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TIIE CENTRAL GEORGIAN.
8ATOERSYILLE, GEORGIA-
TUESDAY AUGUST'IO, 1852.
St. Mary’s Money
In bills under $5 will be received in pay
ment of demands due this office.
Our correspondents and friends have
drawn so largely upon our columns this
week, that we have not room for much else.
We give way, however, cheerfully, and com
mend the articles to the attention of the
reader, feeling fully assured that they will
be read with much more interest than any
thing that we could offer. We intended a
notice of the Agricultural and farming ex
hibits which some of our planting friends
of the county have recently been giving,
but defer it to next week.
T»e Meeting in Jefferson.—We com
mend the attention of the reader to the le-
port of the committee in the Jefferson Third
party meeting. It is an able and well
written paper.
We are requested to say that Elder
W. M. Vekdery, will preach at Sister’s
Church, on the Fifth Sabbath in thismonth*
Fire —A destructive fire occured in Sa
vannah on Tuesday afternoon last, which
destroyed some $75,000 worth of property.
The fire was in the western part of the city,
known as South Oglethorpe ward in the
rear of west Broadstreet. The fire origina
ted in a house occupied by Thomas Blouut
in Zubly Street. The most of the sufferers
are persons of small means.
Death of American Consul at Barba
does—William R. Hays, Esq., American
Consul at Barbadoes, died thereon 13th ult.
of ereysipelas. He was a native of Ver
mont and a partner of Hays & Trowbridge,
of New Haven.
Cotton Worms.—The Alabama Stan
dard (Clark county,) says that the Cotton
Worm has made its appearance in vast
numbers in that county. One planter has
had his crops almost entirely lost.
SST The Hon. Wm, H. Seward of the
U. S. Senate, will accept our thanks for a
copy of a bill proposing to establish an
Executive Department to be called the De
partment of Agriculture, by Worthington
Gi Snethen, Esq.
The School Fellow.—We have receiv
ed from Messrs. Walker & Richards, the
August No. of this interesting publication.
Published monthly at$l per year in ad
vance. Address the publishers at Charles
ton, S. C.
The Nova Scotia Difficulty.—-The
President of the United States has received
a dispatch from Mr. Webster stating that
the English Minister Mr Crampton has un
dertaken to procure a revocation of the or
ders issued by the British Goverument re
specting the Fisheries, and the withdrawal
of the British naval forces.
Elections.—The elections of Missouri,
are reported favorably for the Democracy.
Price, the Democratic candidate for Govern -
or, it is thought has been elected by a di
minished majority.
Hon. Thos. H. Benton has been elected
to Congress from the St. Louis District.
Iowa.—Both the Democratic Congress
men are elected.
Arkansas.—Conway, the regular no
minee of the Democratic party, has been
elected Governor of that State.
North Carolina.—In New Hanover
Now, uncle Ben, if you are right honest
and clever, you will publish this explanation
in the Banner, that the people may be able
to judge of the matter between us—who is
most “mean” or who is most “green.”
Respectfully,
GEORGE STAPLETON.
Mr. Crafton :
Dear Sir:—As Mr. B. Brantley has
thought proper to make use of my name in
an unwarrantable manner, and has refused
to give me a showing in his paper, I must
and Cuniberlanii cou'nties^ Kerr, the Whig ask thafavor of to P“ Mist . the
New Cotton.—The second Bale of new
cotton was received in New Orleans on the
6th inst. Crops are said to be favorable
through that section. Capt. J. B. Reid, of
Victoria county, Texas, commenced picking
cotton on the 20th of July. The cotton
crops throughout Texas continues as prom
ising as could be. Unless the worm should
make its appearance shortly, the product
will greatly exceed that of any past season.
Sav. Evening Journal.—T. W. Lane
has assumed the Editorial management of
this Journal. His cotemporaries of Sa
vannah speaks very flatteringly of him.
We tender him our best wishes for his sue
cess and prosperity. The daily is publish
ed at $4 and the try-weekly at §2 per year
in advance.
candidate for Governor, gains 200 votes.
Frost.—There was a decided frost in
Ashfield, Mass., on the 2d inst. Cool spot,
that.
Webster Meeting.
Washington Co. Aug. 3, 1852.
In pursuance of a previous call upon the
citizens of Washington county favorable to
the nomination of the greatest intellect of
the age—the Hon. Daniel Webster, for
the Presidency, and the Hon. Charles J.
Jenkins, for the Vice Presidency—quite a
respectable number assembled at the Court
house in Saudersville.
On motion of E. S. Langmade, Esq., Col.
Silas Floyd, was called to the Chair, and
Dr. J. R. Price, requested to act as Secre
tary.
Upon being requested by the Chair, E.
S. Langmade, Esq., explai ned the object of
the meeting, and vindicated the claims of
the Hon. Daniel Webster upon the people
of this Union, and more especially upon
the South, in a concise, explicit and conclu
sive manner.
Dr.,J. R. Smith, being called upon ad
dressed the convention.
E. S. Langmade, Esq. moved that a com
mittee of five be appointed to report the
names of six suitable persons to represent,
as delegates, the friends of this meeting in
the convention to be held in Macon on the
17th inst.
Whereupon the Chair appointed as that
committee Dr. E. C. Williamson, Daniel
Harris, Dr. J. B. Turner, W. C. Riddle
and Dr. R. Y. Rodgers, who, after a short
absence, reported as delegates, the names of
E. S. Langmade, J. J. Long, Daniel Harris,
Harris Brantley, John Curry and E. C.
Williamson, who were unanimously elec
ted. y
On motion of E. S. Langmade, the dele
gates were irapowered to fill vacancies.
Moved by E. S. Langmade, that the pro
ceedings of this meeting be published in
the Central Georgian.
On motion of Dr. E. C. Williamson, the
meeting adjourned.
SILAS FLOYD, Chair’n.
J. R. Price, Sec’y.
[for THE CENTRAL GEORGIAN.]
Mr. B. Brantley,
Dear Sir :—I discover a small article in
the “Banner” of the 29th of May, to this
effect: "v
“something mean.
“If the object of George Stapleton,
Esquire, of Spread Oak, Jefferson county,
Georgia, is to tax us with postage, by en
.’eloping, in letter fashion, papers ad.Ircssed
Officers of the Henry clay.—The
Coroners Inquest, in the case of the steamer
Henry Clay, has been brought to a close,
The Jury returned a verdict of guilty a-
gainst all of the officers. The Engineer,
Pilot and Clerk have been arrested and held
to bail in $1000, each.
JJSPRobt. II. Griffin,Esq., has been ap
pointed Clerk of the Sixth Circuit Court,
and the District Court of U. S., for South
ern District of Georgia, vice Geo. Glenn de
ceased.
.. Withdrawal.—The Savannah Republi
can of Saturday, in throwing out some sug
gestions to the Union party, advises the
withdrawal of the ticket recently put forth
by the Miliedgeville Convention. Mr.
Thomas, of Hancock, and Crawford, of
Sumter, it is authoratively stated, have de
clined, and the Republican says that the
move has not met with that response from
the people which was expected. He, there
fore, thinks it advisable for the Executive
Committee shortly to meet at Macon to ham
down their colors. That’s sensible.
&3T The Cholera has made its appear
ance at Sandusky, N. Y. In Rochester,,on
-h inst., it was reported on the ia-
. fen deaths had occurred in twenty
■P " *
to him and returning them to us with 25
cents charged, he is defeated in his purpose;
all such packages are returned to the de
partment as dead letters. How green !”
Now uncle Ben, as you have thought
proper to indulge in Some small and un
warrantable implications—of mean and of
green—(while giving vent to your spleen)
will you just cool down a little, until I can
let the people know the truth of this mat
ter ? If you will, I will begin right here,
and tell them that I had intended to dis .
continue the Banner for some time past, as
sdou as the time for which I had paid for it,
had expired, which was sometime in April
last; and about that time I received a
number of the Banner with one of uncle
Ben’s notable black marks, indicating, ac
cording to notice, that I was in arrears.—
Not positively certain but that I might be
in arrears a few days, and deeming this a
fit opportunity to get rid of uncle Ben, I
immediately sent on one dollar, with special
instructions to discontinue the paper, fully
expecting uncle Ben would take a seven-
pence or so aod return the balance of my
dollar. But how green I was. Instead of
getting any of my dollar back, uncle Ben
fobs it all, and gives me a credit for another
year, and continues sending on the paper.
I directed the Post-master to send it back,
which he informed me he done, but uncle
Ben continued sending on the paper, as
though he was determined I should take it.
I was equally determined I would not take
it; aud began to study how I might defeat
the old lark—fortunately, I readily hit up
on it. Knowing that a seven-penny post
age would grind him to the. very gizzard, I
directed the Post-master to envelope it in
letter fashion and sennit back to him—that
fixed it. Unde Ben never sent any more.
This is the sum total of the whole matter ;
and this postage, I suppose,: uncle Ben, is
the
in the Central Georgian, and oblige
Yours, GEORGE STAPLETON.
[for THE CENTRAL GEORGIAN*]
Letter 11.
To the Hon. Ciias. J. Jenkins :
You admit that your “objections” to vot
ing for Gen. Scott “have no relation what
ever to the Southern question.” This is, at
least creditable to your caudor. For the
stale and sickly attempt to make him ap
pear obnoxious on that point, is flimsey and
contemptible. It would be so, even if the
party were not pledged in the matter. But
is it equally creditable to your judgment,
when it would seem to condem an illustri
ous citizen, a gallant chieftain and able di
plomatist, because it may not be denied
“that he has a hasty, arbitrary temper—an
imperious self-will, impatient of all opposi*
tion—overweening confidence m his own
judgment, and inordinate ambition ?" I say
it may not be denied—but how would you
prove he is laboring under these “very de
cided disqualifications,” as you are pleased
to term them ? Before stopping to answer
such “objections,” it may be right to inquire
whether they utterly preclude the possibili
ty of a man, who possesses them, being a
brave and gallant soldier, a great aud useful
man, or an honest and just Ruler ? If they
do, then it is useless to argue ; but if they
do not, it is well that we should ascertain
how far they have disqualified the Presiden
tial nominee of the Whig party.
I will give you, for the sake of argu
ment, the full benefit of your “objections,”
though I question .nuch that they could be
proven to any great extent.
What has Gen. Scott’s “hasty, arbitrary
temper” caused him to do, that is discredi
table to a gentleman, or dishonorable to his
profession ? Has it been productive of any
thing that has required public censure ?
Examine, if you please, the records of his
acts—Forty Years service will certainly
show sufficient to satisfy the most scrupu
lous and exacting. His country has kept
the records—examine it, and if there is
aught against him, let it be known.
Has his “imperious self-ivill, impatient of
all opposition,” caused him to violate any of
the orders of the Government—to set at
naught any of the army regulations—defy
powers—or disregard his constitutional ob
ligations in a single instance ? Examine«
sir, and see.
Has his “overweening confidence in Jus
own judgment f been the means of failure
in any plan of operations which it may
have caused him to adopt ? Has it ever
produced disaster or defeat? Does it ap
pear from the records that his “overween
ing confidence in his own judgment” has ?
in a single instance been misplaced in forty
years of public service ?
And finally—do the records show where
his “inordinate ambition” has caused him
to trample upon the laws, or disregard the
restraints of discipline and good order—
where it has involved his country in danger,
or jeoparded her smallest interest? Do the
records which his country has kept of his
acts and his services, sustain your “object
ions,” and agree with you in the conclusion
that they are “very decided disqualifica
tions?” If they do not, sir, would it be
derogatory to your usual modesty and de
ferenco to abide their decision ?
But the catalogue of your “objections’’
is continued by the very astute enquiry,
“ Will it be pretended that he has a clear,
calm, well-balanced mind, whose equili
brium cannot easily be disturbed ?" I am
somewhat ata loss to decide definitely, your
meaning; but I presume it is that lie has
not a clear winter moon-light sort of a mind
—calm and cold as a cucumber. If it is, I
must confess he falls short in this qualifica
tion. But if I am wrong in supposing this
to be your meaning : —you will pardon me
for putting the following questions, and an
swers, on that head, with the analogous
conclusions :—
Could a man with a muddy mind have
conceived and executed what Gen. Winfield
Scott has done ? I think not. Then it may
be reasonably “pretended” that he has a
“clear" mind.
Has any one ever charged that General
Scott is confused or agitated on the field of
battle ? Too disturbed and unsettled to
give prompt and decisive commands? No,
Then it may be “pretended” that he
has a calm mind
Is Gen. Scott known to be vacillating in
his judgment—unable to decide between
right and wrong ? The answer to this is
, found .in your first batch of “objections.”
part that constit utes the head of that j And I will be bold enough to pretend he has 11
notable article. I a “well lialanced mindVWthdievtix*iliAj-e &i W:
^ iH
sufficient proof in the labors of his long
and active public life to establish the pre
tension. " _
Sir, I rejoice as a Whig, (and i wish your
prejudices would permit you to do so) that
the illustrious standard bearer of the party
can have nothing worse urged against him
—or if there can be, that a long, arduous,
and brilliant career is replete with honora
ble answers to them all. Point to a single
public act of his life that his country has
unequivocally condemned. You cannot do
it, sir. Point to the first trust that has been
confided to him, that he has abused—or a
commission that he has not executed with
credit to himseif and honor to his country.
Have not all his acts the stamp of gallantry
upon them—the honor, the glory of his
country, and his own power ? And is such
a man not to be trusted ? There probably
never lived a man more devoted to building
up a great and honorable name, in the pub
lic service, by the able and faithful execu
tion of all the trusts confided to him, than
Gen. Winfield Scott. And I do not be
lieve that any man in this country is now
living, who has performed as much, been
enstrusted with power as much, of whom so
little to his disparagement can be truthfully
alleged. Is it tot so, sir ?—Then., how
pitiful, how contemptible does the conduct
of those men appear, who admitting his pa
sition to be unequivocally correct in prin
ciple, turn their back upon him, for mere
personal preference ? And if they do not
give their support to a “fainting hero,” so
manouvre as to throw power into the hands
of a party whom they have never before
been willing to trust—and should not trust
at this time! What inducements does such
a source hold out, for public men to be
faithful ?
But yon do not like military men for
Presidents—I do not prefer them myself. I
support Gen. Scott from principle. I pre
fer him with Whig principles, to. any man
without them. But suppose, sir, that we
establish these preferences or predilection,
as a principle, by which we are to govern
our choice of candidates for the Presidency
hereafter, what will be the result ? Why
that a military man must relinquish all
hope of the highest office in his country.—
You put a bar between him and the highest
eminence—you destroy or make void a
great constitutional privilege—a privilege
certainly as dear to him as. to you or me. On
that point he would be no better 'than a
foreigner. Would it be right ? But per
haps you may adroitly get over the difficul
ty, by arguing like Junius,—that it is a
right which should never be denied by the
one party, nor insisted upon by the other.
That would doubtless suit some mea, at. this
time very well.
I have been exceedingly astonished, sir,
how it is possible, that men like yourself
who have heretofore been staunch party
men, so suddenly refuse to come up, and
that too, when a model Whig administra
tion is in power, and the principles of the
party more clearly defined than I haveever
known them before; and the party through
out the country more firmly and clearly up
on them than at any previous period. I
can only account for it from treachery l—
There is a traitor among us ! And though
he may stand aloof—not vote at all—yet he
has betrayed us 1 He has manoeuvered to
divide and distract the Whig party, that
the Democrats may carry the State. It is
currently reported that he pledged himself
so to do, when he was intriguingfor the Uni
ted States Senatorsliip—I allude to Rob’t.
Toombs 1 He is paying the wages of an
iniquitous bargain. He has deceived and
betrayed his party in such a manner, that
when it shall be exposed, as it soon will be,
be will take rank with John Tyler. You,
probably, are not astonished at what I say,
unless it be that I should know it. For, to
blind our weak and confiding eyesstill more,
they are to couple your name with Daniel
Webster’s. So that a large body of preju
dicial Whigs, will have the high honor, ac
cording to. Mr. Toombs, of maintaining
their principles by throwing their votes
away. O, honest Bob Toombs! O, con
sistent Whigs !! Beautiful example of pa
triotism !! I They doubtless intend it as an
honor to you, sir, but how far you will con
sider yourself honored by being made a
scape-goat, ior the politi^il transgressions of
the men who proscribed you last fall, is yet
to be seen. It is adding insult to injury ;
and if you have a spark of manly pride left
in you, you will treat it with contempt.—
But that is neither here nor there. Toombs
is determined that the vote of the Whig
party shall be thrown away. Does it mat
ter with him whether upon a Webster, a
Jenkins, or a Hottentot ? Not a bit, sir.
As I wish to put myself in communica
tion with the Hon. Senator elect, not
through the medium of spiritual rappings,
but through the rappings of the printer, I
shall, for the present, take leave of you—
though I have somewhat yet against you,
of which I wish to speak in time.
Your obedient servant,
PATHFINDER
Meeting in Jefferson County.
In accordance with previous notice, a por
tion of the Whig party of Jefferson county,
assembled at the Court-house in the town
of Lousville, on Tuesday the 3d day of
August, when, on motion of Maj. George
Stapleton, Dr. Philip S. Lemle, was re
quested to preside over the meeting. On
taking the Chair, the President, in an able
speech of about one hour’s length, explain
ed the object of the meeting, canvassed the
claims of tlie two candidates for the Presi
dency of the United States. Shewed the
position of the Whigs of Georgia, by rea
son of the action of the recent Convention
at Miliedgeville, and what he conceived
be the duty of the Whig party of Georgia.
When he resumed the Chair, on motion of
fhomas H. Polhill, Esq., Maj, Stapleton,
well baluMed'
las Diehl, requested to act as Secretary, j
On motion of Thomas H. Polhill, Esq.,
Resolved, That a Committee of seven be
appointed by the Chair, to report business
for the meeting, and the names of four dele
gates to the Convention to assemble in the
city of Macon, on the 17th inst.
The President appointed Messrs. T. H.
Polhill, W. S. Alexander, J. T. Brown, R.
Boyd, M. Brinson and E. McCroan, that
committee. The committee retired for a
time, and, on their return, by 4heir chair
man, T. H. Polhill, Esq., submitted the fol
lowing report:—
Your Committee beg leave to submit the
FOLLOWING REPORT I
In assembling again in primary meeting
as Whigs, it may be proper to state the
causes which impel us to this course, and
to explain why we have seemingly deserted
the recent organization with which we have
been connected, viz: The Constitutional
Union Party of Georgia; and also, why
we have taken astand against the nominees
of both the National Conventions.
A very brief review of the history of the
organization of the Constitutional Union
party and the events transpiring since, and
which bear upon that organization, will
plainly show the position, and toour minds,
the duty of the Whigs of Georgia. Our
recent organization was formed of Whigs
and Democrats, for the sole purpose of in
ducing the people o.f Georgia to acquiesce
in the series of acts (commonly known as
the compromise measures,) passed by the
Thirty-First Congress, and to use their in
fluence in the final settlement of the issues
in controversy. This was the object of the
organization of that party, and to be car
ried out in good faith ; and in adopting
the platform of this organization, every
thing which had previously been matters of
issue, between the two parties of the coun
try, was most studiously avoided, being un
derstood and agreed that the sole object of
this organization was to induce an acquies
cence in the compromise measures; there
was to.be no connection with past political
issues, no. abandonment of previously adopt
ed political faith, but all former party bick
erings or tergiversations were to cease, and
the energies of the new party, were to. be
directed to the objects of its creation ;, so
long, therefore, as its objects were carried
out in good faith, no difficulty arose in
maintaining a harmonious and effective par
ty ; though the Democratic portion of this
organization, although largely in the minor
ity, assumed, or endeavored to assume, its-
direction and control, in a way that did not
comport with, a modest appreciation of eith
er theii numerical or intellectual relation
with, it, and though they took to themselves
nearly all the offices, viz: Governor, five
eghths of the Congressmen and other of
fices in same ratio. Y et, for this we cared
naught, as w.e had agreed to forget all old
party differences and distinctions, and in
elevating them to high places, we felt that
we were putting in office patriotic brethren
—standing together with us on a platform
for the preservation, of the Union. Sanction
ed by the constitution, we had naught to
complain of, until during the session of the
last legislature, when, by a coup de pied to
Whiggerv, which was no doubt thought to
be un cotup de*etat, they got up a caucus
and recommend the party to affiliate with
the NationaL Democratic party, by sending
delegates to-the National Convention. Thus,
then, commenced the breach of faith—the
entering wedge to that series of movements
consummated’by the Convention recent
ly assembled at Miliedgeville. and whose
acts we meet to-day to, review.
The next movement was immediately
following the Convention assembled in April
last, at the call of this legislative caucus.—
That Convention and its history is well
known to-the people of Georgia, and its ac
tion should have been regarded as the most
authoritive expression of the opinion and
principles of the party ; but Democracy was
not asleep in the breasts of a portion of
this Convention, and after the adjournment
^f the Convention, a supplemental Conven
tion w:as held, and the Suppleraentals, as
they have been called, sent to Baltimore
anti sought admission into the great Nation
al Democratic party, as what ? As Con
stitutional Union men ? Most assuredly
they could act upon no other ground than
as Democrats.. Again, at the next so-called
Union Convention, no inducement could be
offered, which a harmonious action eould
be had, unless by a perfect surrender of all
principles upon the part of the Union
Whigs aud a perfect metamorphose of the
Constitutional Union party, into a new
Democratic party. A resolution, simply
Complimentary to, and approval of, the Ad
ministration of that pure patriot aud states
man, Millard Fillmore, could not pass their
committee without qualification and pro
visos, and not even with that, until denoun
ced by a member as an abolitionist. A por
tion of that Convention believing that they
could not longer remain without an aban
donment'of previously adopted and cherish
ed political principles, and without giving
sanction to the platform of the Baltimore
National Democratic Convention, and there
by endorsing the odious resolution relative
to the Mexican war, believing that the ac
quiescence in the same ought to be the po
litical condemnation of any man, withdrew
and declared for a third candidate. These
dissenters have our warmest sympathies
and our hearty approval, as we cannot, for
the reasons above stated, act with that por
tion of the late Constitutional Union party,
who declared for Pierce and King. We
believe the effort was made to Democratize
the Whigs of that. organization, and that
the majority of that Convention acted from
no more patriotic motives than to reap the
spoils of a successful campaign, regardless
of political principles. „ .jW; / •
As regards the two nominees for the
^esi4.ency,wej)eiieve V
heartily and cordially approve of the one
as being in its principles andits spirit,clear
ly more conformable to the conservative in
fluences which induced the organization of
the Union party, than the other, and cer
tainly nothing personally offensive to our
Democratic friends; while the other is a
direct assault upon the patriotism of the
Whigs, denouncing them as traitors, be
cause of the non-approval of the Mexican
war. The assertion that we shall not be
giving countenance and support to the De
mocratic platform, by voting for the nom
inees, accepting and approving the same,
is an absurdity that requires no lengthy
and deely drawn essay to refute ; Its ab
surdity is self-apparent, and the assumption
that we can, as Whigs, maintain our prin
ciples and our party intact and yet sub
missively bow in obedience to the mandates
of the late (so called) Union Convention, is
beyond our comprehension. If the inter-
terest of our State or our country, required
the preservation of the Union organization,
it is clear they should have affiliated with
neither of the political parties of the na
tion, but nominated candidates of their own.
This not being done, and as we can no
longer act with them and suffer ourselves
Democratized and denounce ourselves as
traitors, we are, therefore, called upon to
choose between the nominee of the Whig
convention and the course advised by the
dissenters. As before remarked, the dis
senters have our sympathies, as we can
never enter into the support of Gen. Scott,,
for many good and obvious reasons which
time and space will not admit of now men
tioning. We might allude to his want of
experience as a civilian, having claims only
of a military chief—of his disposition and
temperament, &e., as others have done ; but
we pass all these by, to notice alone, one
of the positions he occupies by his letter of
acceptance. We most cordially approve of
the platform of the Baltimore Whig Con
vention—are satisfied, to- stand upon it,, be
lieving it to. be both constitutional and pa
triotic, and care not to have it added, to, or
taken- from; yet Gen. Scott, in. accepting
the tendered nomination, cum onere, was
not satisfied, until he added thereto, and
what we consider a rotten, plank,, and dan
gerous to. the liberties of the people if they
attempt to. stand- thereon, which will be-
found, ki his letter of acceptance in. the.
words- following, Aiz i “And also,, recom
mend or approve of a single alteration in.
our naturalization laws, suggested by my
military experience,. viz t giving to alL
foreigners,.the right of citizenship who slialL
-faithfully. serve in time of war,, one year on
board'©! our public ships,, or. in. our land!
forces^regular, or volunteer, on. tlieir. receiv
ing an, honorable discharge from, the ser
vice J’
This addition.oF Gen-. Scott to' the-Wing;
platform, is, tosay the least of it,.a.presunip-
tous dictation to the Whig party, of. the
country, to identify themselves in the sup
port of a.measure which lias no sanction ini
the past action of the party, but which is
at war with, all the conservative influences
which have heretofore,governed the party in.
this regard. The proposition is in itself so-
preposterous that if it were not sustained
by the-position, which Gen. Scott occupies-
as the nominee of the Whig Convention for
the highest civil; station in fthe country, its-
absurdity wouldsave it from assault andi
our minds from, alii apprehension in regard
to it; but then, sustained, it becomes atonco
an element in the Presidential campaign,
now before the country.,, and. will derive all
the influence which can be given to it by
Gen. Scott’s position. As Whigs, we are,
therefore, called upon, to consider the merits
of this question, and. endeavor to asceitain
in how far. it will commit us to a policy
which has heretofore received, the unquali
fied reprobation, of the party. In the first
place it proposes to increase the facilities for
the naturalization, of foreigners, to an ex
tent and in a manner which has no coun
tenance in the past action, or spirit of the
party.
2d. It invokes a. mercenary defence of
the country which is humiliating to us as
Americans.
3d. It is a onvoi t appeal to a factious
influence wliiui no affinities orsympath-
ieswith the Whigparty of the country, and
whose jfolicy is openly at war with the third
article of the platform of the convention
which nominated Gen. Scott for the Presi
dency. m
Although it is not a. proposition whjch
directly countenances the doctrine of inter
vention, yet, in the present condition ofthe
country, when an active, energetic effort is
being made to direct and concentrate the
foreign vote of the country upon our politi
cal contests, so as to make political victories
inure to the benefit of the doctrine of inters
vention, any movement by either of the
National parties, giving encouragement or
character to this organization, or giving
countenance to the rearing up of a foreign
feeling in the country, must, in the nature
of things, give energy and vitality to this
influence—-such will be the effect of this
suggestion of Gen. Scott. Itis an appeal
to the foreign vote of the country as a spe-
cial influence, and there is no way in which
that influence is specially directed at this
time, except as the advocate of the doctrine
of intervention. Just so far as this move
ment has the effect of giving weight, char
acter and position to this organized foreign
influence, just so far in the present condi
tion of the country is it giviug countenance
to the doctrine of intervention. As Whig3
we stand pledged by our National platform
against this position, and if it is right to re
sist it as a question of political economy, it
becomes clearly our duty to resist all move
ments which tend to engrafting it upon the
Administration of the government. Such,
we believe, to be the tendency of this posi
tion of Gen. Scottand as we desire to be
true and faithful to the Whig principles of
the country, we cannot give our support to
consider these sufficient
reasons to withhold our support from him.