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Volume 1.
THE
UPSON PILOT.
,s PUBLISHED EVERT SATURDAY MORNIVO,
Or. A. • MILLER,
Editor and Proprietor. _ _
: ; 1H
If delayed until the end of the year - - 300
Rates of Advertising.
Advertisements will he charged at the rate of one
dollar per square of ten lines or less, and hit} cents for
•orh subsequent insertion.
Professional Cards, not exceeding ten lines, will be
•, rted 12 months for sl2.
Liberal contracts made with Merchants and others
wishing to advertise by the year. . . .
for Announcement of Candidates so, inr ariabl} in
‘ and Deaths inserted free, when accompa
b„ \ responsible name. Obituaries of over 10
charged as Advertisements.
We commend the following Kates of Advertising by
- trad to business men generally. We have placed
il'lvm al the lowest figures, and they will in no instance
be departed from :
BY CONTRACT, j 3 mos. 6 mos. 0 mos. 1 year.
WiioaUlmnge, $6 00 $8 00 $lO 00 sl2 00
ried quarterly 700 10 00 12 0 0 16 00
Changed at will, 800 12 00 14 0 0 18 00
TWO SOPABBf.
Without change. 10 00 15 00 20 00 25 00
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Changed at will, 15 00 20 00 -25 00 30 00
THREE SQCARES.
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Changed at will, 20 00 26 00 32 00 40 00
half colcm.v,
Without change, 25 00 30 09 ‘lO 00 50 00
Changed quarterly 28 00 32 oo 48 00 55 00
Changed at will, 35 00 45 90 80 00 CO 00
OSK COLI MX,
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Legal Advertising.
Sales of Lands and Negroes, by administrators, Ex
ecutors and Guardians, are required by law to be held
on the first Tuesday in the month, between the Hours
often in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the
Court House in the county in which the property is sit
uated. Notices of these sales must he given in a pub
lic gazette forty days previous to the day of sale.
Notice for the sale of personal property must be
given at least ten days previous to the day of sale.
Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must
be published forty days.
Notice that application will he made to the Court of
Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be
published weekly for two months.
‘Citations for Letter, of Administration must he pub
lished thirty days—for Dismission from Administration,
monthly six months—for Dismission from Guardian
ihip. fl>rtv davs.
Rules {nr foreclosure of Mortgage uiUSt, ut puun- n
monthly for four months —for establishing lost papers
for the full space of three months—for compelling ti
tles from Executors or Administrators, where a bond
has been given by the deceased, the lull space ot three
months.
Publications will always be continued according to
the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered,
at the following
hates:
Citation on Letters of Administration, $2 oO
“ Pismissory from Administration, 600
11 “ “ Guardianship, 3 ->0
Leave to sell Land or Negroes, 8 00
Sales of personal property, 10 lnys. 1 sq. 180
Sales of land or negroes by Executors, 3 80
Estrays, two weeks, I°o j
Sheriffs Sales, 60 davs, •’
“ “ 30 250
Money sent by mail H at the risk of tin* Editor,
provided, if the remittance miscarry, a receipt be ex
hibited from the Post Master.
PROYESSK )NAL CAR I >S.
Wa HORSLEY*
Attoi’nev at Latv ,
THOMASTON, GA.
Will practice in Upson. Talbot, Taylor, Crawford,
‘* Monroe, Pike and Merriwether Counties.
April 7. 1859—1 y.
THOMAS BEALL,”
ATTORNKY AT LAW,
THOMASTON, GA.
fed"—ly
p. w. ALEXANDER,”
Attorney at law,
THOMASTON. GA.
tun-25—ly
K - W arrbx. c t Goode.
WARREN & GOODE,
attorneys at law,
PERRY, HOUSTON CO., GA.
novlß—tf
A. C. MOORE,
DENTIST,
THOMASTON, GA.
OFP0 F P, E ,u , ni - v ouse (the late residence of Mrs.
r.t n A.”J iere lamI am prepared to attend to all class
nov [sTt t^P erat * olls - My work is my Reference.
R. a. miller,
ATTORNEY at law,
THOMASTON, GA.
5J5L52 T ESS CARLS.
GEORGE W. DAVIS,
a beautiful Stock of Spring and Sum
-6 ‘i.rL comprising every article usually kept in
‘-iH'ogntrr. Call and see him at his old stand.
1 Easton, April 7, 1559.
it all,
OPPOSITE THE LANIER HOUSE,
MACOIsr, GEORGIA
B.F.DENSE,
j . (Late of the Flovd House.)
‘-ecio—tf ‘Proprietor.
t ßout house,
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
By Mrs. J, I>. BOYD.
July 2
BtISINES S O A If J>s.
w. A. SNELL,
Dealer in pure Drugs and Medicines,
THOMASTON, GA.,
KEEPS constantly on hand and for sale a large Stock
of pure Drugs, Medicines, Chemicals and Patent
Medicines, consisting in part of Dr. Ayer’s Cherrv Pec
toral and Cathartic Pills, and Sarsaparilla, Wistar’s
Balsam of Wild Cherry, Mustang Liniment. Perry Da
vis’ \ egetable Pain Killer, Roberts’ Cholic Mixture,
Alcohol, Linseed Oil, Train Oil, Spirits of Turpentine,
Coach and Japan Varnish. Also, Dye Stuffs, fine Cog
lis, c - randy , detl oar Old Apple Brandy, fine Bourbon
>'liiskev, Old Port and Madeira Wines, Fine Cigars
and Tobacco, all of the very best quality. Besides
these, he lias fine and fancy articles for the Toilet,
Paints, N arnishes, &c., and in fact every thing usually
kept in a first class Drug Store.
Call and see him at the stand formerly occupied by
Harwell & Goode. May 19
STDEXHAM ACEE. JNO. F. IVERSON
ACEE &. IVERSON,
DRUGGISTS AND CHEMISTS,
SION OF GOLDEN EAGLE,
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA.
DEALERS in Foreign and Domestic Drugs, Medi
cines, Chemicals, Acids, Fine Soaps, Fine Hair and
Tooth Brushes, Perfumery, Trusses and Shoulder
Braces, Surgical and Dental instruments, pure Wines
and Liquors for Medicinal purposes, Medicine Chests,
Glass, Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stuffs, Fancy and
Toilet Articles, Fine Tobacco and Havana Segars, &c..
&c. janC— ts.
HARDEMAN & GRIFFIN,
DEAf.rKS IN
STAPLE DRY GOODS AND GROCERIES
Ol Every Description
Corner of Cherry and Third Streets.
MACON, GA.
YLE would call the attention of the Planters of Up
-11 son and adjoining counties to the above Card, be
lieving we can make it to their interest to deal with
us. r
Macon, Ga., November 19,1558. nov2s ts.
WEBB HOUSE,
THOMASTON, GA.
rrilE Subscriber respectfully informs the public that
X he lias completed extensive improvements to
his already large residence in Thomaston, and proposes
to receive and accommodate permanent boarders and
transient travellers. lie solicits the patronage of the
public and will endeavor to make all comfortable and
satisfied that will give him a call on moderate terms,and
as low as the time and markets will afford.
JOHN N. WEBB.
June 18, 1859.
LETTER FROM I!ON. IS. 11. HILL,.
La Grange, Ga., July 25, 1859.
My Dear: Sir : —Excuse me for delay
dor requires me to admit much of this de
lay is owing to an indisposition on my part
to write on politics. It is not necessary
for me to say to you , that this delay is not
in the least attributable to a want of res
pect for yourself : for I can truly say, if
there exist a class of men for whom, as cit
izens, I entertain the highest respect, it is
the class to which you belong—men whose
lives evince that their only connection with
polities is to aid in the establishment of
correct principles, and in securing a prop
er and honest administration of the laws of
the land. With such men law nod. prin
ciple, rather that party and office , consti
tute the great object of desire.
“What shall we of the South now do ?”
is vour question.
After the discussions of nearly half a
century on the various issues presented by
the institution of slavery in its relations to
the Federal and State Governments, the
country, it seems to me, has arrived at a
point where these discussions, with all their
dangerous tendencies, may be terminated
on a correct and sate basis, honorable to all
men and to every section ol the L nion—it,
indeed, a settlement and peace on an\ ba
sis whatever he possible.
Whatever may have been open questions I
on this subject heretofore, every honest ,
tninker is compelled now to see, that there
is no ground for differences of opinion or
action among those who seek the truth,
and really desire to obey the laws, and let j
the country have peace. It this be true, 1
aud agitators still continue to distiact us,
we may know that truth is not theii ob
ject, law is not their rule, and with such
agreement is impossible, and all further la
bor to secure it would be idle. \\ ith all;
so bent, argument is simply folly.
The Supreme Judicial lribunal ot the
United States has solemnly decided that 1
our Southern citizens are co-equal owners
of the Territories, and that to these tem
tories the Southern man has a right to car
rv his slaves and there Hold them with pie
ciselv the same Rights belonging to any ,
other citizen from any other section with
any other property ) and that the Geneial
Government has no power to destroy, or
abridge, or in any manner render ineffectu
al the enjovment ot this right and this pio
perty. In so deciding, the Court but de
clared simple and plain elementary piin
ciples of Constitutional law, which, with
manv of us, were never consideied doubt
ful. * Whatever of honesty charity may
have accorded to those who protested to
think otherwise, heretofore, certainly no
ma n has even a right to think otherwise
now, since obedience to law is a dut\.
The Court not only decided that the
General Government could.not exclude us
from the territories, but with equal empha
sis has also declared that this power to ex
- elude, not being possessed, could not be
j delegated to any Territorial Government
or power.
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES:-DISTINCT, LIKE THI BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA.”
THOMASTON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, AUGUST 6, 1859.
►Since writing the foregoing I have re-ex
amined the decision, and cannot refrain
from extracting the following sentence :
“ And no words can he found in the Con
stitution which gives Congress a greater
power over slave property, or which enti
tles property of that kind to less protection
than property of any other description.—
The only power conferred is the power
coupled with the duty of guarding and pro
tecting the owner in his rights.”
. We then perceive that the whole ques
tion of right, power and duty, in relation
to slavery in the Territories has been set
tled ; and settled too, not by a party plat
form to be changed or violated as policy,
or caprice, or had faith might dictate ; not
by the Kansas bill, nor by any Congres
sional act, subject to double constructions
to suit latitudes, and appeals to suit preju
dices ; hut settled by the Supreme Court,
and settled as the law of the Constitution
plainly and distinctly declared, and thus
lifted high above the clamor of the politi
cian, and the designing trickery of party
conventions.
The people then, my dear sir. have noth
ing to do but to demand that this law shall
be respected as law , and that the rights
thus secured shall no longer be the wind
whistles for demagogues at the hustings, 1
nor the subject for Delphic sentences of’
platform commentators. Here lies the rock !
of safety to the South—peace to the Un- i
ion—prosperity to the country—and of
death to small men.
\\ hat ought the people to do to
make sure this settlement, or rather res
pected this law. To determine this ques
tion let us look for a moment at the obsta
cles in the wav.
No man who fairly observes the current
of political events, can fail to see that two
dangerous assaults are now being made up
on these w r ise and correct decisions, and the
rights they involve. The one assault openly
attacks and seeks to overturn the deci
sions ; the other, while pretending to ad
mit, adroitly evades and seeks to render
them nugatory in effect.
The first of these assaults is made by
the Northern Republican party. This
party openly declares that the decisions in
the Dred Scott and Amv cases are wrong
and shall bg reversed T O .'iprmm A loL +V:X
population, at the ballot box, to take into
their own hands the entire administration
of the Government, and thus procure and
enforce a construction of the Constitution
favorable to their views.
After mature deliberation I can see hut
one reply for this people, and that is war
—war in every sense bv which the term is
defined, or definable. Can argument reach
them ? It is exhausted. Can law hind
them ? It is the law they are organized
to defy—to violate. Can appeals for jus
tice move them ? It is justice to one half
the Union which they seek to destroy. Can
we hope tor peace through some fancied
compromise or compact in the future ?
Can we make a better, a more solemn com
pact, than the ,present Constitution? —
Have we better, or wiser, or purer men
than its authors, to make another ? Made
in the freshness and purity of the morn
ing of our history—made by patriots who
had struggled through common dangers,
consecrated by the presiding spirit of the
great leader of the Revolution, and hal
lowed by every recollection that can endear
and strong in every promise that can in
spire hope—if our present Constitution
cannot command the respect of fanaticism,
I can confide in no other agreement with
the fanatic short of an absolute surrender.
Formerly, the powers of the General:
Government on this subject might be re
garded, in charity, as an open question, j
and resistance to the mere election of a j
person entertaining different views from .
ourselves, might not have been so easily j
defended ; but to resist the success of such |
a party, with such purposes, now, can no j
longer be regarded as other than a right j
and a duty ; because, since these decisions |
by the Court, such a party is seeking no- 1
thing but a plain, open and defiant Viola- j
tion of the law —the law which rnakes,us
equals—and to submit to them is to Sub
mit to traitors, and by the submission,
ourselves would become accessories to the
ciime of treason, and that too against a <
Government which the rebels seek to de
stroy only because it protects our firesides,
our property and our all. This states the
conclusion strongly, but logic never lead
to a truer conclusion, nor patriotism warmed
to a nobler one.
The second assault comes from the De
mocratic Party, or at least the wing of
that party lead by Senator Douglas.
These enemies set out by admitting that
the Dred Scott decision is law—that the
Southern man has the right to take his
slave to tbe common territory, and that
Congress shall not prohibit him from do
| ing so. This is a long way on the road to
right, but if it lead, by a crook, to the
same goal as the first, it is all the more
i dangerous, since honest men may he se-
I duced to travel it.
What else does Mr, Douglas and his
followers say ? They say we have the
i right to earn’ offr slaves to the territories,’
IH fright or power to hold them there
T Afferent thing, and this shall depend
!‘R n Wll * majority of the teredo
iic settlers. That we have the right to
cary our slaves to the territories, and
h6d them if we can but that if, after we
ge there, the Territorial Legislature, or
tb people, or the mob, shall discriminate
agiinst us, or refuse to protect us by the
enforcement of law, or shall take our pro
peitv away, or not acknowledge our right
of roperty in slaves, or shall otherwise
render them useless—why, the Govern
n not interfere, but we must sub
m*; f help ourselves as best we can !
Ths is a fair statement of “Popular Sov
eregnty,” falsely so-called, and it does
to me its very statement is enough
to *nlist every honest man against it.
Vhe naked doctrine is that while we
ha/e a right to our property in slaves in a
territory, yet, if the powers in the Territo
ry eloose to invade or destroy that right,
or reader useless that property, we have
no remedy ! To a lawyer no proposition
coulf be more absurd, to a citizen none
mon shocking, and to a candid statesman
nom more disgusting.
To sustain this doctrine of Senator
Dotglas and his followers, we have to ad
mit at least four positions or assumptions,
eadi ot which is a fatal and palpable er
ro’, and all of which are neither more nor
less than abolition dogmas.
fst. This doctrine assumes that the ten
dfc by which we hold property in slaves,
is different from that by which we hold
other chattel property. But in fact our
tile to a slave is precisely the same every
where, and especially as members of the
Federal Government:, as the title to our
horse, and the law of the United States,
which makes it larceny in the territories
to steal a thing of value, makes it larceny
to steal my slave.
2nd. It assumes that special legislation
is necessary to create, or at least to pre
sawe property in slaves, and that more es
pecially are we in the power of Territorial
Legislation on this subject. I am aware
that one or two party leaders of notoriety
from the South have admitted that slave
ry is an institution which depends solely
upon the municipal law of the place where
\ exist* * hniihis nnsition is contrary to
tTarj to the direct decisions ot tne United
States Courts. Besides, it must he re
membered in this connection, that these
same party leaders, have at some period,
managed to admit almost if not altogeth
er, every dogma of Freesoilism. I write
this in no spirit of crimination, but only
because it is the truth of history, and is in
the line of my argument.
Property in slaves is in no sense the crea
ture of municipal laws. So far from it I
do not know of a single old State in this
Union which has ever created the right of
property in slaves by legislation. Certain
ly, slaves were brought into Georgia, not
only without law, but against law, and so
the matter as far as creating statutes are
concerned, stands to this day. We have
regulating statutes and that is all ; pre
cisely as the United States have, and must
have, regulating statutes in all the terri
tories. Besides, if a man convert my slave
to his own use even in Georgia, my reme
dy for his recovery, is by the old English
action of Trover. Why ? Because a ne
gro is a chattel , and the actions of Detinue
and Trover are remedies for the recovery
of chattels. When a Southern man emi
grates with his slaves to the common Ter
ritories, by what law is he protected ? By
the Constitution and laws of the United
States, including the remedy for the re
covery of chattels, and the law for the pun
ishment of larceny.
By the laws of the United States, he
who steals my slave in a territory is guilty
[ of larceny, and he who converts my slave
is liable to me in damages, for the same
reason in both cases—the slave is by the
1 law r of tile same power, property of value.
The Courts of the United States are open
1 Hj die Territory for the administration of
j these laws. The Slaveholder is not de
pendent on the Territorial Legislature for
his title, or his remedy, but is altogether
independent of it on both points, because
both are recognized and protected by a
~ Constitution and a law which Territorial
Legislatures cannot repeal. The national
fiag is the Slaveholder’s power and protec
j tion wherever it floats.
But suppose the Territorial Legislature
should pass a law against you any how ;
err suppose the Courts and juries, and peo
ple- should refuse to enforce the law in
your favor, hut by force execute an uncon -
stitutional act against you ? What then ?
The answer is easy, for
3rd. This docUUie of Mr. Douglas as
sumes that be such a thing as a
Government which does not protect the
citizen, and cannot execute its own laws.
Is the Government to look on idly, and see
its own officers violate its own laws to the
injury of its own citizens ? Has it ilo
power to protect ? Then it is no Govern
ment, but a farce. Has it ho will to pro
tect ? Then it is mean and oppressive,
and entitled to neither respect nor obedi
ence. Has it the power and the will, but
fails to execute either because the policy
or platform of a dominant party forbids
it ? Then such a party is meaner and
more oppressive still, is unfit to adminis
ter any Government, and the very salva
tion ot both the Government and the citi
zen demands that such a party be repudi
ated bv all honest men. Obedience and
protection are reciprocal, and the first is
only due by the citizen when the latter is
accorded by the Government. Protection
to the person and property ot the citizen
is the very object of Government, and it is
only on this condition that obedience is a
virtue or disobedience a crime.
4th. But again, this doctrine of Mr.
Douglas allows to the Territorial Legisla
ture and people what it denies to Con
gress. But how ? for the Territorial Leg
islature is the creature of Congress, and is
actually created by Congress for no other
purpose, than to observe the law andpro
tect the citizens— all the citizens in person
and property—and when it fails or refuses
to do this, it has defeated the only object
ol its organization, and the General Gov
ernment—each department in its proper
sphere— must simply do directly what,
by its agents, it could not do indirectly.
It seems to me that reasoning cannot be
clearer, or more correct.
But why enter into argument to show
that Senator Douglas is wrong ? His doc
trine is just as palpably in the teeth of the
decisions by the Supreme Court as the doc
trine of Seward and the Republicans. —
Both the power and duty of protection are
distinctly decided in both the Dred Scott
and Amy cases. By his professions Doug
las pretends to stand by the decisions, anu
in the very midst of his professions, ad
vances doctrines against even the letter,
language and spirit of the decisions. He
has the same venom that Seward has, hut
hides it: He approaches the South with
the same weapon, hut conceals it and de
ludes with the cry, “a friend is comino-
When the General Government fails from
any cause to protect the slaveholder in the
Territories, then as to the Slaveholder the
Government is iio longer a Government
and all who are interested in slaves are
discharged from obedience to it; and if
Mr. Douglas, or any other man holding his
‘f./Wn tn minister this
claration that there is no Government Tor
the slaveholder, and every word I have
written against the success of Republican
ism, 1 repeat here with all the superadded
emphasis which indignation can acquire
from seeing hypocricy added to wrong.
Both the parties thus assaulting these
decisions, and through them, the rights of
the slaveholder, are preparing to elect a
President in 1860. One of them even
counts on an undivided South for support.
The delusion of pretended friendship is to
secure Southern support, and the real free
soilism of doctrine is to carry a sufficiency
of the North.
The duty of the Southern people, it
seems to me is so plain, that no man can
mistake it. Let us all unite —not on party
—but on the laiv. The Kansas bill can’t
Otvro VIO. X t Into IV* llv\l 2 K * A iY ikii TANARUS) 111
Mr. Douglas borrows the arguments by
which he attacks the decisions in the Dred
Scott and Amy cases, in the manner set
forth before* The endorsement which the
South gave that Bill in 1856, might now
prove her ruin, but there is a way of escape.
Since that time the Court , has settled the
law for us. Let us, like good citizens, get
off’ of double-meaning Kansas Bills and all
treacherous Party platforms, and step on
the law. Here is a foundation on which if
we but stand with unity, demagogues can
never embitter, nor heresies divide us, and
from which fanatics can never drive us. —
Here are the decisions of the highest tri
bunal in our country, declaring that the
Wilrnot Proviso and Squatter Sovereignty,
and Congressional and Territorial restric
tions are all unconstitutional, and that no
department of the General Government,
nor all its departments together, nor all
the agents it can create, have any power
over the institution of Slavery “ except the |
power, coupled with the duty, of guarding
and pretexting the owner in his rights.”
What more do we want ? How much
better can Party and Platforms do for us ?
Why auv further convention commenta
ries ? Why still talk about the Kansas
Bill—the Cincinnatti Platform and Buc
hanan’s inaugural ? Where is the ground
for differences between Southern men ?
Upon what pretence —for what better doc
trine is the slavery agition to be continued ?
Will not the law satisfy us all ? Con
Doitglasism improve the law ? Will
hot the people now see that the agitator
has nothing in view but his own promo
tion, and that to accomplish this our dear
est rights are to be forever attacked, the
rhostlolemn sanctions of law disregarded,
and party strifes always to divide us ? Let
us throw away longer reliance upon Party,
and let us wake up the sleeping genius of
Patriotism that these storms of agitation
may be rebuked until the winds are stilled
and peace restored to a distracted crew.
In the present canvass let us have no
mere party candidates. Let us take our
stand on the law. and give notice to all the
North, and all parties that we are don‘6.
with contentions—done with double-mean
ing resolutions—done with Congressional;
tricks—done with discussing Congressional
power over Slavery, Let us sav the law
has been pronounced. The judgement has
been entered and there is no appeal. By it
we will &tand aftd will tolerate no party
which doubts its correctness, or hesitates
to enforce it. Let Georgia, with an undi
vided voice,‘speak this warning from the
ballot box in October next. Let us say,
we will obey the law onrselvcs, and tvc will
submit to the ride of no power that jsc^iU
>7s abrogation or reversal. If the s<>uth
will Lnt do this —it Georgia will do it—.}
the reign of the i s over aIK j
the day of fanaticism has passed. ’
Will Governor Brown now reconsiderand
repudiate, or at least leave in obevance, a
mere parti/ nomination, and take this po^ t
sition ? Will he repudiate Douglas and
his doctrines and Seward, and all parties
for the time being, and agree to support in
the future only that party or that man who
shall distinctly come to this position ? If
so, all other grounds of difference shall be.
forgotten, and I will give liltfl hty humble
support.
It is indispensable to success that the
Southern Democracy should take this po
sition, for it is in the Democratic party
that one of the doctrines which is at war.
with the law and our rights finds its home
and its strength. If Southern Democrats
would preserve their self-respect they must
take this position. In 1855,-. and
1857, we of the Americans insisted, that
Mr. Douglas occupied the very position in
which we now find him, and our objections
to the Kansas Bill were its squatter (or
popular) sovereignty and alien suffrage
features, by the first of which this princi
ple of Douglas was to be fixed on the Ter-,
ritories, and by the second the population
was to be secured which to make the
principle effective. .The Democrats per
sistently and everywhere denied our char
ges both as to Douglas and the Kansas
Bill. But it has turned out that we were
right and they were mistaken. We speak
nothing in the spirit off triumph. We do
not ask the Democrats to join our party,
but we do ask them to abandon those who
defend the law. We make” no” bo&st/' n, se
claim no reward, for we only did our duty.
I m'aS’e tne appeal direct! y to Governor
Brown, and hope we shall hear from him
before the 10th day of August. Will he.
repudiate party, and stand on the law with
us, or will he remain a party candidate,
standing on the Cincinnati Platform where
Douglas and Van Buren .are also standing
and pleaching their free soil heresies ? If
he has not the courage or strength to
break his party fetters, will the chivalrous
Thomas do it ? If no Democrat has the
nerve to quit his party and come to the
country, will not some noble Georgian,
who has heretofore had no active connec
tion with party conflicts, lead a deluded
people away from that body of death—
Partyism!
Then: also let tne people in tne various
Congressional Districts, without regard to
party, nominations, made, or to be made,
vote for their very ablest and best men,
and send them all of one voice to Wash-,
ington declaring that the South will no
longer submit to have her rights regarded
as mere trump cards for demagogues to
win power, and will therefore tolerate no
mail or organ ifatioft or Govertirfient which
will not inforce and administer tft'e Vaiv.
I have written, Sir, as 1 think. 1 have
made suggestions. Honest minds can easi
ly fill up the argument. I will not con
ceal from any, whither, in my opinion, the
policy 1 have suggested may lead us.
If in 18G0 the Democratic Party shall
give us principles and a nominee coming
distinctly and boldly up to the requisites
of this letter, and our party shall fail to.
do so, then, to be consistent, we must and
we will go to the Democracy.
If our party shall come up to this stan
dard abd Democracy shall fail, then Sou th
em Democracy, to be consistent, must
come with us. ,
If both shall come up patriotically to
the line designated, then we., mall have,
done a great good to the tourltrv, and we
can go in good humour, and witH good
consciences, each tb bis reiSjV’btiVk stau
| dard to do battle on other and proper is
! sues. . . • • i
If neither shall come to the rescue, but
both bend before the winds of fanaticism,
or party policy, and repudiate or be afraid
of the lav.% then we shall defeat both, it
we can. arid failing if! this, we shall all
join hands and hearts and voiees too, in
quest of a Go"er:iirient that will acknow
ledge the right, and protect the citizen.—
As an American, proud with confidence in
my associates, and knowing our hopeflty
heretofore, and happy in the consmousnesa
of my rectitude of -purpose now, I do not
f ea r aiid will not shrink, from the test.
Yours, very truly, . •
. IT ft. ftILL.
To Gol Geo. IP DrbLEfi Americus, Qdi
Number 38,