Newspaper Page Text
BY S. B. CRAETGN.
SANDERSVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JULY 13, 1852.
VOL. VMO. 25.
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mendous consequences were suspended up
on the result! Having retired for consul
tation, the Virginia delegation, wise in
council and patriotic in impulse, returned
and through the venerable, and dignified
and polished Barbour, they cast the fifteen
votes of the “Old Dominion” for Franklin
Pierce, of New Hampshire. The announce
ment fell upon the ear of the Convention
with suggestive and soothing effect. It
awakened memories of the past and calmn-
ed the agitations of the then passing mo
ment. it revived the recollection of the oc
currences of the Convention of 1844 ; and
with magic rapidity, called up the history
ot General Pierce. He was the son of a
POETRY.
Every body has read, or heard sung, that
popular ditty “Ben Bolt,” but few have heard
his replj, so we will pull the string step out,
and give it. Listen !
BEN BOLT’S REPLY.
Ah! ves I remember that name with delight,
Sweet Alice, So cherished and dear;
I geek her grave in the pale hou<- of night,
And moisten the turf with a tear,
And there, when the heart is o’erburdened
with woes,
I wander and muse all alone,
And long for the time when my head shall re
pose,
Where “sweet Alice lies under the stone.”
I roam through the wood where so joyous we
stray’d,
And recline on the green sunny hill;
All things are as bright in that beautiful glade,
But my heart is all lonely and chill.
The hand that so londly pressed that in mine,
And the lips that were molting with love—
Are cold in the grave, and I’m left to repine,
’Till I meet with sweet Alice above.
Ah! well I remember the school house and
brook,
“And the master so kind and so true.”
The wild blooming flowers in cool shady nook,
So fragrant with incense and dew.
But I weep not for these, though so dear to
my heart,
Nor the friends that have left us alone—
The bosom will heave and the tear drop will
start,
For “sweet Alice lies under the stone.”
POLITICAL.
Speech ol Judge JTohnsou, at the
Macou Democratic Ratifica
tion Meeting, June 24th.
Fellow Citizens ;—The occasion that
brings us together is one of thrilling inter
est to every true hearted Democrat. We
come to testify our approval of the nomi
nations for the President and Vice Presi
dent of the United States, made by the late
Democratic National Convention at Balti-
moie. We come to exchange congratula
tions with each other, and to send joyful
greetings to our political brethren in every
section of this broad republic. Let us in
dulge, for a few moments, in the reflections
which the occasion suggests.
Prior to the meeting of the Convention
there were fearful divisions in the great
Democratic party of the United States.
We differed widely in our choice for the
Presidency. We had our Cass, and Buch
anan, and Butler, and Douglass, aud Marcy
and Dickinson, and Houston, and Stock-
ton, each the bright centre of a wide circle
of warm and devoted friends and suppor
ts—each worthy the highest honors with
in the gift of the Democratic party. The
Convention assembled; the friends of the
respective aspirants urged the claims of
their favorite, with earnestness and perse
verance during two days the ballotiiigs con
tinued, holding the body and the country
in painful suspense as to the final issue, un
til it became evident, that neither of the
distinguished personsfvoted for, could pos
sibly obtain the requisite majority. It was
a moment of peril to the party; the hopes
of the most sanguine trembled, aud clouds
and darkness seemed to curtain the politi
cal firmanent. For twenty-nine successive
ballotings, the Southern Atlantic and Gulf
States stood, in almost unbroken column,
in favour of James Buchanan, of Pennsyl
vania; while the North and. East and West
were divided between the other aspirants.
It was known, that their divisions were
permanent and deep seated, so that they
could not concentrate upon any one candi
date. Hei.ce, the necessity devolved upon
the South, finally to abandon her favourite
and bring forward another name for the
consideration of the Convention. The duty
was both painful and delicate —painful, to
surrender the noble son of Pennsylvania—
delegate to make a selection among so many
"■eifiere'wbtny of her highest confidence.
But the crisis was upon us, and what tre
revolutionary sire, a native of New Hamp
shire, which has never bowed the knee to
federalism—the firm friend and supporter
ot General Jackson through the trying
scenes of his eventful administration—the
man who had been invited into the distin
guished cabinet of the lamented Polk—
who had voluntarily withdrawn from public
life, never to be seduced from the sweets
of retirement, unless his country should be
involved in war—who had publicly declined
a nomination for the Presidency—these,
and such reflections as these, flashed across
the mind of the Convention, and singled
him out as the man for the occasion. North
Carolina and Georgia led the Southern pha
lanx at the call of Virginia; and as if impell
ed by the power of inspiration, the dele
gates from the North and West and East
united in the triumphal shout. Never shall
1 forget the impressive scene. It defies de
scription. Its enthusiasm, its joy, its sub
lime exultation transcend the power of lan
guage to portray. They were the out-
b rths of deep, unutterable, patriotic emo
tion. Woman obeyed its impulses by
strewing flowers and bouquets; youth
yielded to convulsive transports, and hoary
age wept tears of patriotic delight.
This termination of the labours of the
Convention is suggestive of valuable in
struction. It is supposed, that much in
trigue had been resorted to by politicians
prior to the Convention to secure the nomina
tion of their respective favourites. I know
nothing of the truth or falsehood of this
charge; but if true, how withering a rebuke
does the nomination of General Pierce ad
minister to intrigue andjpragrnatisrn ! How
impotent the machinations of cliques and
tricksters to control or muzzle the popular
will.
The action of the Convention demon
strates another truth, full of hope for the
future welfare of our country. It is this. It
shows that, amidst our bitterest conflicts—
our most rancourous schisms—the warmest
strife for supremacy between Presidential
aspirants, there exists an occult, but po-
rent under current of conservatism, in the
popular mind, always ready to be develop
ed, in times of emergency and danger.
This feeling lies at the foundation of that
veneration for our institutions which charac
terises the American people; and so lor.g
as it remains pure and uucontaminated, the
Republic is safe. It is the vestal flames
bums upon its altars, and inspires tne pa
triot’s heart when temptests waste their
fury against its impregnable battlements.
The two-third rule may now be regarded
as the deliberately settled law for the reg
ulation of the nominations of the Democrat
ic party. It was almost unanimously ad
hered to: and it cannot be considered op
pressive, because it has been voluntarily a-
dopted. In this connexion, consider the
power of the South, when united. In the
Convention, we were in the minority, as a-
gainstthe North or West, but we wielded
more than a third as against all other sec
tions, even if they had been united. For
thirty-nine ballotings we interposed Bucha
nan successfully against others less accep
table to our people. It was fmpossible to
have made a nomination which was objec
tionable to the South. She had not in
deed, and did not desire to have, the power
to force a candidate of her own section up
on the party ; but she did have, and she
wisely exercised, the power of self-protec
tion. Hence, General Pierce, although
Northern man, is in truth, the candidate of
the South. Virginia and North Carolina
and Georgia were mainly instrumental in
procuring his nomination. Well then, may
we as Southern men and Georgia Demo
crats, rally with confidence and enthusiasm
to his support.
There is another most auspicious feature
connected with the nomination of General
Pierce. It is one that augurs an old fash
ioned republican triumph at the ballot box
in November next. If united, when did
the Democracy of the United States ever
experience defeat ? That union has been
most felicitously effected. General Pierce
has been for years in private life—uncon
nected with the exciting politics of the
country. He was no aspirant—he was the
competitor of no one—his claims- were not
urged by his friends, to the detriment of the
prospects of any other candidate. Hence,
he. incurred neither jealously, nor opposi
tion from any quarter; and his nomination
cannot be regarded as a triumph over any
body. All are therefore contented—-he is
acceptable to the entire Democratic party
of the Union.
Nor should we, in this connexion, fail to
render merited tribute to the disinterested
patriotism of the distinguished statesmen
who were prominent candidates for nomi
nation. Their conduct is almost without
a parallel—certainly unrivalled by the
brightest examples of Roman or Grecian
virtue. Cass, aud Buchanan, Douglass,
Houston, Marcy, Lane, and Butler, all, all,
with one accord forgetting the momemtary
sring of their own defeat, unite to swell the
triumphant rejoicings that reverberate like
choral anthems from the Granite Hills of
New Hampshire, to the distant shores of the
Pacific.
Are the Democratic nominees personally
and intellectually worthy the confidence
and support of the Democracy ? The fact
that they have been nominated by the Bal
timore Convention, is an endorsement
which will secure them a ready passport
to the suffrages of the country. But they
stand not, even upon such a foundation
their characters and talents will abide the
most rigid scrutiny. General Pierce is a
native of New Hampshire, the son of revo
lutionary ancestry, a distinguished lawyer,
and a polished gentleman. No man is so
popular in his native State, and her high
est honors have been offered to him and
modestly declined. In 1833 he was le-
turned to Congress, where he remained un
til 1837. He was then elected to the Sen
ate of the United States, and continued to
occupy that distinguished position until
1842, when he voluntarily resigned and re
tired to private life. Since then, he has
been removed from the strifes of the politi
cal arena and industriously engaged in the
pursuit of his profession, with the exception
of his brief, but brilliant service in the Mex-
can war. In all the stations which he has
occupied, public and private, he has main
tained a character without a stain and ex
hibited capacity equal to any duty.
But nnostentatious and retiring as he has
been, and blameless as has been his walk,
no sooner was his nomination announced
than the vile serpent of slander sought to
breathe its venom upon his spotless escut
cheon. Already has it been asserted that
he is a sot—a street drunkard. The charge
is so improbable, that it scarcely deserves
refutation. Is it probable, that such a man
would be the favourite of the Democracy of
New Hampshire for the Executive Chair—
for the Presidency of the United Slates ?
He served in Congress with James K. Polk
for the series of years—laboured and voted
with him through some of the most exci
ting and critical scenes of our country’s his
tory; if he had been a drunkard, would that
pure and elevated statesman, upon his elec
tion to the Presidency, have solicited him
as Attorney General of the United States
to take a seat in his Cabinet, as the associ
ate of Marcy, and Walker, and Buchanan,
and Mason, and Johnson ? Would he af
terwards, when our country was engaged in
a foreign war, have given him, unsolicited,
a Brigadier General’s commission ? The
supposition is absurd and ridiculous. But
1 refer to this point, because I have the
power to give to the slander the most e-
quivocal and positive denial. While in
Washington a few days ago, in a conver
sation with Mr. Hibbard, a member of Con
gress from New Hampshire, and an inti
mate acquaintance and friend of General
Pierce, 1 enquired particularly touching this
accusation. He promptly branded it with
falsehood, and portrayed the character of
General Pierce in most glowing language,
as distinguished for its unswerving integrity
and unsullied moral purity.
Of the merits of YVilliam R. King it is
unnecessary to speak. His name is inter
woven with the history of the country for
the last thirty years. In the Representa
tive Hall, in the Senate Chamber and as
late Minister to France, his character and
talents have been subjected to the most sat-
factory tests. He is sound in all that con
stitutes the polished gentleman, the able
statesman, and the unyielding Democrat.
Such are the personal, moral and intel
lectual qualifications of the gentleman,
whose nomination for the highest honors
which a free people can confer, we have as
sembled to ratify. We do it with cordi
ality and delight. Let our rejoicings min
gle with the manifestations of Democratic
approbation which pervade our extended
republic. .
But let us teat General Pierce by the
principles of the Democratic party. They
are known and read of all men. They glit
ter in letters of light upon every banner;
and wherever the stars and stripes float
over land and sea, they cheer the hearts of
the free and inspire the down trodden vic
tims of tyranny and oppression with hope.
They were proclaimed in the Virginia and
Kentucky resolutions of l798-’99, expoun
ded and enforced by Jefferson and Madi
son, maintained by Jackson and Polk, and
re-affirmed and adopted by the late Dem
ocratic Convention at Baltimore. The car
dinal tenet of our creed is, that the Con
stitution clearly defines the powers of the
General Government and is to be constru
ed strictly. Hence, we deny the right of
the General Government tocariy on a sys
tem of Internal Improvements, to estab
lish a Protective Tariff, to charter a Na
tional Bank, and to interfere with with or
attempt to control the domestic institutions
of the respective States. How stands Gen
eral Pierce upon these important questions?
Let his public acts in Congress answer.
Regarding it as unconstitutional, he nev-
e r favored appropriations for roads rivers
and harbors. Whilst he sanctioned judi
cious expenditures, for such works as were
of a national character, he always voted a-
gainst those that were local or sectional.
The uniformity of his course on questions
of this sort, (and indeed upon all others,)
shows, that he was governed by fixed and
well defined principles of Constitutional in
terpretation^ I cannot of course enter into
detailed referenee to particular votes. One
or two must suffice as specimens. In June
1838, whilst he was a member of the House
of Representatives, a bill was introduced
making a large appropriation for tire con
tinuation of the Cumberland road. On the
final vote, his name stands recorded among
the nays,.
Again, in 1838, whilst he was -in the
Senate of the United States, he gave a sim
ilar vote against a bill for precisely the
same pupose.
The Tariff question was but little agita
ted, during the period of his service, in eath-
er branch of Congress. The Compromise
Law of the 2d March, 1833, was in opera
tion, when he entered Congress, and he re
signed his seat in the Senate, before it was
disturbed by the odious act of 1842. But
various questions arose during his Congres
sional career, in which he showed by his
votes, that he favored a Tariff for Revenue
only; although he exhibited no hostility to
such encouragement to domestic industry,
as might result incidentally from a well ad
justed system of imposts. The Democrat
ic Tariff of 1846 will be safe in his hands.
He may sanction modifications to suit the
altered condition of the industrial pursuits
of the country, but the great ad valorem
principle on which it is founded he will not
disturb. He will not permit the agricultu
ral classes to be fleeced for the support of
manufacturing monopolies, and then, the
robbery to be concealed under the cover of
specific duties and minimum valuations.
Thearf valorem principle is sanctioned alike
by justice and common sense. It has been
triumphantly vindicated by the salutary op
eration of the Tariff of 1846. It may now
be regarded as the settled and fixed policy
of our government.
His hostility to a National Bank and the
soundness of his financial views are clearly
exemplified, by the fidelity, with which he
stood by General Jackson, in his herculean
conflict with that corrupt institution. He
sustained him in the removal of the public
deposites from its vaults; voted for the bill
to place them in the custody of the local
banks; and in every aspect in which those
exciting questions presented themselves,
with unflinching firmness, he was found in
the ranks of Jackson’s supporters. This
should endear him to the Democracy of the
country. If the Bank had triumphed in
this momentous struggle for power, the
government itself would now have been* un
der the control of corrupt mercenary influ
ences and popular freedom totally under
mined.
But the prostration of the Bank was only
the first step towards the establishment of
a wise financial policy. The public depos
ites, were not designed to remain perma
nently in the local banks. The pet bank
system, as it was termed, was a temporary
arrangement, for the safe-keeping and dis
bursement of the public monies, until a wi
ser could be divised and adopted. In 1837,
Mr. Van Buren was inaugurated, and in
pursuance of the policy commenced by Gen
eral Jackson, the Independent Treasury was
finally established in 1840. This effected
a total divorce between the government and
the banks; and for this, General Pierce, then
the Senate of the United States, voted.
It has continued in operation ever since, and
time and experience have demonstrated its
wisdom to the satisfaction of all parties.
Very few, if any, would disturb it.
It is truly refreshing to review the course
of Gen. Pierce, on questions touching the
subject of Slavery. In the session of Con
gress of 1835, &c., the abolition feeling of
the North seemed to take a fresh start and
nerve itself to its work of discord and mis
chief. Congress was flooded with petitions,
and the most intense excitement and ap
prehension pervaded the whole extent of the
country. But with Gen. Pierce there was
no faltering; he calmly faced the storm and
he stood firmly by the Constitutional rights
of the South. It cannot be uninteresting to
refer briefly to a few of his votes, on some
of the most important aspects in which the
subject was presented. On the 18th Janu
ary, 1835, Jackson, of Massachusetts, pre
sented a petition to abolish Slavery in the
District of Columbia. Gen. Pierce voted to
lay it on the table and during the debate
thereon, he said, “he would prefer to meet
the question in some form, which could by
no possibility be considered either equivo
cal or evasive.”
During the same Session, Mr. George W.
Owens, one of our own Representatives, of
fered the following resolutions:
“Resolved,^That in the opinion of this
House, the question of the Abolition of Sla
very in the District of Columbia, ought not
to be entertained by Congress.
“Resolved,' That in case any petition
praying the abolition of Slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia, be hereafter presented, it
is the deliberate opinion of this bouse, the
same ought to be laid on the table without
reading.”
General Pierce was in favor of these res
olutions as the Journal shows. During the
session of 1835-6, Mr. Pinckney of South
Carolina, moved to refer all petitions and
papers touching slavery to a select commit
tee, with instructions to report against the
power and expediency of legislation by Con
gress on the subject. Gen. Pierce’s name
is recorded on the Journal, on the South
ern side of the question in every phase in
which it was presented. The motion thus
to refer was finally. adopted and through
Mr. Pinckney their Chairman, the select
committee reported:
“1. That Congress had no constitutional
authority to interfere, in any way, with the
institution of Slavery, in any of the States
of this confederacy.
“2. That, Congress out not to interfere
in any way with Slavery in the District of
Columbia.
“3. That all petitions, memorials, resolu
tions, propositions or papers relating in way,
or to any extent whatever to the subject of
slavery, or the abolition of slavery, without
being either printed or referred, ~be laid uj.
on the table, and that no further action
whatever shall be had thereon.”
General Pierce’s name is recorded in the
affirmative upon these resolutions.
Later, in 1838, after he had been irans
ferred to the Senate, he voted for the cele
brated resolutions offered by Mr. Calhoun,
in which he expressed so clearly and with
suchjmasterly force, the respective powers
of the Federal and State Governments, un
der the Constitution of the United States.
As they are decisive of the opinions of Gen
eral Pierce, it is important that they should
be seen and read by the people throughout
the country. As they passed the Senate,
they are as follows:
1. Resolved, That in the adoption of
the Federal Constitution, the States, adop
ting the same, acted severally, as free, inde
pendent and Sovereign States; and that each
for itself, by its own voluntary assent, enter
ed the Union with the view to its increased
security against all dangers, domestic as well
as foreign, and the more perfect and secure
enjoyment of its advantages, natural, polit
ical and social.
2. Resolved, That in delegating s por
tion of their powers, to be exercised by the
Federal Government, the States retained
severally, the exclusive and sole right over
their own domestic institutions and police
to the full extent to which those powers were
not thus delegated, and are alone responsi
ble for them; and that any intermeddling
of any one or more States, or a combination
of her citizens, with the domestic institutions
and police of the others, on any ground,
political, moial or religjpus, or under any
pretext whatever, with the’view to their al
teration or subversion, iAjjdfcwarranted by
the Constitution, tending to endanger the
domestic peace and tranquility of tbeStates
interfered with, subversive of the objects for
which the Constitution was formed, and, by
necessary consequence, tending to weaken
and destroy the Union itself.
3. Resolved, That this Government was
instituted by the several States of this Union j
as a common agent, in order to carry into
effect the powers which they had delegated
by the Constitution, for their mutual secu
rity and prosperity; and that, in fulfilment
of this high and sacred trust, this Govern
ment is bound so to exercise its powers, as
not to interfere with the stability and secu
rity of the domestic institutions of the States
that compose the Union; and that it is the
solemn duty of the Government to resist,
to the extent of its Constitutional power; all
attempts by one portion of the Union to use
it as an instrument to attack the domestic
institutions of another, or to weaken or des
troy such institutions.
4. Resolved, That domestic Slavery as
it exists in the Southern and Western States
of this Union, composes an important part
of their domestic institutions, inherited from
their ancestors ana existing at the adoption
of the Constitution, by which it is recogniz
ed as constituting an important element in
the apportionment of powers among the
States, and that no change of opinion or
feeling on the part of the other States of the
Union, in relation to it, can justify them
or their citizens, in any open and systemat
ic attacks thereon, with the view to its over
throw, and that all such attacks are in man
ifest violation of the mutual and solemn
pledge to protect and defend each other,
given, by the States respectively, on enter
ing into the Constitutional compact which
formed the Union, and as such are a mani
fest breach of faith and a violation of the
most solemn obligations.
5. Resolved, That the interference by the
citizens of any of the States, is endanger
ing the rights and security of the people of
this district; and that any act or measure of
Congress designed to abolish Slavery in this
District, would be a violation of the ftiitb
implied in the cessions by the States of Vir
giniaand Mary land, a just cause of alarm to
the people of the slaveholding States,
and have a direct and inevitable tendency
to distract and endanger the Union.
6. Resolved, That any attempt of Con
gress to abolish slavery in any Territory of
the United States in which it exists, would
create serious alarm, and just apprehension,
in the States sustaining that domestic in
stitution, would be a vioalation of good faith
towards the inhabitants of any such territo
ry who have been permitted to settle with,
and hold slaves therein, because the people
of any such territory have not asked for the
abolition of slavery therein, and because
when such territory shall be admitted into
the Union as a State, the people thereof
will be entitled to decide that question ex
clusively for themselves.”
General Pierce not only voted for these
resolutions but he advocated them in an
able speech, .upon the floor of the Senate.
He firmly and boldly met the arguments
by whiclnhey were opposed. It was urged
against them, that they contained the doc
trine of Nullification; he replied that he
could not detect it, after the mosteareml ex
amination, and that “be must be excused if
he did not take the alarm.” It was urged,
that they invaded the liberty of speech and
the press; he replied that they did not eon-
tain a syllable like it—that he would not be
driven from his position by false issues. It
was urged, that they were mere abstractions;
he replied, “Sir, itis immaterial what name
you apply to them; sufficient is it, that they
meet the case, that they encounter the abo
litionist upon sound and tenable ground,
and furnish a conclusive answer to his impor
tunities.”
Such is a brief glance at the political ca
reer of General Pierce, We see him in both
branches of Congress from 1833 to 1842,
which covers one of the most critical afid
eventful periods of our history. In the House,
he stood shoulder to shoulder with Polk in
defence of Jackson’s financial policy, and did
battle for the South against the encroach
ments of abolition. Lithe Senate, he stood
side by side with Mr. Calhoun, in the pas
sage of the Sub-treasury and in support of
his memorable resolutions quoted above. In
his whole course, there is a consistency, a
firmness and dignity of purpose, that shews
his conduct to be regulated by fixed and
clearly defined principle. The Constitution
strictly construed, was his polar star: with
his eye steadily fixed on that, his bark, how
ever furious the tempest, never was driven
from the true republican track.
There is a nationality in the political prin
ciples of General Pierce which entitles him
to the confidence of the Democracy, in every
part of the Union. Devoted to the Consti
tution, he knows no North, nor South, nor
East, nor West, but he looks with impartial
eye to the interests of every section. In
his constrnctiori of the Constitution, he is as
sound as Jackson, or Polk, or Calhoun,; and
an unwavering friend of the Union, he
watches with jealousy the rights of the
States, as the best means of maintaining
its integrity and perpetuity.
If these thing be true—if I have fairly
and truthfully exhibited the career of Gen
eral Pierce, is there one within the 60und of
my voice, whether Whig of Democrat, who
does not feel in his heart,' that he is the
man for the occasion—emphatically the man.
for the South? That they are true, I ap
peal to the Journals of Congress. It has
been my purpose to present facta without
comment, feeling that the public acts of our
candidate are his best vindication—plead
most eloquently his claims upon the confi
dence of the country.
Fellow Citizens, how favorable an oppor
tunity does the ^resent aspect of political
affairs afford; to restore the government
back to its pristine purity, by confiding its
administration to a sound republican like
General Pierce? With his views of strict
construction, abuses will be corrected, econ
omy will take the place of extravagance,
mutual confidence and fraternal harmony
between the various sections will succeed to
the strife and angry contests which have
threatened the Union itself. Rigid adhe
rence to the Constitution is peculiarly im
portant to the Southern section of the confed
eracy. We are in the minority; to abandon
or forget the rule of strict construction, is to
abandon and forget us. Throw the reins
of government loosely upon the neck of
latitudinarianism, and however other sections
may flourish for a while, ours is doomed to
utter ruin.
How beautiful the opportunity, for the
people of Georgia, of both parties, to stand
as a unit, in the maintainance of sound prin
ciples? How beautiful the opportunity, for
high minded and patriotic Whigs, without
mortified pride, without the abandonment
of principle aud in perfect parallelism with
the best interests of their section, to unite
cordially in the support of the Democratic
nominees. It is true we have differed wide
ly as to men and measures. But I would
pot revive the asperities of the past. Let
them all be buried in the grave of obli vion,
never to meet a resurrection morning. But
in all sincerity, I would appeal to my Whig
fellow citizens, to reflect upon what they
are now called upon to do. They are ask
ed, at the bidding of party, virtually to ral
ly under the banner of Win. H. Seward of
New-York. You will never do it? It is
forbidden by every consideration which ean
move the heart of patriots. By the allegi
ance we owe to the Constitution, by our love
for the union of the confederacy, by the ties
that bind us to the generations to come, oht
let not such a leproach as this, rest upon
the proud escutcheon of our beloved Geor
gia-
Muggins once read Shakspeare,. and
thinking it was “not much of a book,” de
termined to let the world see a touch of hie
quality, in the way of authorship.
“So you wrote a model, eh 1” said we ;
“strange that we have not seen it. Did you
publish it l”
“Why, yes—that is—I wrote it, and
took it to an editor, and the block-head only
made light of it l” replied Muggins.
“Made light—how ?”
“He looked over it, carelessly, and de
liberately lighted his cigar with it l”
JfSP “Sonny, where is your father ?”
“Father is dead, sir.”
“Have you any mother ?”
“Yes, I had one, but she’s got married
to-Joe Dunklin, and doesn’t be my mother
any longer •, cause she’s got ’nough to do
to ’tend to his voung ’ans.”
“Smart boy; here’s a dime for you.”
“That’s ye, sir; that’s the way I gits my
livin’.”
“How ?’ f
“Why, by teUia’ big yarns to greeny like
you at a dime a pop i”
A person once sent a note to a waggish
friend for the loan of his noose paper, and
received in return his friend’s mar riage cer-t
i
, ^papers, says
which will enable
buainess.
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