danger
of abolishing the property qualification for
the members of parliament is thu—that if
some of our legislators were without their
property qualification, they would have no
other qualification whatever.
Railway Official—“You r d bettor not
smoke, sir!”
Traveller—“That’s what my friends say.”
Railway Official—“But yeu misn’t smoke
sir!”
Traveller—“So my doctor tells me.”
Railway Official (indignantly)—But you
skam*t smoke sir!”
Traveller—“Ah! just whit mj wife
aaye.” "
jy What is the singular of mas.
‘They is singular vea they pay up the
printer withotit being asked to do it a do-;
zentine*.’
Slaughter at Buenos Ayres.—A. letter
dated Buenos Ayes, Feb. 18, describing the .
defeat of Rosas by Urquiza, says;
Urquiza is scarcely less of the tyrant and
tiger than Rosas. He shoots without mercy.
Eighty men and women were shot at once at
the Quinta on Thursday last, and yesterday
he issued a proclamation which will compro
mise five or,six thousand,frequiring all mag
istrates to arrest them wherever found, and
every man will be shot His first proclama
tion was that all who were found stealing
or plundering should be shot in fifteen min
utes after sentence. It, was only necessary to
accuse—proof was scarcely waoted or asked
for. It was estimated that 400 were shot in
three or four days—the last was the fasil-
ade of 80-
There has been a discovery mads at the
Quinta, which has produced some exeijt-
ment even here, viz: some barrelsof pickled,
human heads. I believe they were carefully
put each in a cask, fifteen or twenty, by
themselves. Two explanations are given of
it—one is, that Rosas intended them to
a triumphal entry into the city, and the
other, that they were to be sent into the
interior as scarecrows at the cross roads,
aa is the custom in Spain to this day
Hogs were introduced into St. Do
mingo by Columbus, in 1493. Some of Piza-
ro's followers, while wandering a year ift
search of El Dorado, no longer fabulous, took
along with them male and female pigs to
stock their future colony, and this is the way
they were introduced on the high table lands
of Bogota. In half a century, so rapidly did
they multiply, that they spread from the
twenty-fifth degree of north latitude to the
fortieth degree south; and in less than thirty
years, herds of swine so infested Cuba, Porto
Rico, and Jamaica, that they had to be
hunted down to save the sugar cane.
Qor. Young-, of Utah Territory, in
his mesage states that he is endeavoring te
put a stop to the purchasing of Indian chil
dren for slaves by the Mexican traders s sys
tem introduced from New Mexico.
A correspondent of the National Intelv-
gencer says, that notwithstanding Brigham
Young’s pretended hostility to Indian sla
very in his message, he has not ODly tolera
ted the purchase of Indian children by the
mormons but that he is the owner of many
such slavba. The same writer gives a moat
hoarible account of mormon a&mre.
Lawrenceville t Ga., April 21st.—“Tha
Lawrenceville Steam Tannery” was discov
ered to be on fire at 3 o'clock this morning
—all efforts to extinguish the flames proved
unavailing, and it is now a heap of ruins.
The probable loss is 5 or 6,600 dollar*—
none of which is covered by insurance* ft
b not known how the fire originated.—Au
gusta ConstitukenwHst.
The Coat without the Trimmings.—A
countryman applied to a solicitor for legal
advice.—After detailing the drcuinstencR*
of 4 the case, he was asked if he had stated the
fact as it occurred. “Oh, ay, sir” i
he, “I thought it better to tell you 1
ruth; y#u «*h put the' lies te it yet
