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d Pni i. 185: ly.
THOMAS BEALL
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th "MABTON, GEORGIA.
Hu 186(|—ly
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THOM ASTON, GA.
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ATTORNEY AT LAW,
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THOMASTON, GA.
U , Douse (the late residence —*•
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novl jl ;;:° rk is “yHeference,
EDWARD EVERETT.
Edward Everett, the Union candidate
tor \ ice President, was born in Dorchester
Massachusetts, April 7,1794. Ilis father’
the Dev. Oliver Everett, was the predeces
sor of President Kirkland as pastor of the
New South Church in Boston, and was af
terwards Judge of the Court of Common
Pleas in Norfolk county, Massachusetts.—
Edward Everett entered Harvard College
in 1807, at the early age of thirteen, and
was graduated in course in 1811, with the
highest honors, in a class containing more
than the average amount of ability For
some time after graduating he was employ
ed in his Alma Mater as a tutor, at the
same time pursuing his studies in divinity,
the profession which he had selected. In
ISI2 he delivered a spirited poem before
the Phi Beta Kappa Society on American
poets. In 1813 he was settled as pastor
over the Brattle street church in Boston.-
In 1814 he published several works on re
ligious subjects, and in this year he was
chosen Professor of Greek literature in
Harvard College. \\ ith a view ot quali
fying himself lor the the duties of his post,
lie entered upon an extended course of Eu
ropean study and travel, leaving home in j
the spring ot 1815, and passed two years ;
at the famous University of Gottingen, en
gaged in the study of the German language
and the branches of learning connected
with this department.
He passed the winter of ISI7-’l9 at Pa
ris. The next spring lie again visited Lon
don, and passed a few weeks at Cambridge *
and Oxford. In the autumn of 1818 he
returned to the Continent, and divided
the winter between Florence, Rome and
Xaj les. In the Spring of 1819 he made a
short tour in Greece; returned home in the
san: -■ y ar, and entered upon the duties of
his professorship. During his residence in
Europe his range of study embraced the
ar. lent classics, them lern languages, the
bist re and principles ■7[ iblie lavas then
prJessed in tm German univcisittes, and!
a mprehensive examination of the exist
ing political system of Europe. Simulta- !
tie us with liis ] rofeFs-orship he edited the ,
North American Review, which he conduc- j
ti I till i ■ He also found time to'pre-j
pure aud publt-h a translation of “Butt- ‘
man’s Gieek Grammar.” Mr. Everett’s |
; n! lie life beg; nin 1824, when -he was :
u-.-minated and t lected to Congress by the
f he dis . ict in w 1 : *h lie re- I
sided, liis nomination was mad- .• i hout I
hii ’ i consulted, and was t • -.ntane
- - * r vment on the * art of tl.e you dr: I
cy A lims. ih Mi j \v t and eled lb nt of j
the United Bfu.es. .1/. Everet: served
...:: years in Cot. :ress. 1 during ••*hole
j><*ri‘ l ! <* w;is a nembor <d the (.’ ji.anittee
on i . ■ i Aiiuirs. b ps tin t im
; ‘rtnut one at that ume in the House of
R••-• -■ ntalives. la t • i w ntieth Con
gress Ik- was Chair:- :m ofthat Committee.
In the Nineteenth Congi ss, though tlien
just elected to the House, and tlie young
est member of the commit ce, im drew the ;
etl-. b.u.ud report on the Panama mission.
He w liuirm ad;.. Mr.Ada n1 h •
ideiicv, in the Georgia controversy, and
was always zealous and prominent in his
I n
diuns. During his Congressional career he ,
di:a layod a thorough knowledge of the pol
itics of the country and the wants of the
whole Union, and his speeches always cn
gged the rm st profound attention. In the
autumn of 1834 ho declined a re-nomina
tion to Congress, as his political friends ;
were desirous of presenting lii.s name as a
candidate * for the office of Governor, to
w hich he was chosen by a large majority in
the ensuing elect ion. He was afterwards j
re-elected, holding the executive office four
years. liis administration was dignified,
useful and popular. In the autumn of
1839, after an animated struggle, he was
defeated in another contest for the guber
natorial chair. by Marcus Morton, by a ma
jority of one vote. In 1840 he sailed im
Europe with his family, and remained a
broad for five years, four of which he pass
ed as an American Minister at the Court
of St. James. During the period of his
mission some delicate questions, of which
that of the Northeastern boundary and the
McLeod case were the most prominent,
threatened the pacific relations of the Uni
ted States and Great Britain, and to their
amicable adjustment the firmness and di
plomacy of our Minister largely contribu -
ted. The case of the Creole, and questions
connected with Oregon and Texas, were al
so elements of irritation. He procured at
various times, and in the luce ot great ob
stacles, the release from the penal colony
of Van Dieman’s Land of sixty or seventy
American citizens, convicted of participa
tion in the Canada rebellion. The space
allotted to tins sketch will not allow us to
enumerate further the iuvaluable services
of Mr. Everett while our Minister at Eng
land. Suffice it to say, his course was of
the most dignified character. In the spring
of 1843 he was appointed to fill the newly
constituted commission at China, with a
view to establish commercial relations with
that country, which honorable trust he was
compelled to decline. Upon his return to
tliis country, iu 1845, he was chosen Pres
ident of Harvard University; but his im
paired health compelled him to icsign Ids
post at the end of three years.. In ISSO
he was called upon by the President to fill
the vacant Secretaryship of State made va
cant by the death of Mr. AVehster. He held
the office during tho last four months of
Millard Fillmore’s administration. Jhe
condition of the public business made them
months of most severe labor. Among
the important matters that demanded his
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES;—DISTINCT. LIKE THE BILLOWS j ONE. LIKE THE SEA ”
THOMASTON. GEORGIA, SATimIY MOB SfN i JUNE 2. lsfSr>.
, consideration were those relating to
Crescent City steamer, Lobos islands, and
i the negotiations pertaining to the fisheries:
he concluded an international copy right
convention with Great Britain, and a Con
sular convention with France and reviewed
the whole subject of Central American af
fairs in their relations to this government
and Great Britain, and induced Congress
to establish a mission of the first class to
Central America. But the question that
attracted most of the public interest dur
ing Mr. Everett’s administration of the De
; partment of State was the joint proposition
of Great Britain and France to enter with
the I nited States into a tripartite conven
tion, guaranteeing to Spain in perpetuity
the exclusive possession of Cuba. This
proposition was declined by the United
States, in a diplomatic note of great sl ilb
ty drawn up by Mr. Everett. Before leav
ing the Department of State Mr. Everett
was elected by the Legislature of Massa
; chusetts to the Senate of the United States,
took his seat in that body at the commence
ment of the special executive session in
March, 1853, and made an elaborate speech
on the Central American question. Such
is a brief outline of Mr. Everett’s career.—
Though past the age of sixty-four, he is
i still in the full vigor of liis intellectual fa
; culties, and liis latest efforts surpass in
merit even those of the zenith of liis man
hood. Those who remember his oratory
thirty years ago recognize in it the same
I fire and energy that charmed them at that
’ period, refined and chastened by the long
practice and familiarity with all classes of
auditors. It is rare to find a man who has
led so laborious a life, displaying, after
years of toil, so keen an interest in ovary,
moment of life and affairs. Though class- j
ed among the conservative men of the
country, lie is the eloquent advocate of ra
tioned progress in every form of social de
velopment.
From the Knoxville Whig.
DOUGLAS DEFINES HIS POSITION!
Leading Democratic organs have, for |
two years past, denounced Stephen A.
Douglas as “a gambler in politics”— a a
swindler” — :< a pettifogger and demagogue”
—sneaking assassin”—“a traitor”—“a
Judas ready to betray with a kiss”—and
as a corrupt, designing man, unworthy of
confidence, playing into if the
Abolitionists, : ‘ us to i
the Soxffh ••aitid j
: Vs
,n -|
ted him a. 5 wc :
believe; have chos 0 °* j
the man! -
Here are the terms upon which Douglas
notified the Democracy a year ago, he would
accept the Charleston nomination .
Washington, June 23, 1850.
J/y Dear Sir ;—I have received your
letter, inquiring whether my friends are at
liberty to present my name to the Charles
tun Convention for the Presidential nomi
nation. Before this question can be fully
determined, it will be necessary to Tinder
stand distinctly upon what issues the can
vass is to he conducted. If, as 1 have full
faith they will, the Democratic party shall
determine in the Presidential election of
18G0 to adhere to the compromise princi
ples embodied in the compromise measures
of 1850, and ratified by. the people in the
Presidential election of 1852, and reaffirm
ed in the Kansas Nebraska act of 1854,
and incorporated into the Cincinnati Plat
form in 1856, as expounded by Mr. Buc
hanan in his letter accepting the nomina
tion, and approved by the people in bis
election, in that event my friends will be
at liberty to present my name to the Con
vention, if they see proper to do so. If, on
the contrary, it shall become the policy of
the Democratic party which I cannot an
ticipate, to repudiate these, their time-hon
ored principles, on which wc have achieved
so many .patriotic triumphs, and in lieu of
them the Convention shall interpolate into
the creed of the party such new issues as
the revival of the African slave trade, or a
Congressional slave code for the Turbo
ries,°or the doctrines that the Constitution
of the United States either establishes or
prohibits slavery in the Territories, beyond
the power of the people legally to control
ir, as other property, it is due to candor
to say that, in such an event, I could not
accept the nomination, if tendered to me.
Trusting that this answer will be deem
ed sufficiently explicit, I am, very respect
fully, your friend,
‘ (Signed) S. A. Douglas.
J. Bonn. Dubuque, lowa.
—* -♦* -
What is Life ? — The mere lapse o 1
years is not life. To cat, drink and su op
—to he exposed to darkness and the light
—to pace round in the mill of habit, and
turn thought into an implement of trade
—this is not life. In all this, but a pool
fraction of the consciousness of humanity
is awakened, and the sanctities still, slum
ber which make it worth while to be.
Knowledge, truth, love, beauty, goodness,
faith, alone can give vitality to the me
chanism of existence. The laugh ol mirth
that vibrates through the heart—the tear
that freshens the dry wastes within—the
music that brings childhood back—the
praver that calls the future near—the
doubt which makes us meditate—the death
which startles us with mystery—the hard
ship which forces us to struggle—the aux
| jety that ends in trust —are the true nour
ishment of our natural being.
[F m * e Y Sentinel.]
jV. t;ii . * ! ■:! Kerord
Mr. Editor: —I is v wish that the
lion. John Bell mid !• > laced correctly
before the j eo; 1 . fr a ih.* record of the
country. In 1836, we find John Bell and
Judge White of Tennessee, (to the last
gentleman named, Georgia in 1836, gave
her vote in opposition to Mr. Van Buren.
for the Presidency,) voting
tion as offered by Mr. RhetfJPPSouth
Carolina:
“Resolved, That all petitions, memori
als, and papers touching the abolition of
slavery, or the buying, selling, or transfer
ring of slaves, in any Stare, District, or
Territory of the United States, be laid on
the table without lying debated, printed,
‘ead or referred., and that no further ac
tion vhaiever hall be had thereon,”
Again you linu him in 1836, defending
the South and vo:;ng for the admission of
Arkansas in;■> h*. Uni -n. In 1838, you
find John B 1: in in House, voting side
by side with Glasscock, of Georgia, on the
Atherton resoluiious. 1 think Georgia
once gave Mr. Glasscock forty thousand
votes because of a vote given by him, re
lating to abolition petitions. Again in
1848, you find John Bell voting for the
Clayton Compromise hill and against the
\\ iimot Proviso, offered as an amendment
by Mr. Clark The Clayton Compromise
bill of 1848 contained the true doctrine of
non-intervention, for the twenty-sixth sec
tion ofthat bill -‘provided that the legis
lative council should have power to legis
late upon all .subject counts.ent with the
Constitution andiawsot die nited States,
lrat tiu rto prohibit or establish Afri
can slavery by law.” An appeal was pro
vided from all decisions of the Territorial
J udges in cases of writs of habeas corpus,
or other cases where the issue of personal
freedom should be presented to the Court.
In 1850, you find John Bell voting for the
Utah bill, in favor of the Fugitive Slave
bill, and against abolishing the slave trade
in the District of Columbia. He .voted at
the same time side by side with John M.
Berrien on the Texas boundary bill.
Before I go farther, let me here say,
John Bell, with the South in 1848 and
ISSO, voted to extend the Missouri line to
the Pacific. In 1853, when Judge iDoug
las reported his Territorial hill for Nebras
ka and Kansas, John Bell stood with a
united S ■ a united North, in
the Sena - Clayton j
ameudun ‘ -A,.!
e
en gen del v
in the Ter
North acu - ->eii righi
or wrong ?" m ul-l the crimes in Kansas an
swer. Let the pres nt state of feeling ex
isting beiwe n he Nmth and South an
swer. Was J'diu 3 o i ighqor wrong when
he-": oke run v i .„uinst the Kansas
bill in 1854 ? L u iiib - rentes in, and
the confusion . , ..r as, answer.
An “American,” m the Constitutional
ist, asks if John Bell “doers not believe in
the right of Congress to constitutionally
exclude slavery from the Territories ?” i
answer that “An American,” of the Con
stitutionalist, cannot from the record of
the country, show where John Bell, either
by act or words, ever held that Congress
could exclude slavery from the Territories.
I tell “An American ihat John Bell’s re
cord on the all-important question to the
South., stands weil as any man’s from
the South in Congress.
If John Bell had voted for the repeal of
the Missouri line, lie Would have had to
give countenance and support to that
“wretched and < read thirty of uncertain
ties and. va,u aniny generalities as Judge
Iverson called th’ ansas bill. Those who
did vote- to rupe.il h Missouri line, voted
fur the Badger amuudmer ‘hat abolished
slavery in Kansas, for before* the Missouri
line was put upon that Territory, it was
by the terms of the treaty and the transfer
from France to the United States, slave
territory, every foot of it. It is a known
rub* in law when a repealing act is re peal
<d, the original law is revived and of full
force. Therefore, so soon as the Missouri
line by the Kausa a bill makers was repeal
ed. th * 1 r nch law xfended all over Ne
braska and Kama-, ml r. was slave terri
tory and the Bad,; i amendment in the
Kansas bill mad* h fro*- Territory.
John Bell did v..u- against the thing
Gov. llamm.md, of S nth Carolina, said
the South ought to have kicked out ot
Congres tho Lecornpton Constitution. —
He was on the spot ; he is no politician, no
demagogue, no office seeker, no office lov
er ; a statesman. The political rectitude
! of John Bell upon the rights of the South
! and equality of the State stands vindica
ted by the record of the country. Insinu
i atioiis are unfair, they are not manly.—
They slip by truth ; keep round honor and
use the prestige* of seeming candor to do their
! office of deception and betrayal.
• . Madison.
N t long since, in South Carolina, a
cl rg .ni .1 was prea hing on the disobedi
ence of Jonah when commanded to go and
8. A
ting for a eun.-id rable length of time on
the truly awful consequences of disobedi
; cnee to the divine commands, he exclaim
ed iu. avok v-ot thumb-r i hat passed through
the coi greja'’• an electric shock,
“aud said a; : i; any Jonahs here?”
There was a in gr>* present whose name was
Jonah, who. thinking himself called on,
immediately ar---.*. nd, turning up his
white eye to th** nr -tcher, with the broad
est grin and best bow, answered, “here be
one maesa.”
William ('ampbell Preston.
We quote the following abstract from
Redfield’s “Men of the Times :”
Hon. William C. Preston, an eminent
statesman and lawyer of South Carolina,
was born on the 27th December, 1794, in
Philadelphia, while his father was attend
ing Congress at that place, as a member
from Virginia. His maternal grandmoth
er was the sister of Patrick Henry. He
was educated at the University of South
Carolina, wh re he was remarkable for his ,
general caj acity as a student, and great
readiness of speech as a youthful speaker.
In 1812 lie graduated and returned to Vir
ginia, where he studied law in the office of
William Wirt, at Richmond. In 1816 l.e
went to Europe, and after visiting France,
England and Switzerland, resided for some
time in Edinburgh, where he attended, to
gether with the late Mr. Legare, the le -
tures of Hope, Playfair, and Brown. In
1819, Mr. Preston returned to the United
States, and being admitted to the bar in
1821, commenced the practice of law in
Virginia. In 1822 he removed to Colum
bia, in South Carolina, where lie contin
ued to practice his profession with great
distinction and success. In 1824, Mr.
Preston was elected to the House of Rep
resentatives, where he soon became a lead
ing member, and distinguished himself as
an able advocate of State Rights and Five
Trade. In 1832, Mr. Preston was elected
to the Senate of the United States, where
lie at <>nee assumed a Jhigh position as an
able and eloquent debater. In 1842 he
resigned liis place in the Senate, and re
turned to the practice of his profession in
South Carolina. In 1845 he became Pres
ident of the University of South Carolina,
which office he filled with great credit, un
til 1851, when he was forced to resign in
consequence of ill health. Mr. Preston is
remarkable for a winning power of elo
quence, which charms and captivates the
feelings. His oratory is thus clialdcteriz- ;
ed in tliis tasteful tribute by his friend !
Dr. Lieber, in an oration before the mem
bers of South Carolina College : “I stand
here wh re an orator has stood, of wide
and high American repute, whose wealthy i
eloquence has often gushed forth from this
very spot in all the native energy of his
Saxon idiom, perfumed with the fragrance j
of a scholar’s mind, and the aroma of a
cultivated tast —a speaker whose oratory
is yet fondly remembered by the humblest
classes of our people. It is not more than
■\ twelve-month ago that one of them, as
A •• igurul the hojise of ills- i
..-ed to talk like a mock
in a series-of sketches of orators and
statesmen published in the Mobile Trib
une, the author, (Capt. B. A. Reynolds.)
remarked of Mr. Preston :
This gentleman was one of the most
gifted of the heroic band of Xullifiers, and
subsequently became one of the most dis
tinguished statesmen of our country, elec
trifying the Senate, and all ranks and clas
ses of men, with that matchless oratory,
which in its effects was like one of those ‘
tremendotifc tropical storms, which sweep
away everything before them. He spoke ,
like a man inspired 1 towering above the
conflict of debate, and bathing in the sun
bright excellence of his own glorious intel
lect. His speeches during the Nullifica
tion controversy eclipsed everything since
the time of Patrick Henry, “the forest
born Demosthenes, who shook the Philip
of the seas.” Ilis first speech in the Sen
ate of flu* L T nited States was highly com
plimented by liis opponents, particularly
by Forsyth, who said that he could well
believe the blood of Henry flowed in the
veins of the eloquent Carolinian. And
such indeed, is the fact,Tor Preston’s moth
er was a near relativejof the great Virginian.
But ir was not to his oratory alone that
Preston was indebted for reputation, for
he was a distinguished lawyer, a brilliant
wit, and superb conversational;-t ; indeed,
we once heard Senator Butler say that the
most brilliant things he ever heard trom
any man in conversation were uttered by
Preston. Tliis is great praise when we re
flect that Butler has long mingled famil
iarly with the most celebrated men of the
countrv. and is himself inferior to no man
in the Union as an eloquent speaker and
faseina’ inq conversationalist.
In fact, William Campbell Preston was
the most eloquent man that America has
produced since the Revolution. No orator
in the country could stand before him for
a single instant. He towered above the
argument and the audience in those splen
did harangues that stirred up your blood
until you were ready, like the Athenians
of old, to fake up arms and march against
the Macedonians. Oh, how great, how
noble, how sublime, were the orations of
Prest'-n ! J.li’ r on said that Patrick Hen
ry sp ik<* as Horner wrote; but Preston
was the yod of Horner
A Fish Story.— A party of gentlemen,
while fishing in Warsaw Sound, Monday
last, ralight an immense saw fish on a line
set t r -harks. Dis a remarkable speci
men and very 1 irely seen in southern wa
ters. X. it le r Hi- captain nor pilot have
ever bn iwn one taken before, and a gentle
man from Wilmington Island, an old resi
dent, stated that he had never known but
one to be caught before, and that vr£s quite
small. The one referred to now measured
thirteen feet eight and a half inches, his
saw measuring three feet. In appearance
there is a resemblance to the shark in its
length, and to the devil fish in its width. —
Attached to the rear fins are remarkable
looking projections; that look like a sheep s
=* - : = MJL - ** - m
Lnynblo in Advance?.
log both in size and length, through which
an orifice penetrates the stomach. The
entrance is closed by a valve formed of the
llesh and is, when opened, armed with a
nail or tooth. Great was the excitement
on board the boat when his fish-ship was
being pulled in, and his immense strength
would have parted the line by which he
‘was caught, had he not got entangled with
another line which prevented his display
ing his full power. — Sav. Rcpulllcun.
What is “Soundness- 1 *
The following dispatch was sent us. and
appeared in our issue of Saturday :
Charleston, April 28. Dispatches
from Toombs and Iverson urge the Geor
gia delegation to withdraw with Alabama’
if a sound platform and a sound man are
not adopted.
If there is no mistake about this dis
patch, an important question arises, the
settlement of which would greatly facili
tate obedience to the b< bests ol Messsrs.
Toombs and Iverson. They ought to give
us a distinct definition of what constitutes
soundness in a candidate and a platform.
Is beast und man who opposes Congres
sional intervention for the protection of
slavery in the territories, as does (or did)
Mr. Toombs, or he who advocates it liko
Mr. Iverson ?
“Is be “sound” who is willing w ith Mr.
Toombs, to “leave the protection of slave
ry to the Judiciary and Executive,”—or is
it, on the contrary “sound” to think with
Mr. Iverson that it is a Legslative ques
tion, and the Federal Legislature ought to
pass laws for the preservation of slavery
and its protection in the territories against
unfriendly legislation ?
Is he sound who believes with Mr. Iver
son, that the principle of squatter sover
eignty is in the Kansas bill, or who believes
with Mr. Toombs, that it is not ?
Is that man sound who agrees with Mr.
Toombs, that Mr. Douglas is a bold, man-,
ly, truthful, and independent patriot, and
that lie stands just where he did in 1848,
ISSO, and ISjj—or one who declares, like
Mr. Iverson, that he Woiild not vote for
Douglas, even if he were nominated at
Charleston, and thinks “he has forfeited
all claim to the confidence and support of
the Southern people.”
Is Douglas Sound or unsound ?
Are the tariff Democrats or Free Trade
Democrats soundest ?
Are the advocates of a Pacific Kail Koad
sound ;or are its opponents, such as Mr.
Toombs P
to which some test of soundness ought to
be established—although some standard of
“Soundness” seems absolutely necessary for
the safety of the country, yet v.*e do net
know* where to look for authority to estab
lish it. Messrs. Toombs and Iverson dif
fer widely as the poles or many important
points, and though they unite in prescrib
ing extreme remedies—the actual cautery
against unsoundness, they don’t choose to
tell us in what it consists. It is useless to
look to them fur a standard, as it is impos
sible for them to agree upon one-Mr. Buc
hanan, though the exponent of the party,
differs from himself—the Mr. Buchanan of
one month, is diametrically opposed to the
Mr. Buchanan of tlie next —the National
Conventions, which publish the Korans of
the party every four years, vary the stand
ard of soundness just that often—the Cin
cinnati platform, for instance, so sound
four years ago, is repudiated as rotten now.
Jn this distressing doubt and uncertainty,
it is evident the power should be confided
to some pontilf, council, synod or sanhed
rim of fixing an immutable creed for all
Democrats. —.l mj. ltispotcH.
rOLITICS^DKITNED.
Politics is derived from the French (Po
litique,) and originally meant that part of
ethics which consisted in the regulation
and government of a Nation, or hjtate, for
the preservation of its safety, peace and
prosperity. This is what the term origi
nally meant, though it now signifies inge
nuity in devising and pursuing a scheme
of party, aggrandizement, or in adapting
means for the promotion of certain cliques,
or individuals. The general public wel
fare is not consulted, or provided for. The
lawof//o?*i ct tuu/ii is ignored—“truth,
justice and moderation” are left out of the
bargain. Political parties are as numer
ous in this country at present as, —Well we
won’t say what.
First. There is the Constitutional Union
party, who want the law* enforced as it is
—the Union preserved, and our govern
ment in its purity perpetuated.
2nd. The National (?) Democratic Par
ty. Those who compose this party, are in
favor ot taking the Cincinnati Platform,
with Douglas or any other man that may
be nominated by the National (?) Demo
cratic Convention. These men whom we re
gard as the genuine, simon pure Democra
cy, .are in Georgia, denominated the
“Rumpih s.
3d, The “Seceders,” the disruptiouists,
or those who bolted the Charleston Conven
tion, because they could not have monon
gahela whisky and “'niggers” incorporated
in the Platform, and ere denominated, very
properly too, as we think, llTe “Blisters.”
Some of tlwse say that they are “dot: * min
ed to precipitate the cotton States into a
revolution,” others of them deny that being
their object. Wo believe that now’ is the
time for all the conservative elements of
the country to unite, and planting them
selves upon the Constitution, go forth as
American patriots, and let “Busterism,”
both in the North and inthe South, be
crushed out forever
Number -29.