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Volume 1.
THE
UPSON PILOT.
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PR()Fl.ssi ONAL CA H I)S.
G. HORSLEY, “
Attorney at Law,
THOMASTON, GA.
At ILL practice in Upson, Talbot, Taylor, Crawford,
’ Monroe, Pike and Nierriwether Counties.
April 7. 1859—1 y.
THOMAS BEALL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
, TIIOMASTON, GA.
fed9—ly
p. AvTalexaydeip -
Attorney at law,
THOMASTON, GA.
nov2s— ly
* Warren. C. T. Goode.
Warren & goodE;
attorneys at law,
perry, HOUSTON CO., GA.
novlg —ts
A; C. MOORE,
deatist,
0^ E af , ni -’ House (the late residence of Mrs. I
af n /, W , re L am prepared to attend to all class- i
‘P erat ' ons - My work is myßeference.
gTaTmiller,
attorney at law,
thomaston, ga.
s s cards I
&I tA]\riTE HA.LL,
OPPOSITE THE LANIER HOUSE,
MACO]sr, GEORGIA
B.F .DENSE,
. (Late of the Floyd House.)
Proprietor.
b'EBB hToXJSE,
thomaston, ga.
A he | l^'or *ber respectfully informs the public that
tW, s c °nipleted extensive improvements to
to reu ? j v ‘ ar 2e residence in Thomaston. ami proposes
traits * a!ld accommodate permanent boarders and
public and /: llers - He solicits the patronage of the
** tij ßed rh . ondeavor to make all comfortable and
ts g at w .dl give him a call on moderate terms,and
the time and markets will afford.
‘“"•18, ,359, JOHNS. WEBB.
*
From the Charleston Mercury*.
SPEECH OF
The Hon. Alex. H. Stephens.
We published a few days since the ster
ling and unanswerable speech of Hon. A.
Iverson, U. S. Senator from Georgia, who
is looking to a re-election from the people
of that State.
We place before our readers, to-day,
the speech of the Hon. Alexander H. Ste
phens, lately delivered to his constituents
at Augusta, as reported, we presume, by
himself, in the National Intelligencer. —
This speech is entitled to consideration for
several reasons. The orator is notoriously
a candidate for national honors—the Pres
idency or Vice Presidency of the United
States. During the last summer he de
nounced the Administration as “wickedly
foolish,” because it would not affiliate with
Douglas, after he had defeated the Admin
istration and the South by the rejection of
Kansas as a slave State from the Union.
At the last session of Congress he advoca
ted the admission of Oregon into the Un
ion, without the population required by
the Kansas Compromise Act, and thus de
feated the only consideration the South
obtained for acquiescing in the rejection of
Kansas as a slave State from the Union.
The fruit of this policy is already seen in
the certain return of one, if not two, black
republican Senators from Oregon to Con
gress. Os course, in this speech he advo
cates Squatter Sovereignty ; and.of course
Senator Douglas, as stated in the papers,
openly expresses his preference for Mr.
Stephens over all other southern aspirants
for the presidency. Nor is it surprising
that the New York Journal of Commerce
and other northern papers that compre
hend his drift, speak approvingly of the
sum and substance of this effort, as con
curring admirably with their policy of ‘No
more slave States/
The falsities of this speech consists in
only two particulars—the ivhole past and
the tcJiole present, it represents the South
as triumphingon all past issues on the sub
ject of slavery, and as now reposing in a
condition of perfect peace and security. It
was to secure to the South this grand and
felicitous consummation that he remained
so long in public life. Now that he has
no new fields to conquer for the South,
this political Alexander retires tothesweets
of domestic life. The speech is before our
readers, and we call attention to the fol
lowing extracts :
“I leave the country not only in as good,
hut in a better condition than I found it.
Whatever dangers may have threatened
us, the republic has sustained no serious
detriment, either in her material resources,
intellectual advancement, social condition,
or political status. On the contrary, with
whatever shortcomings there may have
been in that fuller development that might
have attained in some of these particulars,
yet, on the whole, her progress in each for
the better, has been most marked and un
precedented. This is true of the whole
country, as of each of the parts separately,
and especially of our own State.” • ° *
“All those great sectional questions which
so furiously, in their turn, agitated the
public mind, foreboding disaster, and
which, from my connexion with them,
caused me to remain so long at the post
you assigned me, have been amicably and
satisfactorily adjusted, without the sacri
fice of any principle or the loss of any es
sential right. At this time there is not a
ripple upon the surface. The country was
never in a profounder quiet, or the people,
from one extent of it to the other, in a
more perfect enjoyment of the blessings of
peace and prosperity secured by those in
stitutions for which we should feel no less
grateful than proud.”
“As matters now stand, so far as the
sectional questions are concerned, I see no
cause of danger either to the Union or
southern security in it. * * I see noth
ing likely to arise from it calculated to en
danger either her safety or security.”
1 When Mr. Stephens entered Congress
the Twenty-first Rule was in full opera
tion, and by it the subject of southern
slavery was precluded from Congress. —
That rule in 1844 was repealed. Is the
“South in a better condition” for the sue
cess of the abolitionists in repealing this
rule—and was the question “amicably and
satisfactorily adjusted for the South
“without the sacrifice of any principle or
the loss of any essential right.”
2 When Mr. Stephens entered Congress
it was a cardinal rule of southern policy
that the equality of the two sections of the
Anion should he preserved in the Senate
of the United States —a slave State and a
free State were admitted into the Anion
together. The submission of the South to
the surrender of our rights in California,
which Mr. Stephens advocated on every
stump in Georgia, has broken down forev
er the equality of the South with the North
in the Senate. Is the South in a “ better
condition” for the success of northern ab
olitionists in wresting from us California,
and establishing the predominance of the
Northern both in the Senate and House
i of Representatives ; and was this question
also “amicably and satisfactorily adjust-
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES: —DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA.”
THOMASTON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, AUGUST il 18-59.
ed” for the South, “without the sacrifice
of any principle or the loss of any essen
tial right ?”
3 When Mr. Stephens entered Congress,
the abolition party was a contemptible
taction. It did not number a half dozen
members in Congress. Yet Mr. Stephens
enjoyed the proud satisfaction, only some
three years ago, of sitting under an aboli
tion speaker in the House of Representa
tives, and there is every possibility of a re
peated enjoyment of a similar condition of
affairs at the approaching Congress, by all
whosrnTs'!iitant feelings are in a like
as Mr. Stephens’. Is the South “in a bet
ter condition” for the mastery of the House
of Representatives by northern abolition
ists ? and was the long struggle for this
mastery “amicably and satisfactorily ad
justed” for the South, “without the sacri
fice of any principle or the loss of any es
sential right ?”
4 When Mr. Stephens entered Congress
the southern and northern sections of the
Union were not arrayed against each oth
er. The election of members of Congress,
of governors, legislators and judges in the
northern States, did not turn on the ques
tion of hostility to southern slavery. An
anti-slavery candidate for the Presidency
of the United States would have been a ri
diculous absurdity. Such is not now the
state of things. ■ To enforce the exclusion
of the southern people from the common
territories, an anti-slavery candidate for
the presidency was very nearly elected at
the last presidential election, and there is
a strong probability that such a candidate
will he elected at the next presidential
election. The predominating party at the
North is an anti-southern, anti-slavery
party. Is the South in a better condition
by the success of this party, and is the
question of their predominance “amicably
and satisfactorily adjusted” for the South,
“without the sacrifice of any principle or
the loss of any essential right ?”
5 When Mr. Stephens entered Congress
fugitive slaves from the South were easily
recovered in the North. Abolition presses
were broken up and opposition to the laws
of Congress was put down. No organiza
tion existed to protect fugitive slaves in
the North, or murder their masters seek
ing to recover them. Is the South now.
“in a better condition,” when, to recover a
fugitive slave in the North is next to an
impossibility—and the fugitive slave law
by Congress has been nullified by north
ern States, and judgers are dismissed from
office tor enforcing it ? Arc the rights of
the South to recover her fugitive slaves
“amicably and satisfactorily adjusted,”
“without the sacrifice of any principle or
the loss of any essential right ?”
G When Mr. Stephens entered Congress
there was a whig and a democratic party
in the United States ; Mr. Stephens was a
whig. This party, at the North, became
an abolition party, and Mr. Stephens drif
ted over to democracy. Now, there is no
whig party in the Union, and, as a party
of harmonious principles, no democratic
party. The black republican, a higher
law party predominates at the North, re
gardless of law or constitution. Is the
South, made a desperate and increasing
minority by the policy of Mr. Stephens
and his ilk, “in a better condition” from
this state of things ? and are they “amica
bly arid satisfactorily adjusted” “without
the sacrifice of any principle or the loss of
any essential right ?”
7 When Mr. Stephens entered Congress
slave States were admitted into the Union,
without difficulty. Does he not know —
indeed, did he not affirm—that Kansas
was rejected from the Union because she
applied for admission as a slave State ?
and does he not know that “No more slave
States” is not only the creed of the black
republican party, hut Os the controling
portion of the democratic party also in the
North ? Is the South in “a better condi
tion” in her inability to expand, which he
says itxlibo life of nations —and are her re
lations with the North in this particular,
“amicably and satisfactorily adjusted,”
“without the sacrifice of any principle or
the loss of any essential right ?”
8 When Mr. Stephens entered Congress
Gen. Cass had not originated the doctrine
of squatter sovereignty to cheat the South
out of California ; Senator Douglas had
not upheld it to cheat the South out ot
Kansas.; the northern portion of the dem
ocratic party had not embraced it to pre
clude the southern people forever from
colonizing, with their slaves; any portion
of our present or future territorial posses
sions ; and the Hon. Alexander H. Ste
phens, and the half dozen other presiden
tial aspirants in the South, had hot sup
ported* it, as placing her “not only in as
good; but in a better condition” —and as
being an “amicable and satisfactory ad
justment,” “without any sacrifice of prin
ciple or the loss of any essential right.”—
u Heu! tempora mutanlur , ei nos muta
mus cum ill is” l
The Hon. Alexander H. Stephens con
founds together two very distinct things
the prosperity ot the country, and his agen
cy with respect to it. The one may very
decidedly exist, yet the other have had
nothing‘to do wfth it. Nay, go far as the
influence of his agency has extended, it
may have operated most decidedly in im
peding the prosperity of the South. Sup
pose the Government of Spain should take
the prosperity of Cuba as the criterion of
their very excellent and liberal government
over this rich and beautiful Island, would
not the Hon. Alexander 11. Stephens un
derstand the fallacy P A standing army
iof fourteen thousand men, which people
j are compelled to support to keep them
; down ; spies behind every door ; the press
muzzled ; the garotte the speedy instru
ment to suppress opposition or rebellion,
and a tax ot eight millions of dollars anu
ally wrung out of the people of Cuba to
support the bigoted and corrupt Govern
ment of Spain, are not very conclusive
proofs of a good, useful and free govern
ment. Yet Cuba has been prosperous as
the South lias been, and from the same
cause. The increasing demand for sugar,
tobacco, coffee and cotton, produced by the
advancing civilization of the world, lias
made her people rich, in spite of the mis
rule and the enormous and exhausting ex
actions of the mother country. If the pro
fligate Queen of Spain should imitate the
Hon. Alexander 11. Stephens, and say to
the Cubans, “'See how, by my wise and vir
tuous policy, I have produced your pros
perity ; you are one of the richest people
in the world, therefore praise, and love,
and uphold me,” —she would receive but
the grim answer of scorn. And so it is with
Air. Stephens and the South. Prosperity
is no measure of liberty. Nor is the pres
ent, in this respect, any criterion for the
future. If the advancing waves of black
republicanism are by a gradual process to
overwhelm tlie South, their prosperity and
our civilization must sink. Does Air. Ste
phens counsel us to wait until we are over
turn by political vassalage, material im
poverishment, intellectual retrogression and
social degradation, before we move ? It
is to prevent these things that others strive,
and to secure ourselves against such a con
tingency the South will anticipate Mr.
Stephens. He cannot show that he has
acquired for the South one single guarantee
for her protection, or one single instrumen
tality for her prosperity. On the contrary,
he submitted to the repeal of the Twenty
first Rule, which protected his people and
| their institution from insult and aggression.
He submitted, and did all he could to make
Georgia submit, to the infamous preelu
; sion of the South from the whole of Cali
’ for nia—a territory large enough for several
splendid States, and belonging in common
to South and North. He submitted to the
rejection of Kansas from the Union, be
: cause it came forward for admission as a
slave State. And he now supports the
foul pretension of the North, in spite of
the decision of the Supreme Court of the
United States, to exclude the South forev
er from all of our present and future terri
tory by the agency of squatter sovereignty.
That the South has prospered and still
prospers, in spite of all these surrenders
and wrongs, is attributable to her vast in
herent energies and the beneficent action
of the State governments, and not at all to
the services of the Hon. Alexander H. Ste
phens at Washington. Nor is he one of
those weak and ignorant people who may
have believed that the various measures of
enroachment by the General Government
and the North, on the rights of the South,
have been insignificant or harmless. lie
has denounced them and exposed them all.
1 Who, in the whole South, was more indig
nant and defiant at the pretension of the
North to wrest from us California ? He
not only upheld but instigated the State
of Georgia to commit herself to resist any
measure by which we should be precluded
from California hit every hazard and to the
last extremity/ * And who more zealously
opposed and showed the wrong to the South
of squatter sovereignty ? In this very
: speech he boasts of his having maintained
that slavery in our territories should be j
protected by the direct legislation of Con
gress. If, therefore, his assertion is true
that all these sectional questions have been j
“amicably and satisfactorily adjusted,
without sacrifice of any principle or the
loss of any essential right,’ then does Air.
Stephens stand self-stultified. His argu
ments against them were nothing hut the
gaseous effusions of demagogueismor folly.
And if, on the contrary; he was right in
his publicly declared estimation of them,
then his glowing picture of the present fe
licitous political condition of the South, j
arid his important services in producing it,
is nothing but the effervescence of a very
modest imagination. He is entitled to no
credit.
Air. Stephens has doubtless displayed
ability and gained some personal distinc
tion. It is not an easy thing, we suppose, j
for a man, under such circumstances, to
realize that his whole political life, so far
as the people ho represented is concerned,
has been an utter failure. Hence the temp
tation to represent defeat as success, and
to convert, by the alchemy of words, the
evils we have submitted to into blessings.
Mr. Stephens’ statesmanship was at times
admirable in its just comprehension of the
rights and interests of the South. His
failure has been in enforcing them If
■v
statesmanship did not consist in action,
Air. Stephens would have been efficient and
useful statesman. But unfortunately for
the South, action was absolutely necessary
for the protection and establishment of the
rights ot the South. But when her ene
mies would not yield, Air. Stm heris has
always been ready to submit. His states
manship in action then consisted inenforc*-
j ing upon the South the policy of her ene
mies. This he most effectually did in the
California struggle. Again, he pursued
the same policy with respect to Kansas.—
The Kansas Compromise was worthy of all
his refined powers of self-delusion. His
vehement assertion that the constitution of
Kansas was not submitted by thiscompro
: mise to the vote of the people, had its just
commentary in the rejection of the consti
tution by the vote of the people. And now,
after opposing squatter sovereignty, and
finding that Douglas and his anti-Lecomp
ton democrats will not yield their perni
cious heresy, because they mean by it to
shut the South out of all our future terri
tory, and thus prevent her expansion and
secure the mastering predominance of the
North in tlie Union, Air. Stephens, of
course, succumbs. He does With a
characteristic facility he embraces the her
esy. The able and conclusive positions of
Brown and Davis, and Hunter, and Ala
’ son, and Iverson, and Clay, in the senato
rial debate of the last Congress, he repudi
ates, and walks over to close hands with
the grand representative of squatter sover
eignty. It is astonishing that Davis should
quarrel with him for thus underbidding
them all with the North p He is prepar
ed to support Douglas, and we presume to
be supported by Douglas, on the platform
of enforcing squatter sovereignty against
the South as a law of the Union. It is
thus that in every sectional contest between
the North and the South, during Air. Ste
phens’ congressional career, he has first de
fended the rights of the South, then sur-
I rendered them, and then subserved the pur
i poses of the North upon the South. In all
such services to northern freesoil democ
! racy I/e may flatter himself as being one of
the most useful public men in his section.
We now look upon him as one of those pub
lie men who work the decline of a people
from their high estate of liberty, or who
help to overthrow it.
Time is a great disperser of vanities.—
Within a little more than a year, it will be
ascertained whether the South is satisfied
with the triumphant repose ascribed to her
by Air. Stephens. It will be seen whether
this modern Alexander of southern con
quests will be President or Vice President
of the United States. In our opinion,
Douglas and his adherents, South and
North, are destined to a decisive, and, we
trust, an ignominious overthrow. Disap
pointment awaits those who, judging by
the past, regard the people of the South as
useful make-weights in their personal games.
The people of the South are at length com
ing to the conviction that a compromiser is
nothing but a traitor ; and that they must
save themselves from their southern politi
cians no less than from their northern ene
mies.
Necessity of Acids. —Physiological re
search has fully established the fact that
acids promote the separation of bile from
the blood, which is then passed from the
system, thus preventing fevers, the preval
ing diseases of summer. All fevers are
; “bilious that is, the bile is in the blood.
Whatever is antagonistic to fever is Tool
ing.” It is a common saying that fruits
are ‘ cooling;” also berries of every descrip
tion ; it is because the acidity which they
contain aids in separating the bile from the
blood ; that is, aids in purifying the blood.
Hence the great yearning for greens and
lettuce, and salads in the early spring, these
being eaten with vinegar ; hence also the
taste for something sour, for lemonades on
an attack of fever. But this being the case,
it is easy to see that we nullify the good
effects of fruits and berries in proportion
as we eat them with sugar, or even sweet
milk or cream. If we eat them in their
natural state, fresh, ripe, perfect, it is al
most impossible to eat too many, to eat
enough to hurt us, especially if we eat them
alone, not taking any liquid with them
whatever. Hence also is buttermilk or even
common sour milk promotive of health in
I summer time. Sweet milk tends to bilious
ness in sedentary people, sour milk is an
tagonistic. The Greeks artd Turks are pas
! sionately fond of sour milk. The shep
herds use rennet, arid the niilk-dealers
alum, to make sour the sooner. Butter
milk acts like watermelons on the system.
— Hall’s Journal of Health.
I
Fly Catching.— The A l, heeling Intel- ,
ligencer says of a paper that has been pre- !
pared for catching flies:
“It is smeared with a mixture of nut oil j
and molasses, applied when hot. When
the sheet is folded the paper becomes per
fectly portable. Each sheet will entrap j
a couple of thousand flies; for let the in- j
sect but touch it ever so lightly, and he !
sticks to the paper like a politician to the j
habit of lying ”
The Historical Picture of 1859.
: THE TWO LEADING SOVEREIGNS OF EUROPE.
Murillo immortalized himself by his cel
ebrated picture ot the “Immaculate Con
; ception, Angelo by his “Last Judgment,”
Raphael by his cartoons ; but who is to
win immortality by a representation of
! the interview between tlie Emperors of
France and Austria at Villafranca, the
great historical picture of 1850, in which
the two leading sovereigns of Europe par
ticipated ? And that they are the leading
rulers in Europe recent events have demon
strated.
That, after a war involving the interest!*,
the existence, the policy of two empires
; with a population of thirty or forty mi 11-
| ions each ; after six bat ties had been fought,
two of them the greatest of which history
tells,these menshould, of theirsingleminds,
come together, and, without advice or as
sistance, or the elaborate humbrgof diplo
macy. settle the affairs, not only of their
own dominions, hut of all Europe, is a faefi
which iti itself stamps them ns the leading
sovereigns of the Old World, When the
preliminaries were arranged, each started
in his own direction, and hot h equally great.
That Francis Joseph should have the mor
al courage to meet his antagonist alone, and
tliei ‘o settle the question of peace, calmly
submitting to the inevitable circumstances,
which surrounded him, and accepting the
sole responsibility, proves him to be as
great a man in his own way as Napoleon
has proved himself in his.
One can fancy the emotions which filled
the breast of Francis Joseph at finding him
self face to lace-with one whom he must
have felt at that moment was the master
mind of Europe—alone, without a friend
or counsellor, to settle the destinies of his*
Italian possessions, and perchance his own
States in Europe. After eight hours of
such association, during which period he
had ceded a fair domain to his adversary,
it is no wonder that diis countenance was
blanched to deadly paleness when he re
joined his staff on the threshold of that
memorable house, tbe Casa-Cfandini-Mor
elli. One can readily fancy, also, the non
ch a lance of Louis Napoleon, whose simple
undress uniform covered a heart pregnant
with grand schemes and far off projects, in
viting his youthful adversary to smoke a
cigaretee, and pulling a flower to pieces,
leaf by leaf, like a thoughtful maiden.
What a strange stream of thought must
have passed through the mind of each in
tlie few brief moments which preceded the
first word of that mysterious conference*
the secrets of which history will probably
never record ! And then the parting at the
door, the intense gaze with which each met
the other’s eyes—a look, the import where
of no witness could read—the hurried gras
ping of the hands, the vaulting into thd
saddle, and thejj’abrupt departure in differ
ent directions without a parting glance.
The whole scene formed one of the most
pictorial episodes of the war. — N. Y. Her
ald.
Who Elected flanks Speaker I
In the 34th Congress, the Republicans
numbered in the House, 108 ; the Demo
crats, 83 ; and the Americans, 43. Banks
came there from Massachusetts as the regu
lar nominee of the Democratic party.
Letcher, a brother Free Soil Democrat, in
defending Banks, said : “As I understand
it, Mr. Banks does not belong to the Ameri
can party.”i See Globe ’.15, page 44.
This man Banks was elected by the in
trigues of Sam Smith, of Tennessee, who
offered the following plurality fllle, and
managed to have it adopted :
“ Resolved , That the House will proceed
immediately to the election of a Speaker.
v'va voce. If, after the roll shall have
been called three times, no member shall
have received a majority of all the votes
cast, the roll shall again be called, and the
member who shall then receive the largest
number of votes, provided it be a majority
of a quorum, shall be declared duly elected
Speaker of the House of Representatives
of the Thirty-Fourth Congress.”
The Democrats had been running Rich
ardson of Illinois, until Zollicoffer showed
him from the record to he an Abolitionist
of the first water. He was withdrawn upOii
the ad o pti°n of Smith’s plurality rule; and
on the one hundred and thirty-third ballot,
thus, Batiks was elected.
Banks, Northern Democrat - - - 103
Aiken. Soutuern Democrat - - - 10(1
Fuller, Northern AnieHCatl -- - 6
Campbell, Northern Whig 4
The whole number of votes cast was 213.
As many a 28 Americans -oted for Aiken,
and only six for Fuller, their nominee. Six
Democrats, three from the South, dodged
behind the bar, and permitted Banks to bq
elected, when.they, or four of them, could
have elected Aiken.
An apology for Vagrant Spirit#.
You laugh when told that spirit# wing
Their flight from some far world ot bliss,
To rap on boards, that tools may bring
A tribute to the knaves of this :
But spare those doubt# Tnd sneers, I pray;
Breathe not one word of hai>h abuse :
Ghosts well may clap when Loco’s play
This wondrotts flu ce of Fox and Goose.
Wa£le£> --A (juoinffom a printer’s
Number 41.