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DEMOCRACY DEFENDED
The Able Speech of Maj J. C.
C. Black Delivered July 8,
at Berzelia.
A Refutation of The Charges
Brought by The Third Party.
An Eloquent Argument For
The Party of the People.
Ladies ami Fellow Citizeus: —I must ask
your kind and patient indulgence, while I
address mj self as best I may to the duties of
this hour. I shall probably indict some dis
appointment upon you in the line of the ar
gument which i propose to follow.
We have met to discuss and consider grave
public qnestious. We have met I trust, to
try and tind the truth that we may act intel
ligently and patriotically as citizens of a great
•ountry and a great commonwealth.
It is a very high privelege under our sys
tem of government, that a man when he has
attaluea his majority and is under no
disability may exercise the elective franchise
and go to the polls and deposit his ballot. This
high privelege involves a very great respon
sibility and it makes every elector a partici
pant in the government, and responsible for
the laws under which we live and the policy
engrafted upon their administration. In the
discharge of these duties therefore we should
not be governed by passion or nredujice, but
should seek as far as we are able to control
our conduct by intelligent reasoning and love
of our country. I have not therefore come
to you today with any desire, if I were able,
to inflame your passions I certainly would
feel most unworthy of your respect, if I un
dertook to appeal to any predudice.
Those of us who have gathered here are
friends and neighbors We are citizens of a
•onnnon country with common interests, and
a common destiny.
Therefore, it does not behoove us iu the
discussion of these great public questions to
take counsel with anything but calm reason
ing and the most enlightened intelligence.
It lias been charged over and over again,
by men who assime to lead the peonle and
educate them in these matters, that the
great political party, known as the Demo
cratic party lias forfeited its claim to the
respect, confidence and support of the peo
pie.
It has been charged, that it has become
the enemy of the great mass of the people;
that it is unfriendly especially to the great
agricultural interest or the country; that it
has made unholy alliances with the money
power: that it is largely responsible for all
the bad legislation from which we suffer.
The record has been appealed to, to sustain
these charges, but I hope I will be able to
show you today, if you will give me your
careful and impartial attention that the
record has been Incorrectly stated.
It has even l>een stated that the Democrat
ic party nkvrr has been friendly to the peo
ple, that through ail these years we have
been ignorant or laboring under a delusion,
that the party to which we have willingly
yielded our allegiance has always been the en
emy of the people. All I ask of any mat*
here to-day, all I ask of any sober, intelligent
man is, that be will not takeconusel with liis
prejudices, but listen to the truth as we liud
it in the public political records of our coun
try. and if he will do that, with ail confi
dence l will submit to his verdict When
this record is impartially and intelligently
couridcred It will appear that at no time in
its history, remotely or recently has the
Democratic party ever surrendered those
great principles for which it has contended
from the foundation of the government Let
me say first of all aud with emphasis, that
there are principles more important than any
question of finance or taxation or currency,
slough 1 do not underestimate
tTTe great importance of these At the very
.foundation of our system of government is
the principle that, this is a government of
limited powers, and upon a maintenance of
this principle depends our Uepublicau insti
tutions. 1 do not think it wou.d be time
lost, if the hour permitted and your patience
allowed, should I read to you the plat
forms cf the Democratic party for half a
eeutury and the principles embraced in them
I havo copied the planks in these platforms
on this great principle from the year 1840.
It will appear from these that the doctrine
of equal rights to all and special privileges
to cone was not first promulgated by the
Ocala platform, but has been a cardinal and
essential principle of tt e Democratic party
through all these year* I will re*d you
from the platform of 1840. It is there de
clared that the Federal government is one of
limited powers, derived solely from the con
stitution and the grant of powers therein
conferred, ought to be strictly conrtrued by
all the departments and agents of govern
ment, and that it is dan cron:: and in
expedient to exercise doubtful constitutional
powers, and that a sound policy
forbids the Federal Government to looter
one branch rf industry to the detriment of
another, or to promote the interests of one
class or section against another claes or sec
tion of our common conntry. The platforms
of 1844, 1848, 1852,1858 and 1880 redeclared
and reaffirmed these great principles Then
you know the country was convulsed by war,
and I want to show you where the Demo
cratic Party stood amidst the confusion and
Jiassion of that mighty struggle. The plat
orm of 1864 demanded immediate efforts for
the cessation of hostilities with a view to an
ultimate convention of the States, or other
peaceable means to the end that at the earliest
practical moment peace might be re
stored on the oasis of the Federal Union of
the States. The Democratic Parly in war cr
in peace has never surrendered the great
Srinciples of a merican constitutional free
om. The platform of 1888, the first after
the war. demanded the immediate restora
tion of all the States to their rights in the
Union under the constitution and of civil
government to the A merican people, amnesty
for ah past political offences, the control of
the elective franchise in the States by ther
citizens, economy in the ad ministration of
the government, and a redaction in the army
and navy.
The platform of 1872 demanded the im me
diate and absolute removal of all disabili
ties, universal amnesty and local self govern
ment,; hupreinacy of Luo civil over the zzili
tary authority, the right of habeas corpus;
for the individual the largest liberty comd*.
tent with public order; for ihe states self
government; for the Union a return to the
method* of peace and the constitutional limi
tations of power. The platform of 1880 de
clared opposition to centralization, to that
dangerous spirit of encroachment which
tends to consolidate the powers of all the de
partments of government into one. and thus
decree, whatever the form of government,
real despotism.
The platform of 1884 demanded preserva
tion of personal rights and the reserved
rights of the Stites—l repeat that these
great principles for which the Democratic
party has contended, and at times when
freemen were subject to arbitrary arrest and
imprisonment, when bayonets were at their
backs and the shadow of prison doors over
them, are more important and more vital
than questions of finance, taxation or cur
rency. The very privilege you have of
peaceably assembling here, the good order of
vour social system, your domes to tranquility
and the enjoyment of the great rights which
have been cherished by freemen from the
THOM SON, GEORGIA, JULY 29tlx, 1893.
days of Magna Chart* until now have been
secured to you by the Democratic party, and
yet there are leaders and so called educators
coming before you and saylog the Demo
cratic party has never done anything for you
and is not worthy of your support. The
overthrow of these great principles in our
country will mark the overthrow of our sys
tem of government and ihe individual lib
erty of the citizen. If the Democratic party,
the Republican party and the other political
parties of eeountry agrood upon ques'.ions
of taxation, currency aud finance, there are
yet great principles of the Democratic party
that distinguish it from all others. Rut let us
come to other questions of importance, and
intimately connected with the interest of
the people. It has been charged that there
has been a great waste of the public lands of
the country, and that the Demooratic party
has been faithless in this respect. Upon that
issue I appeal to the public records.
The Democratic platform of 1888 declared
that the public lands should be distribted as
widely as possible among the people, and
should be disposed of either under the pre
eruption of homestead laws, or (-old in reas
onable quantities, aud to none but actual oc
cupants at the minimum price established by
the government.
The platform of 1872 opposed all further
grants of lands to railroaiVs other corpora
tions and declared that the public domain
should be held sacred for actual settlers.
The platform of 1876 demanded reform to
put a stoo to the profligate waste of public
lands and their diversion from actnAl settlers
by the party in power, which had squander
ed two hundred million aerfs upon railroads
alone. The party went before the country
on the claim in its platform in
1883 that it had reclaimed from
corporations aud syndicates, and restored to
tlie people nearly 100,000,000 acres of land to
be held as homesteads for our owu settlers.
It has been charged that the Democratic
party is responsible for the National
Ranking system. That, I douy. The peo
pie have been told over and over again that
the government is lending money to the
National banks atl per cent. That 1 deny.
I have recently seen a statement from
distinguished leader in the Third Party,
that there weie thirty National Banks in
Georgia making .‘lO or 33& oer cent I am
not now defending that system, hut I insist
that what ever eyffs are chargeable to it, the
Democratic party is not responsible for them.
Upon this and all these questions I only ask
you to hear the truth. for the worst of all
slavery is that which binds men in ignor
ance and will not allow them to hear the
truth. To refute this charge, it is only
necessary to appeal to the record I
avail myself of a speech recently
delivered in the House of Representatives by
Mr Mcßae, of Arkansas, and found in the
Congrassional Record of June 25 He repro
duces a speech made in 1878 by Mr. Kenna,
tVon a member of the House, now a senator
from West Virginia, quoting The Record,
from which the following facts appear: The
vote on the national banking system wai
takeu in the Senate on the 12tb, and in the
House on Feb. 20, 1868. On its passage iu
the Senate the Democrats voted ay e 2 and
no 12, which was fix to one against the
system In the House the Democrats voted
aye 3 and no 42, making fourteen to one
against. In the Senate the Republicans
voted no 0 and aye 21, a majority of more
than two to one in its favor. In the House
the Republicans voted no 22 and aye 75,
over three to one in its favor On
April 18. 1864, what is known as
the supplemental national bank bill was be
fore Congress. The Democrats voted in the
House 65 solid no. The Republicans voted
aye 80 and r.o only 1. In the Senate the
Democrats voted 7 solid no. The Republi
cans voted no 2 and aye 30 On thosaiuo day
when Mr. Arnold offered in the House a
resolution to provide for taxing State banks,
Mr. Randall, a Democrat, offered to amend
by providing for tho taxing of national
banks and he was ruled out of order. In
March, 1889, when the act to strengthen the
public c edit came up for consideration de
bate was cut otf Although it declared the
currency indebtedness of the country to -W
payable in coin ana added $500,000,090 to
the ifublic debt it was passed under the pre
vious question and debate was denied. On
its passage in the House only one Democrat
voted aye while thirty-four voted no. Only
twelve Republicans voted no aud ninety
six voted aye. In the Senate the Republi
cans voted no 7 and aye 42 The Democrats
voted solid no In 1870 the act which pro
vided for funding greenback bonds into coin
bonds and which cost the people
$500,000,000 was {lending. The Democrats
of the House voted solid no 54. Tho Republi
cans voted no only 2 and ayes 139. In the
Senate the Democrats voted solid no. Upon
the reHitnption act of 1875 which was passed
without debate, the vote in the Senate was
Republicans ayes 32, noonly 1. The
Ilemocrats voted solid no In the House the
Republicans voted only 2*l no, and aye 136
more than 5 to 1 in its favor. The Democrats
voted solid no, 74 to d-feat it. On the pass
age of the bill to repeal the resumption act
Republicans voted aye only 9, and no 56 or
over 6to 1 against the repeal. The Demo
crats voted no 29, and aye 97, more Ilian 3 to
lin its favor. In the Senate May 10th, 1861,
Mr, Powell moved to amend the pending bIP
by striking out the enacting clause and iu
lieu thereof inserting a clause to repeal an
act to provide a national currency approved
February 26th, 1883, and his amendment was
defeated yeas 5 Democrats, 1 Repub lean : no
31 all Republicans. The bill was passed by
yeas 30j all Republicans; rioes, 0 Democrats,
3 UciiuuliCttuS.
In the House June 28,1064, Mr, Holiman
moved to amend the pending bill by adding
thereto the following, to wit: Provided that
nothing iu this act shall impair the rights of
State * to tax the bonds, notes and other
obligations issued under this act as their
persons 1 property. The vote was ayes 71—03
Democrats, 8 Republicans; no’s 77 —al 1 Re
publicans. In the House March 29, 1869,
Mr. Morgan offered a resolution that as a
means of relief to the people and in some de
gree to equalize taxation, the Committee on
Ways and Means he instructed to report a
bill, first to exempt sail, tea, coffee, sugar,
matches and tobacco from every species of
taxation for Federal purposes: second to en
force a tax of 2£ per cent, in gold on all
bonds heretofore issued, or which may here
after be issued by the government of the
United States. This was a propost
tion to exempt these common and nec
ressary articles in daily use among the
people from taxation and tax U. S. Ronds.
The resolntionwas laid on the table yeas, 104
all Republicans; no* 40—3 h Democrats and 1
Republican. In the House January 17, 1870
Mr. McNeely moved to suspend the rules to
enable him submit, and the House to
adopt a resolution that the committee on
Ranking and Currency be instructed to re-
Dort at an early day a oil! providing for with
drawing from circulation the National Bank
ing carrency, and for issuing instead Treasu
ry notes usually known as Greenbacks, and
it was voted down, yeas 56 -53 Democrats
and 3 Republicans, nos 114—112 Republicans
and 2 Democrats In the House .June 14th,
1870 on consideration of the bill to provide a
National Currency Mr. Morgaa moved an
amendment among other things to strike out
all after the enacting clause, and insert a
provision repealing all acts and parts of acts
authorizing the issue of National Bink notes
and further providing that in order to meet
the demands of trade and secure a currency
in quantity a< and value corresponding to the
wealth and population of the United States
and provide for the people a means of pay
ing their taxes, the Secretary of the Treas
ury was required to cause to be executed
Sold Treasury notes commonly called green
acks to the amount of $401,033,003 It
was decided iu the negative, yeas 37—34
Democrat* and 3 Republicans—nays 127—116
Republicans, 11 Democrats. In the House
January 31st, 1870, Mr. McNeely offered a
resolution that the 520 bonds are payable in
Greenbacks or their equivalent and con
demning the policy of the adminis
tration which was squandering
millions of money by buying
such bonds at a high rate of premium when
the government I**^ —clear right to re
deem them at par. It was laid on the table
—yeas, 122—120 Republicans, 2 Democrats;
uoes, 41—40 Democrat, and 1 Republican.
In the Senate March 11, 1870, Mr. Bayard
moved to amend the bill to authorize the re
funding of the national debt by striking out
the fourth section, which exempted the
bonds authorized by that act from all taxes
under national, state or municipal authority,
which was voted down—yeas, 7; navs, 38.
Iu the House April 5, 1880, Mr. Weaver
moved that the rules be suspended so as to
enable him to submit and the House to agree
to a resolution. tlia* all currency necessary
for the use and convenience of the people
should be issued and its volume controlled
by the government, and not by or thr*. ugh
tho bank corporations of the country, and
when so issued, should be a full legal teuder
n payment of all debts, public and private,
it was decided in the negative—yeas, 85 —73
Democrats, 1 Repub'ican, aud 11 Green
lackers; noes, 117—27 Democrats. 90 Re
publicans.
It has been charged that the Democratic
party was responsible for re-chartering the
national banks. This is not sustained by the
records. The history of this legislation may
be found in The Congressional Record of
June 10th, furnished in a speech mode by
Senator Jones, or Arkansas. From this his*
ti'.'-y. it will appear that the Committee on
bunking and Currency in their report on re
chirtoring the national hanks, give as their
principal reason that iu the absence of any
authority to continue their business within
iw-lve months 393 banks must go into liqui
dation which would compel the withdrawal
off 69.160,930 of lawful money in active cir
culation, in order to procure 75,768,700 U. 8.
bonds lodged with the comptroller, and which
liquidating banks would withdraw for sale
and for the purpose of closing their affairs
and making division of their assets. Upon one
siugm day, February 25th, 1883, the charters
of 2* 7 banks would expire making a return
to tin* Treasury of $54,000,000 of lawful
money. Tho effect of this upon the business
of th country, and the values of property
might well make any legislator Hesitate
about suddenly breaking up this system al
though he might have opposed it as an origi
nal proposition. Avery foolish man can
tear down, but it takes a wise man to build
up. While the bill to re-charter these bauks
was under discussion, Mr. Mureh moved to
strike from section one, the words twenty
years nd substitute the words three years,
as being the time for which the banks should
be allowed to be re-chartered. If this motion
had been sustained these bauks would have
ceased, but it was voted down. Yoas, 61;
nays, 117; the yeas were 1 Republi
can, 51 Democrats and 9 Green
backers and reanjustera, The nays were
96 Republicans and l 2 Democrats
Mr. Bockner moved to strike out the words
20 years and insert 10 years which was dis
agreed to by the vote of 91 yeas, the yeas
were 11 Republicans 72 Democrats and 8
Green bickers aud read j asters and the nays
were 98 Republicans and 18 Democrats.
Much rnori, mlgh the found in these records to
which I have referred but the time will not
permit n, to go more fully into them.
They are open to the inspection of every one
who choc os to consult them, and to them I
confidently appeal to vindicate the Demo
cratic part •/from the charges made against
it befo-e the bar of an enlightened, impar
tial and just public opinion. It has been
charg'd that tho present. Democratic House
was more extra- igrant than the luliiou dol
lar Republican Congress. I have before me
the figures fur lushed from the highest au
thority which show that this charge is not
true The bills passed by this House are
$9,000,000 less than the bills passed by the
first session <bf the slit Congress and $50,000,
000 less than [those passed by the second ses
* —of tliETTiTpt. The first session of tho 51st
Congress wlfih which those who make war
on the Democratic party compare the present
House passed laws which require* an increase
of appropriations amounting to $74,500,000
over the amount required during the fiscal
year of its existence. The following appro
priation made at this session of Congress
were rendered necessary under legislation
enacted during the last Congress which was
Republican in both Houses: For pensions
at least $50,00 >,OOO for sugar bounty ; SIO,OOO,
000; for refunding national bank notes,
$9,500,000; for customs,services repayment to
importers &c., $5,000,000. Total $74,500,
000.
It lias been charged that tho Democratic
party has made no a 1 tack ou tho McKinley
tariff liw. This charge is also unsusiained,
by the facts. It must be borne in mind that
the Democratic party is no v, and has been
for thirty years embarrassed in all its efforts
to relieve the }>eople by tho fact that it has
not had control of all the departments of the
government so as to enact into law any
measures of relief or reform. It is now and
has been in the position of attacking a party
which is firmly entrenched in power, and it
must be determined how this attack should be
made. At tho beginning of this Congress it
was thought by those who were leaders that
it was batter to attack the McKinley law in
detail rather than by one bill to repeal that
law. The House alone cannot enact legisla
tion and between it and the relief it would
give to the people stands a Republican Seu
-5 This House bs passed a
bill to put wool on the free list which if it
should become a law would greatly reduce
the price of clothing. It Ims passed laws
putting bagging, ties, and cotton machinery
and binding twine on the free list; it has
now on the calendar, and will doubtless pass
a bill for reducing the tariff ou tin which if
enacted into a law would cheapen in all its
forms an article in common and daily use by
the people. All these are attacks on the
McKinley law and strike at. the very heart
of the system upon which tlit bill rests.
This House has also passed an anti-option bill
which is in accordance with the long and
often repeated demand of the people. We
live under two governments, State as well as
Federal. It is charged that the Democratic
party has done nothing for the people under
their State government. It is demanded
that new officers shall be put in from Gov
ernor to bailff. What is there iu
the personal or official record
of tho men you have trusted in the past, and
who have served you with fidelity and abili
ty iu war as well as in peace, that justifies
the charge that they are the enemies of the
people. You know your condition w *en the
war cloitd, you know how we sat amidst
the desolation of rained iortunes aud
homes, you know how your necks were on
the ground, and the heel of the oppressor on
your necks, you know how hope had fled
from your hearthstones. I will not attempt
to draw a picture of that horrible period,
more horrible than war itself. Who was it
but the Democratic party that entered the
temple of your liberties, scourged out those
who had extinguished their firs and torn
down their altars, and restored to you the
rightful power which had been wrested from
you by the fortunes of| war; who was it but
Democratic Governor Charles J. Jen
kins, bleised forever be his memory, who
when he had failed before the highest judi
cial tribunal of the country and was driven
from his home, carried with him tin great
seal of the State th it it might uot authenti
cate any act of the usurper and with his own
clean hands brought it back aud restored it to
your custody ? The constitution of 1877 un
der which you live was famished by the
Democratic party. Who will dare stand up
and toll these people that this Constitution
was framed in the interest of corporate
wealth or monopolies, or trusts or auy other
interest unfriendly to the people. Let me
call your attention to some of its provisions?
It declares that the right of taxation is
inalienable and indestructible, and neither
the General Assembly nor all other depart
ments of the government shall ever have
the authority to irrevocably give, grant,
or restrain this right It confers upon the
General Assembly the power to regulate
freights and passenger tariffs; prevent un
just discriminations, and require reasonable
and just rates, freight and passenger tariffs,
and shall enact laws from time to time to
regulate freights and passenger tariffs, to
prohibit unjust discriminations, and to pro
hibit charging other thau just and reason
able rates, and enforce same by adequate
penalties; provides that the property and
franchises of companies shall
be taken aud subjected to the public use the
same as the property of individuals. Aud
the exercise of the police power of the State
shall never be abridged nor construed to
permit corporations to conduct their busi
ness in such a manner as to infringe the
equality of individuals or the general well
being of the State. That no general or spe
cial law shall be passed for the benefit of a
corporation, except upon the condition that
it will thereafter hold its charter subject to
the provisions of the constitution, aud
every amendment of any charter of auy
corporation or any special law for
its benefit accepted thereby, sliril bring slid
charter under the provisions of the constitu
tion. That the General Assembly shall not
authorize any corporation to buy shares of
stock in any other corporation iu this State
or elsewhere, or to make any contract or
agreement whatever with any such corpora
tion which may have tho effect or to be in
tended to have the effect, to defeat or lessen
competition or to encourage monopoly; it
prohibits any rebate or bonus thereof, direct
ly or iuuireolly, or auy aot to mislead or de
ceive the public as to the real rates charged
or received lor freights or passengers. It
provides the power to tax corporations, aud
corporate property shall not be surrendered
or suspended Dy any contract or grant to
which the State shall boa parly; it puts the
most rigid and unyielding restriction upon
the powers of taxation; upon the power of
the General Assembly to contract debts aud
borrow money. Lc narrows exemptions from
taxation, until institutions of purely a public
charity are taxed on property used for
pur puses of corporate profit- or income. It
prohibits auy increase cf tho bonded debt of
tho State, except to repel invasions, sun
press insurrections, or defend the State in
time of war. It prohibits tfie State from
pledging or lending its credit to any individ
ual company, corporation or association, or
becoming a joint owner or stockholder in
any company, association or corporation, or
the General Assembly from voting or from
granting any donation or gratuity in favor of
any nerson, corporation or association.
It is a hard fact, but the constitution
which you live under lias gone so far that
the Augusta Orphan Asylum which has no
otli->r mission aud never spends a cent ex
cept to take cate of orphan children, is taxed
upon every dollar’s worth of Its property that
yields income. Upon the questions of taxa
tion, and tiie expenditure of money, this con
stitution is iron-bound. It affords ample pro
tection against corporate oppression, and
there is not a Judge iu the State today who
would flare to refuse to enforce it Let me
call your attention to some acts of the Legis
lature of this State in the interest of the peo
ple. Tlie power of the Railroad Commission
has been extended to express and telegraph
companies, railroads have boeu subjected to
couuty and municipal taxation; the flay
known an “Laoor I)ay M lias been made a
legal holiday There is a law to protect dis
charged employees and prevent blacklisting,
ioguicbi liuiu.i mi labor for trainmen have
been prescribed, corporations are re
quired to furnish discharged employes
the cause of discharge; common car
riers are required iotrace freight; tho powers
of the railroad comrfifl|lou have boon en
larged s. as to require the invostigatigation
of interstate freig it rates, and an appeal to
tlie interstate commiision for relief, and
also requiring tlie commission to fix rates of
storage to be charged by railroads and to in
spect tracks and have the same kept in safe
condition; unjust discriminations between
railroads is prohibited and false billing,
classification, &c ,by common carriers; re
quiring carriers to settle claims for over
charges, making them li*ble iu double tlie
amount of overpayment if not refunded
within 30 days of demand. Railroads are re
quired to build and maintain farm crossings
and cattle guards.
An act has been passed regulating tiie ap
pointment of peace officers and detectives,
which forever shuts out the Pinkerton
detectives from this state.
Employers of females are required to sup
ply seat! and permit their use when em
ployees are not engaged in active duties.
Owners of buildings of more than two stories
high are required to provide more than one
way of egress as a precaution against fires.
And the hours of labor in cotton and wool
en mills have been regulated.
Under laws passed by Democratic legisla
tors, protection is afforded the worker on the
railroad, in tlie factory, and the poor girl in
the shop or store, and yet we are told that
tlie Democratic party has done nothing for
these people.
Look how the appropriations for your
schoolsJ)av® been enlarged And how hun
d eds of thousands of dollars are paid out ia
pensions to the Confederate fcoldior, or his
family. And yet it is demanded that the
men who enacted and faithfully admiuistered
tlie-e laws should be repudiated by the peo
ple and sent forth with tlie brand of treach
ery on their brows. Now, I want to briefly
call your attention to some portions of tlie
platform of tlie People’s Party.
I do not care to speak of me t, I prefer to
deal with measures I judge them by what
they s:*.y. I will try to pas* an intelligent,
impartial and conscientious judgment upon
the platform they have promulgated, upon
which they go to the country asking your
suffrages and telling you that they will give
you the relief which all of us acknowledge
you ought to have. Iu my opinion, that will
never be done by that party, and any party
ought to be careful of tlie promises it makes
to you. No m n ought to be so reckless as
to promise the people he will do this, that or
the other unless he has reasonable pros
pects of fulfilling. In my opinion there
is no relief for these people that are eufft ring
from bad legislation—which I acknowledge,
but for which I insist the Demo
cratic party is not responsible—there
can be no relief by the People’s Party because
they cannot acquire the power. Is it not un
wise for us to be warring with each other
about what we will do when we get into
power? Does noi. reason ami the plainest
common sense suggest that we had better
stand together until we get into power. The
present House, I believe, has 329 members,
the Third Party lias 9 of these The Senate
has 88 mombers, the Third Party has two of
these. Does any thinking man believe, can
any thinking man who will remove his pas
sions ana prejudicss, persuade himself that
there is a possibility that the Third Party
can get possession of both houses of Con
gress and elect a President? Now, if
it can get the power, let us see what they
propose to do. Let me call your attention to
what i i promised when power is acquired,
which I do not think they will ever get in
this country, but if they had the power what
is it they have promised to do for the people?
We have all agreed that the country needs
relief; th*t there ought to be laws enacted
that will not hold all the money In the groat
financial centres, but turn it into other chan
nels that it may flow out to the people. Now
here is a scheme propo led by tho Third Party.
It is wh it is known as the sub treasury
plan, that is to build warehouses in the coun
try where agricultural products I may be
stored to get money upon them at 2 per
cent. This scheme is justified upon the
ground that the Government lends money
at one per cent, to the National Banks. If
the Government did lend money to anybody
at one per cent, what would be the proper
remedy ? .It would be to say to the Govern
ment that it should not do so, it would not
correct the evil but enlarge it to to say be
cause the Government lends to one class, it
must lend to the other. The proper remedy
would be to say it should not lend to any.
The Government has no right to lend money
to anybody. If this scheme is carried out
and money is lent on farm products it must
be lent ou other things. This scheme is un
sound on principle—cannot and w 11 uot be
adopted by the Government, and if it were,
would be disastrous to all classes aud inter
ests. Another plank in the platform de
mands the q worship by the Government of
all the railroads. You already have a Com
mission under the Constitution furnished by
the Democratic party to supervise and con
trol the railroads of the State and if they
are nob faithful and true you can turn them
out. There is not a railroad iu Goorgia to
day uuless it enjoys some vested right, which
can not bo interfered with, that can charge
you a cent more ou a pound of freight or for
a mile of travel, than is allowed by law. They
cannot charge you a cent more for a day’s ator
age than is allowed by the law. The
sion is not only obliged to control the charges
but to see that the lines of railroads are kept
in proper condition for safely transporting
the people. Express aud telegraph com
panies have also been put under the control
of this Commission. If the laws already
enacted are not sufficient for the p-ofcection
of the people, it is a very cheap and simple
remedy to enact other laws, and who will
dare to say that auy such law cannot be
passed in the Georgia Legislature? Yon
have an honest, faitnful Governor whose
duty it is to appoiut these Railroad Commis
sioners, who are themselves sworn officer*
bound to see that these laws re enforced,
besides which you have tho courts of the
country to protect you Look what has trans
pired among us recently. A great railroad
system (tame among us and proposed to build
up a large centralized power which, It was
charged, was a violation of our constitution
and detrimental to the interest of the people.
Upon the complaint of a small stockholder
tlie power of tiie United States Court is in
voked, and the Judge lays his hand upon the
throat of that great system, aud there he has
it today, aud 42,000 shares of stock, which
cost over $4,000,00), is disfranchised and not
allowed to vote. Here are some figures
which 1 believe to be reliable, and for which
I am indebted to a recent speech made in
the House of Repieseutatives by Mr Enloe,
of Tennessee. Tli3re aro already 287,779
government officials and employees, and tho
value of railroads in the United States is
given by the eleventh census as $8,500,003.-
000; the value of telegraph lines in 1880 was
$116,000,000; the number of railroad em
ployes, iu round numbers, 750.003; the num
ber of telegraph employes iu 1890,22,809, and
the amount of wages of railroad employes,
exclusive of the officers, is given at $46,-
250,000. The plan of government ownership
of railroads aud telegraph lines would impose
upon the country an army of 1,030,588 em
ployes drawing salaries amounting to a sum
estimated at, say, $240,000,000. How will you
aoquirethis property? Will you not have
to pay for it? Does it not require money?
Must not this money come from tho pockets
of the people? Now that is the scheme which
has boon offered you. If this government
would embark in such an enterprise it would
cost you billions of money and force upon you
a great army of officials to sustain the party in
power and be a tremendous aud tearful stride
towards the centralization of power, that
would imperil your liberties. One of tlie
greatest dangers to our system of govern
ment is the centralization of Feleral power,
aud against this policy Jhe Democratic party
lias fought during all its history. We want
no more power conferred upon tlie general
government. It has enough now. I feel
that as a profound conviction. I feel
it as a lover of liberty, I feel it as a friend of
the people, I feel it as a father when I con
template the future of my children and I
say here what I intend to say everywhere that
the great need of this country is to put limita
tions upon the power of the Federal govern
ment There is tlie gravest danger in the
constant disposition to grasp for more power.
There is another plank in this platform
about which I would lifce to speak more at
length to the farmers While Ido not pre
tend to be a farmer,and would not assume to
teach them as to their owu business I think
without impropriety I may venture to speak
to them upon these public questions. If you
will trace the history cf tlie land plank in
that platform and analyze it closely, you will
fiijd, I think, that it contains the germ of one
of the greatest political heresies to be found
in that declaration of principles and which
in its last analysis means that you have no
right to hold tho absolute title to land but
that like tliessa and the sky it was made by
the Creator aud belongs to every body in
common. Now fellow citizens I cannot de
tain you longer, I have tried to deal fairly
with you and have sought to avoid saying
anything that would offend. If these people
cannot get relief bv the Democratic party
they cannot hope for it at all. It does not
claim that it is perfect; it does not claim
that its leaders have not sometimes
made mistakes, and some of its members
been inconsistent, this would occur in any
political party. All that I ask is that you will
judge the party impartially by tho record
and by what tlie party has done, aud not by
what one man or a minority has done or fail
ed to do. The Democratic party through all
its history has been the friend of the people,
it has alwa;s and is now opposed to auy
policy or principle in the interest of any par
ticular class or section. It Judges no man by
the locality where he lives, or the business he
follows, it does not seek to array the farmer
against the merchant, or tlie man iu the coun
try against the man iu the city. This is uot
only undemocratic, but it Is unrepublican,and
un-American, and he who would array one
class against another is not a friend of either.
He who would excite the prejudices and an
tipathies of the poor against the rich, would,
if it suited his purposes as well use tho power
of the rich agaiust tiie poor. Heretofore we
have been united because we believed that
in unity and solidarity was our only safety.
There is no go >d reason why we should now
be divided. It is the folly of midness to
undertake to unite tlie South and West, while
at the same time digging a deep yawning
chasm at homa. It is madness to
undertake to grasp in friendly embrace the
untried and unreliable leaders in the West
with oue hand while the other is streched
forth to strike down our own neighbors and
brothers at home. Confidently appealing to
the record w'ueu fairly coueidereu, to viudi
cate the Democratic party from the charge
of being faithless to the great interest of the
people, we here a. ain this day unfurl the
old Democratic banner which has sometimes
gone down in defeat but never in dishonor.
It is blackened with the smoke of many a
battle: it is all tattered and torn with the
marks of many a conflict but it is now and
al ways has been tiie emblem of the great
principles of American Const tutional free
dom and whatever will promote the happi
ness aud prosperity of the people. As such
may it wave forever.