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About The Washington gazette. (Washington, Ga.) 1866-1904 | View Entire Issue (April 3, 1868)
THE WASHINGTON GAZETTE. BY JAS. A. WRIGHT AND HUGH WILSON. THE WASHINGTON GAZETTE TERMS.—Three Dollars a yeariu advance. No Subscriptions taken for a shorter time than six months. SPEECH ON THE SITUATION. BY HON. B. 11. BILL. Delivered in Atlanta, 6a., March 10,1863 Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen .- I appear to-day at the instance atij un der the auspices of the "Young Men's. Democratic Club” of this city. Political, like other revolutions, have their periodss and often rapidly change in character, pur pose and issues. Far up the Niagara river the waters are quiet and atiil. Little children bathe and play in their depths, and parties of-pleasure j ride merrily and safely on their bosom.; But at a given point the current makes its start for the great Falls, and moving slowly | at first, it grows more and constantly mere j rapid, until there is a point in its wild, mad rush, from which, once reached, nothing alive has ever been rescued. The American people have beer, peaceful, happy, free, nml prosperous. They loved tbeir Constitution and loved each other. But evil whispers divided them, and step by step they approached ami finally entered up n revolution. And how wildly and still more wildly we have rushed, and yet rush along! The question now reached is not whether this or that party shall triumph —wot whether we shall haven Union—not, alas! whether we shall have a government founded on our consent. It is more vital still. The issue has wholly changed, end has ceased to be a political question. The issue now pressing is one of actual political life—of social existence. Nothing more startles the man of thought, the readers of hist.try, than the giddiness with which the people are riding on the rapids to destruc tion, seemingly unconscious of what awaits them. You ate as giddy this day as were the dupes who married and were given in marriage, and carried on their ordinary transactions, before the flood. The world was neither more wicked, nor giddy, nor guilty in that day than is the political world s/l America at this day. The great diffi culty of the times is this : the people have no regard lor truth ; they have no love for it—not a particle. You think no le aof a tnan w ho notoriously and avowedly engages in deception, provided ha b.‘ a politician, than you do of a Christian gentleman. 1 rather think you think more of deception ibati you do of tiuth; and that is the rea son why so much deception is practiced. It has not only become a harmless thing, but it has absolutely become a passport to power —a means of success—the policy by which you manufacture greatness out of nothing. The Church and Society are all at fault ; the people themselves are at fault upon this question. Why, it has not only grown to hen habit, hut it has become al most a maxim, that it is “no harm to tell a He in politics.” Oh, what a preverted judgment! What immorality ! No harm ? •‘Piactice has made it so.” My friend, a political lie is the worst of all lies, and ought to be held more infamous than all others He who is guilty of it ought to receive the frown snd scorn and condemnation of every man, and cf every member of society. Why, the very reason w hy the country lias reach ed its present condition, is the failure of your rulers to be honest and truthful, and the failure of the people to call them to account for their infidelity to truth. Wbat a spectacle the American now presents 1 Wdiat a spectacle for the world aud posterity ! And not merely political ly, but morally. For four long years the peopls, North and South, were anxiously watching the struggle—a stiuggle to de termine whether certain States should be considered in the Uuion or out of it. Fi. Daily, tire struggle ended. The Southern people unanimously said—“ We’ll consent to remain ia the Uuion—we’ll admit that our attempt to leave the Union is a fail ure.” Nearly three years has elapsed since then, and you have seen your rulers—the pretentious leaders of politic and sentiment of the country—going to Washington City laying their hands upon the Bible, swear ing to support tbe Constitution the United State-, and daily violating every principle oft Lat Constitution, and setting at naught the whole issue and tlet result of the war. Nav, the people have become so salsa to themselves—so false to every principle cf truth and virtue—that, ar. old man, the leader of the great party, without carnage to his character openly and bodiy avows and declares that all the legislation touching these States has been entirely outside the Constitution, which ht was sworn to support! You have seen the Legislative department, governed by passion, actuated by vindictiveness, over turning the institutions of the country— not to support tbe Union which they so ij’t „ to.preserve, but for the sole purpose of pre serving power and continuing themselves in office. Thus we present to the nations of tba world the spectacle of an absolutely demoralized Legislative Department of government. In all time, tbe army lias been consider ed tbe very embodiment of chivalry, or, at least, of honesty. Governing, as they do, by power, trained to love power, that they should be magnanimous w as thought to be characteristic of arms. But, what a spec i lade do the American people present at this hour! The head of tha army confessing before the world that he was guihy of in tentional duplicity and treachery, and con victed of talseliool itself by six of the highest men of the nation! I repeat, he confesses himself guilty of intentional du plicity and treachery, perpetrated during a series of mouths. Six of tha first men of j he nation proved him guilty of downright ■ intentional falsehood. Either the com j manding General of the Armies of the [ Uuited States is convicted before the world of falsehood, or (lie President of the same nation, and five Cabinet officials, stand con victed of it. For my purpose, I care not which is right. I bring to your view, sim ply, a startling fact—if you have any mor tality to be startled—that, in either event your rulers staud convicted, and confessed convicted, of intentional falsehood. That is the point tit which tha nation has arrived. And now, what do we witness! The natiuo actually trembling, the nation ac tually doubting, the nation actually fearing that that department of the government, which, in all history, has been, ought to be, and which, under our form of govern ment, was intended to be, the bulwaik of our liberties—the break-water of passion— I say the whole nation is trembling, doubt ing, fearing, that tho Sup erne Judicial power of the country will be utterly une qual to the task of declaring wl.at they know to be the Constitution of their coun try. On this point I, for one, have never yielded. 1 have always believed that the question, once made before that tribunal fairly and clearly, they would be equal to 'lie task, tlioifgli I confess I have not found one mao in a hundred to ttgr.o with mo, and that fact alone is a sufficient illustra tion of tbeexteutto which this corruption aid loss of confidence have gone. Shall the judicial department of the gov ernment—lif.ed by the Constitution above the mere petty passions ol tho multitude fulfill the great objects of its mission, and say that the Constitution is the supreme | law of the laud, and that all acts outside ol J it arc usurpations and consequently void ? j If so, this countiy may bo tav*-d ; thus' revolution may be stayed. But if the court should agree w ith tbe Congress, and leave the President standing alone m the strug gle, battling with two d>-p irtmeuts of the government, then, my countrymen, the final appeal is to you. Politicians are corrupt —there is no truth in hem. Y our lenders tell a Ire and swear to it; but though peijury is a crime, it is a passport to pow er. If your government f-t’l*, it wII (or no other reason than a want of honesty and of lovo of truth. Tlreu, I say, the appeal is to you, to the people of America, whether you shall prove truthful and bon est But, if you fail, then, the verdict is written that you have neither virtue uor intelligence sufficient to preserve Repnhli cart Government, and over the falls we must go, at once, and forever. That is lire question now before tbe American people. I deny that it is a mere political question between two parties; I deny that it is a question between Union and Disunion ; I deny that it is a question between despotism and liberty, solely. It has become a question of decency or in decency, of honesty or dishonesty, of truth or falsehood, of yiitue or vice, of civiliza tion or barbarism, and he who ranges him self on one side Dr the Other rnu3t bo for ever so adjudged. (Applause,) I deny that j it is necessary at this day for a man to! sUnd up before any intelligent audience and argue the constitutionality of the ques tions now being thrust uyon you. There is no man who does not need a guardian 1 but knows they are unconstitutional; and you know it. The question is not as to whether you understand it ; but whether you have virtue enough to do what you know is right. And people of Georgia, ! the issue ie made. You are to he called I upon to determine whether you will favor | truth or falsehood. I know that now, and I | indeed, for many years bark, the air is full! of “Policy, policy, policy”—-the making of this bargain ar.d of that bargain. 1 wit! j venture now to say—and I hope I shall 'offend nobody; though, indeed, I don’t care'f 1 do, in telling the truth—that there are over fifty men this day in Allan Ita who have come here to see if they can ; not make some office by joining one party other. I have been observing some .| of theta for two day3, and I begirt to think , I shall almost feel respectable (laughter, WASHINGTON, WILKES COUNTY, GA., FRIDAY, APRIL 3, 1868. and cheers) if I do not get out of such an atmosphere. I represent no party; I be long to none, and therefore speak only for myself. I support that party which I think, in a given instance, is right; and that parry to day is represented by these young gentlemen. (The members of the Young Men’s Democratic Club of Fulton County.) I speak ir.y own conviction fearlessly, and, I trus', plainly. 1 desire to do so, and I desire to be understood; personally indifferent, whether or not I please one man only, or all men. (Ap plause ) I deem it my duty to come before you r.nd put on record my views of theC usti lution which is now proposed for adoption, and to give the reasons why I deem and declare it iufauious. lam not going over the old argument which I had the honor of presenting before au audience in this same hall, at nil earlier period of our histo ry, by which I proved that the authority which authorized this natter, ouginally, was unconstitutional and void. I say so still, and every man knows that it is so. Everybody knows that the Convention as semtded here to frame a Constitution for the people of Georgia had no more author ity to do so than have my young friends sitting here. But even if the original an tl.orify were absolutely valid, everybody knows that the Convention was not called by an honest vote. I say that the vote was falsely counted, and you know it [Applause ] I say it, was corruptly forced and you know it. But parsing all that by a Convention illegally authorized, is enough to justify au honest man in condemning its action, w hatever that action bs. Well, of what material was this Convention composed ? modating-very charitable—very self sacrificing adventurers from New England comedown here to inculcate the manners and morals of New Ergland into the he [lighted Georgians! (Laughter.) 2. An other part is composed of men fabo to their own race tint country —false !o their own pledges —false to their own history, and lul.*e to their own oaths--going into the parly for the simple purpose of getting Itouor. 3. Another pocLloii is composed of negroes fro fit your corn fields. (Laugh ter and cheers,) negro preachers, and con vicls from King Sing and our penitential ies (Immense cheering an 1 laughter.) Men black and white, now charged by the ju ries of the country fwiflt every infamous crime known to the Portal Code. These I make up tho body of tho Convention— I with a few gentlemen, who are in very had j company and seriou-ly hazard their re; u I lotion. (Langlit r ) And these, Georgians, are the men who I arc to form your fundamental law. New England outlaws; Sing-Sing convicts; pentiw-iiti.iry felons; and corn field negroes, ongagifigin the wotk that immortalized the fathers of the country; Spirits of Washington, of Franklin, and of Madison and of your colaborers of 1787, look down and see this mock mimicry of your grand wotk!—nay, nav, look no’, I beseech you lest you shock the angels with your blush ing, and startle heaven with your weeping. [Enthusiastic applause.] But, let us pass from the material com posing the Convention, to the work there of. It is ti universal maxim, as true in politics as in philosophy, that tho effect is always like the cause which produced it. Now, I will s.ty, tb- passing, that this Oort stitution leaves evident imuks of a contest; there were two classes of minds in the Convention. Oue class endeavoring to do everything that is infamous, and another— a small class—trying to deceive them into doing something otherwise. [Laughter.] But they have been so afraid that, thetr de ceptions would be discovered, that, in my opinion, they failed to accomplish what they intended. Speaking of truth, I will ask you, can didly and hunestly, whether under the cir ! cumstances, the preamble to this new Con ! stitution is true / I will read you two pro ambles, and I submit them for you to judge which is the tiueone. The preamble, as adopted by the Convention, reads as fol lows : “ We, the people of Georgia, in order to J frame a permanent government, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, and secure the blessings of liberty lot ourselves and our posterity ; acknowledging and in yoking the guidance of Almighty God, the Author of all good government do ordain I and establish this Constitution for the State ! of Georgia.” “Now,‘.hat ia what they say; but what is the truth? I read again: •PWe, il.e niggers of Georgin, in order to destroy all permanent government, es tablish robbery, insure domestic d.sgrace and discord, and secure the curses of an archy and despotism to all races and their posterity; acknowledging the guidance of the Radical party, the autber of all had government, do ordain and establish this '» Constitution for the State of Georgia.” [Here tbe speaker was unable to proceed for some minutes, owing to the irrepressi shout of laughter.] Now, I shall cal! your attention to some portions of this Constitution, as illustrating its character, I will tiotiee its pro visions touching the relations of the taces, and next, what might, by way of nomen clature, be called its moral features—some thing new iu a Constitution. With re gard to the question of races, I will not j analyze the Constitution, thoroughly ott . that subject; shall assert a few lead ing propositions, which no truthful nren can deny, and which no hottest man will. First, how does this Constitution leave | the social relation of the races ? Upon | that snhjcot there is hut one clause in the i Constitution, and to that clause I desire to call the attention of the audience. It is section 11, of what is called the ‘ Bill of Rights,” or “Declaration of Fundamental Principles.” The 11th section read thus: “The social status of the citizeu shall never be tho subject of legislation.” Now, the casual observer, on reading that, might not discover its meaning, and so, indeed, a casual observer, on reading the Constitu tion, would discover very little that it does mean. It requires that a matt should have some knowledge of law, of man, of socie ty, and of tkis country—for which it is in tended—before ho can understand this Constitution. It says, “The joeial status of the citizen shall never be the subject ol legislation.” Now, under that provision, what is the result f The marriage relation ia a social relation—eminently so—the leading social relation is the marriage relation. This Constitution does not say that “intermarry ing between the whiles and blacks is here by made valid,” qr “hereby authorized;” but says “the social status of the citizen shall never be the subject of legislation,” by which, of course, is meant that the Leg {stature shall never have power to prohibit the intermarriage of races. Vagrancy, also, is a sorial question. Whether the vagabond who lounges through your streets shall be taken tip and either made to wotk, or punish* I, is a seri ous questiou, T uod one of large it fluettce on the welfare of society. That elauae, there fore, means that tin-Legislature shall never have the power to’puriish vagrancy. Who shall stop at your hotels ? What shall he tho manner of riding in in your railroad cars} What shall be the older of getting in your churches? These are all social questions And this Constitution says that on all these subjects there shall bo no legislation I Negroes can force themselves into our church pews and railroad cars. They can go, young ladies, and sit by your sides ill church and all public places, and you can not help it. The Legislature shall never act on the subject. It leaves you to your selves. It leaves von to anarchy! It se cures tto right. If the negroes choose to observe your rules, well and good; if they do not, you have no remedy, you can have no legislative protection. I dare say the idea of framing that clan e was to prevent legislation prohibiting the intermarriage of the races. [Laughter.] I suppose the party who framed it, or rather who origi nated it, had a taste that way, and did not intend to be interfered with. I didu’l blame him; out if I was a negro woman, I would not have a single member of that motley Convention [laughter and cheers], except the few respectable persons I have mentioned, and who, I repent, are in great danger of losing their characters. I know they went there with good motives,though under a mistake, and I atn going to let them off as easily as possible. [Laugh ter.] Now, fellow-citizens, it is for you to say whether you will ratify this “social rela tion” arrangement. It is a question of taste; it is a question of refinement; it is a question of race; it is a question of prin ciple I Decide for yourselves. Decide for your children Decide for your country. And, my friends, you who think that you arc lifted above the common herd and common masses of tiie peop'e, and think that impudence will never dare assert itself irt your company, I pray you, I pray you. save the honest, unfortunate, poor people of this country from such foul contamina tion. [Applause.] I pray you also, save the negro race. I am immovable in my conviction that the whites and blacks can only move saleiy together in tbe saute country, in t!i«ir different and natural spheres. Whenever you attempt to bring litem together, you inaugurate a crisis which results in the paralysis of the white race, and in the destruction of the black race. God has ordered you to keep them apart, and you must keep them apart. I pass from litis view to that of the po litical relations between the blacks and whites. I know that the idea has gone abroad—l have heard it ntvself in this city '—that this Convention has been “won- derfully liberal” to the whites! “They have not made the races equal I” Won derful ! They have dona but one thing for the negro; that is suffrage; they have given that to them. “ They have not given the right so hold office, nor any other”—so they say. And, kind, good creatures —those carpet-baggers from New England, and convicts from the penitentia ries, and negroes front the corn fields they say they have magnanimously conclu tied uot to disfranchise the intelligent .whites of the country ! [Laughter.] I assert —and assert w ithout fear of con tradiction—that this Constitution makes the negro politically equal in all respects It makes them equal as to the right of suf frage, and equal as to tho light to hold office. It draws no distinction w hatever, and provides for none to be drawn, except against the whiles. Now, they say there was a section in the Constitution as re ported from the Committee which positive ly declared that negroes should have the light to hold office, and they struck it out and now thej** say a notorious gentleman, whose name I will not condescend to men tion, says: “Look at the Constitution: is there any thing in it which says the negro sltall hold office ?” Wonderful I Daniel, come to judgement ! [Laughter.] Well, I ask you to look at the Constitu tion and see if there is anything which says a white man shali hold office. Noth ing whatever. Yet you are so far gone in tho region of dupodom that men who aro called intelligent and learned, huve the un blushing effroutejy to go before the coun try ami say : “Does it say the negro shall hold office ?” Now what does it do? qualifies all male persons over 21 years of age, ami who have been in the State a given length of time, to vote. They are qualified as electors. It does uot say that when you coma to elect officers, a white man shall bo elected, cr a black man. It says that when you elect a Governor lie must be a citizen of the State and of the Uuited States so many years, and he must he 30 years old ; and a member of the Senate, 25 years old. But does it say he must have a white skin or a black skin? Negroes get to be 25 years old. [Laugh ter,] Ami so you go on to Ropresenta liveS'nnd Judges of the Supreme and Su perior Courts; and these latter you requite to Fin've practiced luw so long. That ex cludes most of the negroes at present. But when you come to tho subordinate officers, no qualification is required —either for Justice of tbe Peace, County officers, Coroners or Notaries Public. There aro some, I believe, for Superior Court Judges, but none for District Judges ; that is my understanding of it. Then you decline in your Constitution, the absolute equalitp' of all people. Equality in what? Why equality in all the relations of life. And the only reason for inserting the provision regarding tho “social status” was, not to confer, or retain the right of intermarriage or the interference of the negro in our so cial life; but, the idea was to prevent the L'-gi-la’ure from protecting the while peo ple against encroachments. That was undoubtedly the sole object. And that object is ceitain of accomplishment if this Constitution becomes law. Now, my Irieit Is, I say, and God only knows my feelings when I say it, that the adoption of this Coußti'ution, and its final establishment, will bring ruin to your coun try, and blast l lie hopes of your people It will condemn the pour‘negro to extermi nation. No nun can describe, no language ! can express tho horrors that shall ensue, socially, morally, and politically, whenever there shall be a forced collision of the races. This Constitution provides that there shall be one Justice of the Peace to every militia district. That Justice of the Peace shall have jurisdiction iu all civil cases where the amount does not exceed fifty dollars, there is no appeal. Now, take tho county ol Dougherty, lor illus tration. In this county there are about seven negroes to one white man. Do you not see that every Justice of the Peace will be a negro? Take the di.-lrict with which I happen to be most familiar—the most product ve, perhaps, ill the State of Georgia, west of the liver, out in wlotl ia is called the “oak and hickory country.” Alv overseer told me theot ter day, that in the space embraced in seme three miles, there were one hundred and twenty ne groes and seven white men. Now, then, |if a matt has a claim there for anything 1 less than a hundred dollars, it is to he ass- I udicated upon by a negro Justice of the 1 Peace; and if that claim should not exceed -fifty dollars, he is suhj-ct to that negro’s 'decision without even the right of an ap peal. It docs not apply to contracts, or to wages, hut it will apply, nl-o, to what law yers call actions ex delicto, as well as to actions excontraclu, for t!nv are alike civil cases. Hence, if tire . plaiuant 1 does not allege his damages ni n re than a hundred dollar? it comes und th • juris VOL. II—NO. 50. diction of the Justice of the Peace, and when less than fifty dollars, it shall be without appeal. Why, my ftiends, you give up nearly, is not quite, half the State of Georgia to the absolute control and dotniuion of tho ne gro. You give tbe interests of tho poor white people, by this Constitution, abso lutely into the hands of the negroes, and that, too, without appeal. Now, I wish those men who are so continually talking about die “poor man,” to hear what I say. Those men who owe large debts can afford to go to the higher courts, while those who are comparatively poor, have no ap peal whatever, and must take the decision oi the negro. Another ingenious point attempted by a gentleman of the Convention is this: Thi ß Constitution says that “upright and intel ligent jurors shall he provided.” Well the law regards all men a9 upright and in telligent. One thing, however, is certain ; that under that law, no member of that Convention could serve on a jury—except indeed, a small number. [Laughter.] Who is upright! Who is intelligent? If an Express agent can be Governor, who cannot bo the Justice of the Peace? [Laughter and applause.] If a little May or can be Vice President of the United States, who cannot be a juror? [Reuewed laughter and cheers.] Where are we go ing to ? You give an appeal in cases over fifty dollars and under ono hundred, from tha Justice of the Pence to the Superior Court, and when you get there, you find four filits to six sevenths ot the jurors negroes, and your Sheriff, and Clerk, and all other officers of the Court, negroes also. Oh! but, say some, tliey will elect white people! Well, what fort of white people will they elect? I will tell you. But, first let me say, that from this time forth the classifi cation of the negro must be enlarged. There is the black negro, the yellow negro, and the white nogro. And to tell you tbe truth, I have more respect for the black nigger than for the white; for God made him a nigger, while the other—the white one—is a nigger from choice. I tell you candidly, I would rather have a nigger Justice o! the Peace than one of these adventurers or renegades. Now, if you elect, n Governor for the Stale who holds that Lite races are equal, the great proba bilities are that ho will appoint friends of his own to the positions under his control; and that he will, under this new state of affairs, appoint negroes to some good posi tions. Pea haps ho will make some of them District Judges, or, indeed*Circuit Judges. Why not, if they are equal? In a great many parts of tho country they can have all the elected offices, from members of the Legislature down. I toll your no decent white man will consent to live iti such a placo, jeopardizing, as ha will, every interest he has in the world. Wluit will be the result? Why the plant ing interest in such sections of tho country as may bo most iiff.eted with this evil, will be u'teilv destroyed, and the material prosperity of the country ruined. I could pursue almost indefinitely the analysis of this Constitution, but I shall not do it. So many thoughts rush upon me that I actually shudder, when I sea the possibility ol the people of my coun try doing what no civilized country ever did before iu the fundamental law of the land making those things equal which God declared unequal. Pictures, dark und hor- rid float before my vision, night and day when I see people going along as uncon cernedly as though there was no danger ahead. People of Cherokee, do any of you hear mo? Will you permit mo ono word of remonstrance ? It is said that this Constitution is to get its main support from your region of country. Mr. A. W. Holcombe (of Milton coun ty,) in the audieoue. It will surprise them to hear it. Mr. Hill, I appeal to you, my friend, for I know you area true man. J appeal to you and all like you, to go home and tell your neighbors what I have told you to day, and ask them, for decency’s sake, for country’s sake, (or God’s sake, to save themselves and tbeir race in lower Georgia from such foul damnation. Mr. Holcombe. I will do it sir. Mr. Hill. I know you will do it. See, my friends, what an extreme of madness this is. It is not Reason that has rushed the American people into it. It is not I Tiuth that has brought them to it. Pas sion alone has done it—wild, uncontrolla ble passion. Passion, captureJ and con trolled by tlte lutal ambition lur office, of the wily politician, is what has brought this people and this country to the present verge of ruin. (Enthusiastic applause.) Surely, it is not possible that there is a man in this country who possesses even the first instinct of hurior, who would date ratify | such a fundamental law as that. 1 ask you, : I'eilo.v citizens, to reflect on this. Your | own conclusions must show you tho errors of such a policy. Concluded on Fourth Page.
