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THE WASHINGTON GAZETTE.
BY JAS. A. WRIGHT AND HUGH WILSON.
THE WASHINGTON GAZETTE
TERMS.—Three Dollars a yeariu advance.
No Subscriptions taken for a shorter
time than six months.
SPEECH ON THE SITUATION.
BY HON. B. 11. BILL.
Delivered in Atlanta, 6a., March 10,1863
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen .-
I appear to-day at the instance atij un
der the auspices of the "Young Men's.
Democratic Club” of this city. Political,
like other revolutions, have their periodss
and often rapidly change in character, pur
pose and issues.
Far up the Niagara river the waters are
quiet and atiil. Little children bathe and
play in their depths, and parties of-pleasure j
ride merrily and safely on their bosom.;
But at a given point the current makes its
start for the great Falls, and moving slowly |
at first, it grows more and constantly mere j
rapid, until there is a point in its wild, mad
rush, from which, once reached, nothing
alive has ever been rescued.
The American people have beer, peaceful,
happy, free, nml prosperous. They loved
tbeir Constitution and loved each other.
But evil whispers divided them, and step
by step they approached ami finally entered
up n revolution. And how wildly and
still more wildly we have rushed, and yet
rush along! The question now reached is
not whether this or that party shall triumph
—wot whether we shall haven Union—not,
alas! whether we shall have a government
founded on our consent. It is more vital
still. The issue has wholly changed, end
has ceased to be a political question. The
issue now pressing is one of actual political
life—of social existence. Nothing more
startles the man of thought, the readers of
hist.try, than the giddiness with which the
people are riding on the rapids to destruc
tion, seemingly unconscious of what awaits
them. You ate as giddy this day as were
the dupes who married and were given in
marriage, and carried on their ordinary
transactions, before the flood. The world
was neither more wicked, nor giddy, nor
guilty in that day than is the political world
s/l America at this day. The great diffi
culty of the times is this : the people have
no regard lor truth ; they have no love for
it—not a particle. You think no le aof a
tnan w ho notoriously and avowedly engages
in deception, provided ha b.‘ a politician,
than you do of a Christian gentleman. 1
rather think you think more of deception
ibati you do of tiuth; and that is the rea
son why so much deception is practiced.
It has not only become a harmless thing,
but it has absolutely become a passport to
power —a means of success—the policy by
which you manufacture greatness out of
nothing. The Church and Society are all
at fault ; the people themselves are at fault
upon this question. Why, it has not only
grown to hen habit, hut it has become al
most a maxim, that it is “no harm to tell a
He in politics.” Oh, what a preverted
judgment! What immorality ! No harm ?
•‘Piactice has made it so.” My friend, a
political lie is the worst of all lies, and ought
to be held more infamous than all others
He who is guilty of it ought to receive the
frown snd scorn and condemnation of every
man, and cf every member of society. Why,
the very reason w hy the country lias reach
ed its present condition, is the failure of
your rulers to be honest and truthful, and
the failure of the people to call them to
account for their infidelity to truth.
Wbat a spectacle the American now
presents 1 Wdiat a spectacle for the world
aud posterity ! And not merely political
ly, but morally. For four long years the
peopls, North and South, were anxiously
watching the struggle—a stiuggle to de
termine whether certain States should be
considered in the Uuion or out of it. Fi.
Daily, tire struggle ended. The Southern
people unanimously said—“ We’ll consent
to remain ia the Uuion—we’ll admit that
our attempt to leave the Union is a fail
ure.” Nearly three years has elapsed since
then, and you have seen your rulers—the
pretentious leaders of politic and sentiment of
the country—going to Washington City
laying their hands upon the Bible, swear
ing to support tbe Constitution
the United State-, and daily violating
every principle oft Lat Constitution, and
setting at naught the whole issue and tlet
result of the war. Nav, the people have
become so salsa to themselves—so false to
every principle cf truth and virtue—that,
ar. old man, the leader of the great party,
without carnage to his character openly
and bodiy avows and declares that all the
legislation touching these States has been
entirely outside the Constitution, which ht
was sworn to support! You have seen
the Legislative department, governed by
passion, actuated by vindictiveness, over
turning the institutions of the country—
not to support tbe Union which they so ij’t „
to.preserve, but for the sole purpose of pre
serving power and continuing themselves
in office. Thus we present to the nations
of tba world the spectacle of an absolutely
demoralized Legislative Department of
government.
In all time, tbe army lias been consider
ed tbe very embodiment of chivalry, or, at
least, of honesty. Governing, as they do,
by power, trained to love power, that they
should be magnanimous w as thought to be
characteristic of arms. But, what a spec
i lade do the American people present at this
hour! The head of tha army confessing
before the world that he was guihy of in
tentional duplicity and treachery, and con
victed of talseliool itself by six of the
highest men of the nation! I repeat, he
confesses himself guilty of intentional du
plicity and treachery, perpetrated during
a series of mouths. Six of tha first men of
j he nation proved him guilty of downright
■ intentional falsehood. Either the com
j manding General of the Armies of the
[ Uuited States is convicted before the world
of falsehood, or (lie President of the same
nation, and five Cabinet officials, stand con
victed of it. For my purpose, I care not
which is right. I bring to your view, sim
ply, a startling fact—if you have any mor
tality to be startled—that, in either event
your rulers staud convicted, and confessed
convicted, of intentional falsehood. That
is the point tit which tha nation has
arrived.
And now, what do we witness! The
natiuo actually trembling, the nation ac
tually doubting, the nation actually fearing
that that department of the government,
which, in all history, has been, ought to
be, and which, under our form of govern
ment, was intended to be, the bulwaik of
our liberties—the break-water of passion—
I say the whole nation is trembling, doubt
ing, fearing, that tho Sup erne Judicial
power of the country will be utterly une
qual to the task of declaring wl.at they
know to be the Constitution of their coun
try. On this point I, for one, have never
yielded. 1 have always believed that the
question, once made before that tribunal
fairly and clearly, they would be equal to
'lie task, tlioifgli I confess I have not found
one mao in a hundred to ttgr.o with mo,
and that fact alone is a sufficient illustra
tion of tbeexteutto which this corruption
aid loss of confidence have gone.
Shall the judicial department of the gov
ernment—lif.ed by the Constitution above
the mere petty passions ol tho multitude
fulfill the great objects of its mission, and
say that the Constitution is the supreme |
law of the laud, and that all acts outside ol J
it arc usurpations and consequently void ? j
If so, this countiy may bo tav*-d ; thus'
revolution may be stayed. But if the court
should agree w ith tbe Congress, and leave
the President standing alone m the strug
gle, battling with two d>-p irtmeuts of the
government, then, my countrymen, the
final appeal is to you. Politicians are
corrupt —there is no truth in hem. Y our
lenders tell a Ire and swear to it; but though
peijury is a crime, it is a passport to pow
er. If your government f-t’l*, it wII (or
no other reason than a want of honesty
and of lovo of truth. Tlreu, I say, the
appeal is to you, to the people of America,
whether you shall prove truthful and bon
est But, if you fail, then, the verdict is
written that you have neither virtue uor
intelligence sufficient to preserve Repnhli
cart Government, and over the falls we
must go, at once, and forever.
That is lire question now before tbe
American people. I deny that it is a mere
political question between two parties; I
deny that it is a question between Union
and Disunion ; I deny that it is a question
between despotism and liberty, solely. It
has become a question of decency or in
decency, of honesty or dishonesty, of truth
or falsehood, of yiitue or vice, of civiliza
tion or barbarism, and he who ranges him
self on one side Dr the Other rnu3t bo for
ever so adjudged. (Applause,) I deny that j
it is necessary at this day for a man to!
sUnd up before any intelligent audience
and argue the constitutionality of the ques
tions now being thrust uyon you. There
is no man who does not need a guardian 1
but knows they are unconstitutional; and
you know it. The question is not as to
whether you understand it ; but whether
you have virtue enough to do what you
know is right. And people of Georgia,
! the issue ie made. You are to he called
I upon to determine whether you will favor
| truth or falsehood. I know that now, and I
| indeed, for many years bark, the air is full!
of “Policy, policy, policy”—-the making of
this bargain ar.d of that bargain. 1 wit!
j venture now to say—and I hope I shall
'offend nobody; though, indeed, I don’t
care'f 1 do, in telling the truth—that
there are over fifty men this day in Allan
Ita who have come here to see if they can
; not make some office by joining one party
other. I have been observing some
.| of theta for two day3, and I begirt to think
, I shall almost feel respectable (laughter,
WASHINGTON, WILKES COUNTY, GA., FRIDAY, APRIL 3, 1868.
and cheers) if I do not get out of such an
atmosphere. I represent no party; I be
long to none, and therefore speak only for
myself. I support that party which I
think, in a given instance, is right; and
that parry to day is represented by these
young gentlemen. (The members of the
Young Men’s Democratic Club of Fulton
County.) I speak ir.y own conviction
fearlessly, and, I trus', plainly. 1 desire
to do so, and I desire to be understood;
personally indifferent, whether or not I
please one man only, or all men. (Ap
plause )
I deem it my duty to come before you
r.nd put on record my views of theC usti
lution which is now proposed for adoption,
and to give the reasons why I deem and
declare it iufauious. lam not going over
the old argument which I had the honor
of presenting before au audience in this
same hall, at nil earlier period of our histo
ry, by which I proved that the authority
which authorized this natter, ouginally,
was unconstitutional and void. I say so
still, and every man knows that it is so.
Everybody knows that the Convention as
semtded here to frame a Constitution for
the people of Georgia had no more author
ity to do so than have my young friends
sitting here. But even if the original an
tl.orify were absolutely valid, everybody
knows that the Convention was not called
by an honest vote. I say that the vote
was falsely counted, and you know it
[Applause ] I say it, was corruptly forced
and you know it. But parsing all that by
a Convention illegally authorized, is enough
to justify au honest man in condemning
its action, w hatever that action bs. Well,
of what material was this Convention
composed ?
modating-very charitable—very self
sacrificing adventurers from New England
comedown here to inculcate the manners
and morals of New Ergland into the he
[lighted Georgians! (Laughter.) 2. An
other part is composed of men fabo to
their own race tint country —false !o their
own pledges —false to their own history,
and lul.*e to their own oaths--going into
the parly for the simple purpose of getting
Itouor. 3. Another pocLloii is composed
of negroes fro fit your corn fields. (Laugh
ter and cheers,) negro preachers, and con
vicls from King Sing and our penitential ies
(Immense cheering an 1 laughter.) Men
black and white, now charged by the ju
ries of the country fwiflt every infamous
crime known to the Portal Code. These
I make up tho body of tho Convention—
I with a few gentlemen, who are in very had
j company and seriou-ly hazard their re; u
I lotion. (Langlit r )
And these, Georgians, are the men who
I arc to form your fundamental law. New
England outlaws; Sing-Sing convicts;
pentiw-iiti.iry felons; and corn field negroes,
ongagifigin the wotk that immortalized
the fathers of the country; Spirits of
Washington, of Franklin, and of Madison
and of your colaborers of 1787, look down
and see this mock mimicry of your grand
wotk!—nay, nav, look no’, I beseech you
lest you shock the angels with your blush
ing, and startle heaven with your weeping.
[Enthusiastic applause.]
But, let us pass from the material com
posing the Convention, to the work there
of. It is ti universal maxim, as true in
politics as in philosophy, that tho effect is
always like the cause which produced it.
Now, I will s.ty, tb- passing, that this Oort
stitution leaves evident imuks of a contest;
there were two classes of minds in the
Convention. Oue class endeavoring to do
everything that is infamous, and another—
a small class—trying to deceive them into
doing something otherwise. [Laughter.]
But they have been so afraid that, thetr de
ceptions would be discovered, that, in my
opinion, they failed to accomplish what
they intended.
Speaking of truth, I will ask you, can
didly and hunestly, whether under the cir
! cumstances, the preamble to this new Con
! stitution is true / I will read you two pro
ambles, and I submit them for you to judge
which is the tiueone. The preamble, as
adopted by the Convention, reads as fol
lows :
“ We, the people of Georgia, in order to J
frame a permanent government, establish
justice, insure domestic tranquility, and
secure the blessings of liberty lot ourselves
and our posterity ; acknowledging and in
yoking the guidance of Almighty God, the
Author of all good government do ordain
I and establish this Constitution for the State
! of Georgia.”
“Now,‘.hat ia what they say; but what
is the truth? I read again:
•PWe, il.e niggers of Georgin, in order
to destroy all permanent government, es
tablish robbery, insure domestic d.sgrace
and discord, and secure the curses of an
archy and despotism to all races and their
posterity; acknowledging the guidance of
the Radical party, the autber of all had
government, do ordain and establish this
'» Constitution for the State of Georgia.”
[Here tbe speaker was unable to proceed
for some minutes, owing to the irrepressi
shout of laughter.]
Now, I shall cal! your attention to some
portions of this Constitution, as illustrating
its character, I will tiotiee its pro
visions touching the relations of the taces,
and next, what might, by way of nomen
clature, be called its moral features—some
thing new iu a Constitution. With re
gard to the question of races, I will not
j analyze the Constitution, thoroughly ott
. that subject; shall assert a few lead
ing propositions, which no truthful nren
can deny, and which no hottest man will.
First, how does this Constitution leave
| the social relation of the races ? Upon
| that snhjcot there is hut one clause in the
i Constitution, and to that clause I desire to
call the attention of the audience. It is
section 11, of what is called the ‘ Bill of
Rights,” or “Declaration of Fundamental
Principles.” The 11th section read thus:
“The social status of the citizeu shall never
be tho subject of legislation.” Now, the
casual observer, on reading that, might
not discover its meaning, and so, indeed, a
casual observer, on reading the Constitu
tion, would discover very little that it does
mean. It requires that a matt should have
some knowledge of law, of man, of socie
ty, and of tkis country—for which it is in
tended—before ho can understand this
Constitution. It says, “The joeial status
of the citizen shall never be the subject ol
legislation.”
Now, under that provision, what is the
result f The marriage relation ia a social
relation—eminently so—the leading social
relation is the marriage relation. This
Constitution does not say that “intermarry
ing between the whiles and blacks is here
by made valid,” qr “hereby authorized;”
but says “the social status of the citizen
shall never be the subject of legislation,”
by which, of course, is meant that the Leg
{stature shall never have power to prohibit
the intermarriage of races.
Vagrancy, also, is a sorial question.
Whether the vagabond who lounges
through your streets shall be taken tip and
either made to wotk, or punish* I, is a seri
ous questiou, T uod one of large it fluettce on
the welfare of society. That elauae, there
fore, means that tin-Legislature shall never
have the power to’puriish vagrancy. Who
shall stop at your hotels ? What shall he
tho manner of riding in in your railroad
cars} What shall be the older of getting
in your churches? These are all social
questions And this Constitution says
that on all these subjects there shall bo no
legislation I
Negroes can force themselves into our
church pews and railroad cars. They can
go, young ladies, and sit by your sides ill
church and all public places, and you can
not help it. The Legislature shall never
act on the subject. It leaves you to your
selves. It leaves von to anarchy! It se
cures tto right. If the negroes choose to
observe your rules, well and good; if they
do not, you have no remedy, you can have
no legislative protection. I dare say the
idea of framing that clan e was to prevent
legislation prohibiting the intermarriage of
the races. [Laughter.] I suppose the
party who framed it, or rather who origi
nated it, had a taste that way, and did not
intend to be interfered with. I didu’l
blame him; out if I was a negro woman,
I would not have a single member of that
motley Convention [laughter and cheers],
except the few respectable persons I have
mentioned, and who, I repent, are in great
danger of losing their characters. I know
they went there with good motives,though
under a mistake, and I atn going to let
them off as easily as possible. [Laugh
ter.]
Now, fellow-citizens, it is for you to say
whether you will ratify this “social rela
tion” arrangement. It is a question of
taste; it is a question of refinement; it is
a question of race; it is a question of prin
ciple I Decide for yourselves. Decide for
your children Decide for your country.
And, my friends, you who think that you
arc lifted above the common herd and
common masses of tiie peop'e, and think
that impudence will never dare assert itself
irt your company, I pray you, I pray you.
save the honest, unfortunate, poor people
of this country from such foul contamina
tion. [Applause.] I pray you also, save
the negro race. I am immovable in my
conviction that the whites and blacks can
only move saleiy together in tbe saute
country, in t!i«ir different and natural
spheres. Whenever you attempt to bring
litem together, you inaugurate a crisis
which results in the paralysis of the white
race, and in the destruction of the black
race. God has ordered you to keep them
apart, and you must keep them apart.
I pass from litis view to that of the po
litical relations between the blacks and
whites. I know that the idea has gone
abroad—l have heard it ntvself in this city
'—that this Convention has been “won-
derfully liberal” to the whites! “They
have not made the races equal I” Won
derful ! They have dona but one thing for
the negro; that is suffrage; they have
given that to them. “ They have not
given the right so hold office, nor any
other”—so they say. And, kind, good
creatures —those carpet-baggers from New
England, and convicts from the penitentia
ries, and negroes front the corn fields
they say they have magnanimously conclu
tied uot to disfranchise the intelligent
.whites of the country ! [Laughter.]
I assert —and assert w ithout fear of con
tradiction—that this Constitution makes
the negro politically equal in all respects
It makes them equal as to the right of suf
frage, and equal as to tho light to hold
office. It draws no distinction w hatever,
and provides for none to be drawn, except
against the whiles. Now, they say there
was a section in the Constitution as re
ported from the Committee which positive
ly declared that negroes should have the
light to hold office, and they struck it out
and now thej** say a notorious gentleman,
whose name I will not condescend to men
tion, says: “Look at the Constitution:
is there any thing in it which says the
negro sltall hold office ?” Wonderful I
Daniel, come to judgement ! [Laughter.]
Well, I ask you to look at the Constitu
tion and see if there is anything which
says a white man shali hold office. Noth
ing whatever. Yet you are so far gone in
tho region of dupodom that men who aro
called intelligent and learned, huve the un
blushing effroutejy to go before the coun
try ami say : “Does it say the negro shall
hold office ?” Now what does it do?
qualifies all male persons over 21 years of
age, ami who have been in the State a
given length of time, to vote. They are
qualified as electors. It does uot say that
when you coma to elect officers, a white
man shall bo elected, cr a black man. It
says that when you elect a Governor lie
must be a citizen of the State and of the
Uuited States so many years, and he must
he 30 years old ; and a member of the
Senate, 25 years old. But does it say he
must have a white skin or a black skin?
Negroes get to be 25 years old. [Laugh
ter,] Ami so you go on to Ropresenta
liveS'nnd Judges of the Supreme and Su
perior Courts; and these latter you requite
to Fin've practiced luw so long. That ex
cludes most of the negroes at present.
But when you come to tho subordinate
officers, no qualification is required —either
for Justice of tbe Peace, County officers,
Coroners or Notaries Public. There aro
some, I believe, for Superior Court Judges,
but none for District Judges ; that is my
understanding of it. Then you decline
in your Constitution, the absolute equalitp'
of all people. Equality in what? Why
equality in all the relations of life. And
the only reason for inserting the provision
regarding tho “social status” was, not to
confer, or retain the right of intermarriage
or the interference of the negro in our so
cial life; but, the idea was to prevent the
L'-gi-la’ure from protecting the while peo
ple against encroachments. That was
undoubtedly the sole object. And that
object is ceitain of accomplishment if this
Constitution becomes law.
Now, my Irieit Is, I say, and God only
knows my feelings when I say it, that the
adoption of this Coußti'ution, and its final
establishment, will bring ruin to your coun
try, and blast l lie hopes of your people
It will condemn the pour‘negro to extermi
nation. No nun can describe, no language !
can express tho horrors that shall ensue,
socially, morally, and politically, whenever
there shall be a forced collision of the
races.
This Constitution provides that there
shall be one Justice of the Peace to every
militia district. That Justice of the Peace
shall have jurisdiction iu all civil cases
where the amount does not exceed fifty
dollars, there is no appeal. Now,
take tho county ol Dougherty, lor illus
tration. In this county there are about
seven negroes to one white man. Do you
not see that every Justice of the Peace
will be a negro? Take the di.-lrict with
which I happen to be most familiar—the
most product ve, perhaps, ill the State of
Georgia, west of the liver, out in wlotl ia
is called the “oak and hickory country.”
Alv overseer told me theot ter day, that in
the space embraced in seme three miles,
there were one hundred and twenty ne
groes and seven white men. Now, then,
|if a matt has a claim there for anything
1 less than a hundred dollars, it is to he ass-
I udicated upon by a negro Justice of the
1 Peace; and if that claim should not exceed
-fifty dollars, he is suhj-ct to that negro’s
'decision without even the right of an ap
peal. It docs not apply to contracts, or to
wages, hut it will apply, nl-o, to what law
yers call actions ex delicto, as well as to
actions excontraclu, for t!nv are alike
civil cases. Hence, if tire . plaiuant
1 does not allege his damages ni n re than a
hundred dollar? it comes und th • juris
VOL. II—NO. 50.
diction of the Justice of the Peace, and
when less than fifty dollars, it shall be
without appeal.
Why, my ftiends, you give up nearly, is
not quite, half the State of Georgia to the
absolute control and dotniuion of tho ne
gro. You give tbe interests of tho poor
white people, by this Constitution, abso
lutely into the hands of the negroes, and
that, too, without appeal. Now, I wish
those men who are so continually talking
about die “poor man,” to hear what I say.
Those men who owe large debts can afford
to go to the higher courts, while those
who are comparatively poor, have no ap
peal whatever, and must take the decision
oi the negro.
Another ingenious point attempted by a
gentleman of the Convention is this: Thi ß
Constitution says that “upright and intel
ligent jurors shall he provided.” Well
the law regards all men a9 upright and in
telligent. One thing, however, is certain ;
that under that law, no member of that
Convention could serve on a jury—except
indeed, a small number. [Laughter.]
Who is upright! Who is intelligent?
If an Express agent can be Governor, who
cannot bo the Justice of the Peace?
[Laughter and applause.] If a little May
or can be Vice President of the United
States, who cannot be a juror? [Reuewed
laughter and cheers.] Where are we go
ing to ?
You give an appeal in cases over fifty
dollars and under ono hundred, from tha
Justice of the Pence to the Superior Court,
and when you get there, you find four
filits to six sevenths ot the jurors negroes,
and your Sheriff, and Clerk, and all other
officers of the Court, negroes also. Oh!
but, say some, tliey will elect white people!
Well, what fort of white people will they
elect? I will tell you. But, first let me
say, that from this time forth the classifi
cation of the negro must be enlarged.
There is the black negro, the yellow negro,
and the white nogro. And to tell you tbe
truth, I have more respect for the black
nigger than for the white; for God made
him a nigger, while the other—the white
one—is a nigger from choice. I tell you
candidly, I would rather have a nigger
Justice o! the Peace than one of these
adventurers or renegades. Now, if you
elect, n Governor for the Stale who holds
that Lite races are equal, the great proba
bilities are that ho will appoint friends of
his own to the positions under his control;
and that he will, under this new state of
affairs, appoint negroes to some good posi
tions. Pea haps ho will make some of
them District Judges, or, indeed*Circuit
Judges. Why not, if they are equal?
In a great many parts of tho country
they can have all the elected offices, from
members of the Legislature down. I toll
your no decent white man will consent to
live iti such a placo, jeopardizing, as ha
will, every interest he has in the world.
Wluit will be the result? Why the plant
ing interest in such sections of tho country
as may bo most iiff.eted with this evil,
will be u'teilv destroyed, and the material
prosperity of the country ruined.
I could pursue almost indefinitely the
analysis of this Constitution, but I shall
not do it. So many thoughts rush upon
me that I actually shudder, when I sea
the possibility ol the people of my coun
try doing what no civilized country ever
did before iu the fundamental law of the
land making those things equal which God
declared unequal. Pictures, dark und hor-
rid float before my vision, night and day
when I see people going along as uncon
cernedly as though there was no danger
ahead. People of Cherokee, do any of
you hear mo? Will you permit mo ono
word of remonstrance ? It is said that this
Constitution is to get its main support from
your region of country.
Mr. A. W. Holcombe (of Milton coun
ty,) in the audieoue. It will surprise them
to hear it.
Mr. Hill, I appeal to you, my friend, for
I know you area true man. J appeal to
you and all like you, to go home and tell
your neighbors what I have told you to
day, and ask them, for decency’s sake, for
country’s sake, (or God’s sake, to save
themselves and tbeir race in lower Georgia
from such foul damnation.
Mr. Holcombe. I will do it sir.
Mr. Hill. I know you will do it. See,
my friends, what an extreme of madness
this is. It is not Reason that has rushed
the American people into it. It is not
I Tiuth that has brought them to it. Pas
sion alone has done it—wild, uncontrolla
ble passion. Passion, captureJ and con
trolled by tlte lutal ambition lur office, of
the wily politician, is what has brought
this people and this country to the present
verge of ruin. (Enthusiastic applause.)
Surely, it is not possible that there is a man
in this country who possesses even the first
instinct of hurior, who would date ratify
| such a fundamental law as that. 1 ask you,
: I'eilo.v citizens, to reflect on this. Your
| own conclusions must show you tho errors
of such a policy.
Concluded on Fourth Page.