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‘l'crin* 82 OO .A. Year,
Volume i
Ike |?iUt,
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Wttcsoional (Dmis.
A CABD.
13r. 13. AY. Spa rks,
f >FFI: RS HISSE ItVIC ES TO TIIE
Citizens of Thomaston
AND SURROUNDING COMMUNITY.
Hi. will be found at his OfHeo over C. M. Mitchell s
Harness store, U’h'inii the day and night, unless
pr*'!esimally engaged. •
February i, 1800 —ly.
Mcclicfil INTottoe.
A'HNTi to had health for several years past, I have
■ Wt but little inclination to practice Medicine, or to
else —and. if possible, cared less. Rut I
am happy to inform my old friends and patrons that
my health is now much better, and it they desire to re
>w our former relations, that they can easily db so
’. v calling on me when my services are needed. 1 “ ill
pledge myself to serve them to the best of my sKill and
ability.
Office at mv old stand, the Drug Store. V.n-<- Occupied
. v W. A. Snell. mar3 It. HARWELL.
a. & j. w. spivkv,
A: ttorneys a, t a nv ?
THOMASTON, GEORGIA.
Aug. 27, 1859. nil ts.
WM. G. HORSLEY,
-Attorney at Law,
THOMASTON, GA.
It TT.L practice in Upson, Talbot, Taylor, Crawford,
’ * Monroe. Pike and Merriwether Counties.
__ -April 7. 1850—ly.
THOMAS BEALL
£vfc
TB05! ASTON, GEORGIA.
Hu isr.o—ly
• P. W. ALEXANDER,
ATTORNEY AT I,AW,
THOMASTON, GA.
uov2s—ly
*• “akrf.x. €. T. Goode
WARREN & GOODE,
Attorneys at laav,
DERRY, HOUSTON CO., GA.
nuv!B ts
G. A. MILLER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
THOMASTON, GA.
-Y. C. M oore,
Dentist,
THOMASTON, GA.
(V\ I* at lay House (the late residence
* 1 Hicks,) where lam prepared
1 ; <m Uen w to classes of Dental Op.era
/R “'ork is mvßeference.
r?oviß ts
Ifli.lfcll oil Abolition Petitions.
We have concluded to finish at once our
review 6f Hon. John Bell’s record on the
disposition of abolition petitions, so that
our readers may have a connected report of
his course on that question.
We have seen that tor several sessions
at the early stage of this abolition move
ment, lie was an extreme opponent of the
reception of the petitions. But it was ve
ry difficult to get a direct vote on this sim
ple-* question of reception, for the reason
that the Democratic party, constituting a
large majority of the House, were split up
on it, and there was a constant effort to
keep the subject before the House in such
a shape as to prevent this division. The
political complexion of the House of 1835
-7 was shown hy the vote for Speaker,
which stood—Jas. K. Polk, Adm., 132 ;
John Bell, Opp., 84. Yet this House al
ways voted to receive abolition petitions —
Mr. Bell always voting no, while all the
Northern Democrats and a number of
Southern ones voted to receive them. One
of these votes %as taken on the 9th of Jan
uary, 1837, when Mr. Adams presented a
petition praying for the abolition of .slave
ry and the slave trade in the District of
Columbia, and the question of reception
was raised. The House voted to receive
the petition—yeas 137, nays 74.. John
Quincy Adams, Wm. Slade, Caleb Cush
ing, and all the abolitionists in the House,
voted to receive, and were allied in this
vote with such Northern Democrats as
Franklin Pierce and Isaac Toucey, and
with such Southern ones asGrantland and
Owens of Ga., Cave Johnson of Term., and
others, John Bell voted, with Glasscock
of Ga., Dixon H. Lewis of Ala , Pickens
and Pinckney of S. C., and the majority of
Southern members, against receiving the
petition. Ihe petition having been receiv
ed, Mr. Bell voted to lay it on the table,
which was carried by the union of the en
tire South with some of the Northern
nr'Tobers — the aholitfmints, J. Q. Adams,
Caleb Cushing, etc., voting against laying
it on the table.
On the 18th of January, 1837, Mr. Haw
es offered a resolution that ail abolition
petitions thereafter received belaid on the
taolu otml no further action taken on them
(inis, oi Course, involving their reception.)
His ivKohii'on was adorned —yeas J 29,
nays iu); nut tim yeas ami nays are not re
corded. This dhpnsed of them for that
session, hui groat numhi-is continued to
come in, and were preseiiled cui. 4y hy J.
Q. Ab.uns aud ('ah b< u hirg, who appear
to have been genet *•. consignees ut tiiis
kir i of abolition war.
At a subsequent • if-mn —Cotv.■•ess be
ing still deluged with abolition pel aeons in
It finite varidv—another dodge to keep the
}’ m<*era‘i<! gat e tt'giUher was invented in
a Dcmoctadc c..ileus and repor id t > the
Un"sc. It was tin* polity subterfuge of
raising the question of reception whenever
an aim 13 in ;• ■ hi. n w s < ii- red. iud then
laving the •///< at ion o/ [ > .<>ti on lhe fa
ille. Os course Mr. Beil—-who had all the
time enden voti ;i lon. f : is qn-*st ion and
("rush the agitation in a fair and manly
wav —-we.aid have nothing to do w th such
i ... 1 is. But
it was passed as a Den -ratio measure,
and e.ho]; ion petifn ns met ■.••tsed ia- ; ier than
Democratic 1 t**s iii a Neither!) c.iy after
the juTtvai of emigrant ships from Europe
just before an election. The question ot
reception was regarded as an open one, and
the abolitionists ‘‘spread themselves” in
the work of annoying Congress and distur
bing the peace of the country hy this sys
tem of warfare against slavery. Finally,
Mr. Bell, seeing that it was useless to try
to prpeure a rejection of the petitions, and
that Democratic party dodges onlyincreas
ed the agitation and annoyance, came to
the conclusion that the best mode of deal
ing with the question was to let the peti
tions be received and referred to a commit
tee, with instructions to report against
their praver. In a speech made in 1858,
after stating that he had at first voted a
gainst receiving the petitions, he tints ex
plained the cause of his change of policy:
In a year or two I found that this course
on the part of Southern members tended
to multiply the numbers, the power, and
I the influence of the abolition societies of
the North. Then, speaking only to my
colleagues, the representatives of my own
State, I pointed out to them the mischiev
ous tendency of making a question on the
right of petition—an old, traditional, and
popular right, which I thought it danger
ous to intefere with, particularly when it
could do no possible harm to receive those
petitions, refer them to a committee, and
have a report on them at the end of each
session. I thought there was no danger,
at that period, but that a report would
uniformly be made against them.
Mr. Adams, at the time of which L speak,
was chairman of the Committee for the
District of Columbia. He contested strong
ly for the right of petition ; and irom his
looks aud his manner and the spirit he
manifested, it was evident that lie would
be chopped into mince pieces before lie
would surrender that right. At that very
time he toicl me privately that if those pe
titions were sent to him he should report
against them, not on the ground that he
did not think Congress had power to abol
ish slavery in the District ot C olumbiu,
but because he wouid consider its abolition
as a breach of the good faith which was
pledged bv the North when this District
was selected as the seat of Government
surrounded by two large slaveholding
States.
Now, hear the strong language ot Mr.
Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, on the subject
of receiving abolition petrtiocr and I :
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES; —DISTiNST, LIKE THE BILLOWS ; ONE, LIKE THE SEA.”
TIIOM ASTON. GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, JUNE ft 1860.
I shall have the attention of honorably
Senators, while I read the 0] iniou of Mr.
Buchanan :
“Let it once he understood that the sa
cred right of petition ,and the cause ot the
Abolitionist must rise or must fall togeth
er, and the consequences must be fatal. I
would therefore warn southern gentlemen
to reflect seriously in what situation tb. y
place their friends to the North hy insist
ing that this petition shall not be revived
“We have just as little l ight to inter
fere with slavery in the South as we have
to touch tile right of petition. Whence is
this right derived ? Can a republican
government exist without it.? Man might
as well attempt to exist without breathing
the vital air. No government, possessing
any of the elements of liberty, has ever ex
isted, or can ever exist, unless its citizens
or subjects enjoy this right.”— Col. Daily
Enquirer.
From the Southern Recorder.
Mr. EVERETT ON SLAVERY.
Messrs. R. M. Or me & Eon :
As an act of justice to the nominee on
the National Union ticket for the Vice
Presidency, I beg to reproduce in your col
umns tin extract from a speech delivered
hy the Hon. Edward Everett, in Congress,
in 1826, which was reported in Gales and
Seaton’s Register of debates, vol. 11, page
1829. It shows that Mr. Everett’s record
as a Statesman, eminently sate to the South
dates back more than thirty years.
EXTRACT.
“I's there are any members in lids House
of that class of politicians to whom the
gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Saun
ders) alluded, as having 4Lie disposition,
though not the power, to disturb the com
promise contained in the Constitution on
this point, [the three-fifths representative
principle,) iam not of the number. Nei
ther am I one of those citizens of the North
to whom another honorable member lately
referred, in a publication to which his name
was subscribed, who would think it immor
al and irreligious to join in putting down
a servile insurrection at the South. I am
no soldier, sir; ray habits and education
are unmilitary ; hut there is no cause in
which 1 would sooner buckle a knapsael: to
my back, and, put a musket on my shoul
der, than that. I would cede the whole
continent to anyone who would take it—
tc England, to France, to Spain ; I would
1 see it sunk in the bottom of the ocean, be
fore I would see any part of thisfiue Amer
ica converted into a continental Hayti, hy
that awful process of bloi Ishcd and deso
lation hy which alone such a catastrophe
could he brought on. The great relo.'ion
of servitude in some form or other, with
greater or less depart res from the theoret
ic equality of man, is inseparable fora our
nation. J lcnoiv of no way by id licit the
form of this servitude shall be Jived, but by
political institution. Domestic slavery,
to mgli 1 confess not that .t*>rm of servitude
which seems to be the meat beneficial to
the master —certainly not that which is
most beneficial to the slave— is not, in my
judgment, to be sit down as an immoral
and irreligious relation. T cannot admit
that religion has but one voice to the -Live
and that this voice is, ‘Rise against vottr
master.’ No, sir, the New Testament sa\
‘slaves, obey your master and though I
know full well that in the benignant ope
ration of Christianity which gathered mas
ter and slave around the same comnuini n
table, this unfortunate institution disap
peared in Europe, yet I cannot admit that
while it subsists and where it subsists its
duties are not pre-supposed and sanctioned
hy religion. And though I certainly ate
not called upon to meet the charges brought
against this institution, yet truth obliges
me to say a word more on the subject. I
know the condition of the working classes
in other countries ; I am intimately ac
quainted with it in some other countries ;
and 1 have no hesitation in saying that 1
believe the slaves in this country arc bet
ter clothed and ted, and less hardly work
ed, than the peasantry of some of the most
prosperous States of the continent of Eu
rope. To consider the checks on popula
tion read Matt hers. What keeps popula
tion down ? Poverty, want, starvation,
disease, and all the ills of life ; it is these
that check population all over the world.
Now, the slave population in the* United
States increases faster than the w hite, mas
ters included. What is the inference as
to the physical conditi nos the two classes
of society ? These are opinions I have
long entertained, and long since publicly
professed on this subj< *L and wdu- hi!: :o
repeat in answer to the intimation to w hich
I have already alluded. But, sir, when
slavery comes to enter in the Constitution
as a political element—when it comes to
effect the distribution of power among the
{States of the Union, that is a matter.oi
agreement. If T make an agreement ors
this subject, 1 will adhere to it like a man :
but I w ill protest against any inferences
being made from it of the kind which was
made hy the honorable mover of the reso
lutions.’’
After this hold and manly vindication
of the South, which his subsequent expe
rience has never retracted, surely there can
be no distrust of his conservative princi
ples to render the castingvote of the South,
should the issue ever attain that peculiar
ity, or in performing Executive duties free
from all sectional bias, in the event of a
certain contingency which has happened
on two former occasions. The character of
Mr. Everett in other respects is so well
known and admired by the whole country,
that nothing more need be added ior pub
lic information. Fair Play.
The Harris CountV En*terp~ise.—We
are in receipt of the first number of this
m w ■ oper lately established in the pleas
ant lisle town of Hamilton. It is con
ducted by J. M. Moor-field, editor aud pro
prietor. The general appearance of the
, papier is very good indeed, and we are pre
pared to recommend Mr. Moort-field as a
l'L ruble - -d ] rin ter, hut we think his
dun iy a mis*-liable poor effort. It. is
evident that the editor, who is no doubt a
clever man, had better stick to the compo
sing stick and let the goose quill and scis
sors alone and call in editorial assistance,
or he might t/ct his Harris county friends
in a (( priminary'’-Atfa r dia Locomotive.
We have no disposition to quarrel with
the editor of the “Locomotive” about his
; opinion of our salutatory—indeed, we have
no very eGialted opinion of it otoVselfi —but
we are willing to let the public judge of its
merits. We can well afford to let this ve
ry “courteous” hot ice ed the “Enterprise”
go along with the very many complimen
tary notices we have received from the press
j of all parties—especially, ‘Corning from the
source it does. But as the editor has
thought proper to express his “opinion” of
our ability to conduct a newspaper, aud
volunteer some “advice,” we deem it our
■privilege to return the compliment when
ever it can he done with advantage to him,
and we think the present a favorable op*
portunity of doing so. In the first place,
then, we would advise him to think more
of other people, and less of himself, as it
won’t 1, perhaps, cause a reciprocal feeling
which would prove beneficial to him. In
the next i luce, we would “advise” him to
fin. up his own “engine,” and keep it
straight on the track, and he will have as
much t*i do ns his “ability” will justify. —
If we wi re dis; osed to retort on the editor
of the “Locomotive”—which weave not,
of course—vve might say that, incur opin
ion ho was a very clever follow, bud that it
| was believed hy some that a tolerable fair
pedagogue was entirely spoiled, and a
, “miserable poor”editor manufactured, when
he took it into his head to desert the school
room and assume the “goose quill,” and
that it would he advisable for him to re
turn immediately to the former, as it is a
i position for which he is much better snit
j ed.
I As to calling in editorial assistance, we
will only say that, as everybody seems to
be satisfied except the “Locomotive” man,
Iwe do not feel inch*he'd to. heed I*is advice :
l.mt if we should at any tithe feel disposed
to call in assistance-, and start out in pur
suit of one competent to perform the du
;i a -fan editor, we Should never call at
Ills establishment. ,
But enough of this. We are satisfied,
if he is, and have no disposition to pursue
the subject further. But as the editor ot
the “Locomotive” deems us incompetent
to write our own editorials, we will turn
him obt to our friends of the “National
American,” who have some reputation in
that line, for a reply to his attack on the
character of Henry CL ay. Read the no
li” tit y gave ns, Mr. “Locomotive,” writ
lf n the day after yours. — Enterprise.
‘S’lm* Ti ituhuioii <'oi'i*osi>omlonceluter
pretrd,
! Timm is much confusion of ideas in the
let; m I -r- dhy the adhesive Detno-
Ii tin M in .Committee, but “Un
; and B:’tl\ W dj>i! has seen into the real
and -d sale lice, oh both sides.
The and m English of it is given in a letter
vvhk h !: nddr sses to the cnimhittee, os
teioihly ih in ‘• t to to.eir call f.f advice.
We publish an e xtract ; the entire letter
appeared in the Atlanta jt'mv-o'notive :
Fear’s Sidling, )
Banks of Salt Bivcr, May 18, 1860, f
Messrs. Robert Collins and others-. — ‘
Gentlemen: Your letter of thestli . insd j
found me at this place—where, to use a
“candid” but not elegant expression, I am
“stu k in the mud” and waiting “with
i ainful forebodings’ the November tides
to float me off, whether up or down, Cot!
only knows ! Like you, I have been for
years past “clinging to the fate and for
tunes of the National Democracy,” as the
only party under Providence wherein we
Statesmen could serve the South with hon
or to our common country and profit to
ourselves.
The question is—-shall we he represent
ed in the Baltimore Convention ? By all
in’ aits, is my reply. It we do not aid the
Natl mat Democracy, with what grace, I
an we claim any share of the spoils ?
This is a sufficient argument to aiiystates
man oi practical views. The question of
iu.orvention or non-intervention in my
m fifi a Las nothing to do with the issue.
I agree fully with Air. Stephens and John
son in thinking that Congressional protec
tion is right. 1 also agree with them in
thinking it wmi] l be wrong lor the South
to ask Li i,. I have no “words of cen
sure'’ to b stow upon the s*. coders at
Charleston. I think that all were actuat
ed ly patriotic motives,and that both sides
are right, and lam willing to go further
than Gov. Brown and “pardon the errors”
of both icings.
1 am not willing to risk tny political for
tunes with tire Southern Rights Party. I
fought with some of yod, gentlemen, un
der that banner in 1 Sob. Von well remem
ber that We received nothing but hard ser
vice, no pay, and overwhelming defeat. I
will not try it any more.
It is a beautiful saying of somebody that
“Gratitude is the music ot the heart when
its chords are swept by the gentle breeze
of kindness.” Many hearts, however, might
as well be strung with bed-cords ior any
music of gratitude’ that ever comes from
there.
A Good Story.
The followingadmirahlestory of a boast
ing old fellow, named Major Lucky, is told
by the Hon. Leslie Combs, of Kcutueky.
The scene is said to have taken place be
tween the Major and a Colonel Peters, of
Illinois.
“Major, T understand from General
Combs, that shortly after the revolution,
you visited England. How did you like
the jaunt?”
“Captain !” I had not been in London
five hours before Rex sent for me to come
and play whist with him ; and a first rate
time we had, I tell you.”
“Bex, what Rex ?”
“Why, Rex, the king—George the
Third. The game came off at Windsor
C&stle—Bex and 1 plaVing against Billy
Pitt and Ed. Burke—aud it resulted rath
er comically.”
“How so TANARUS”
“Why, you see, as we played tFc last
game, Rex said to me. in his familiar man
ner
“Major, I suppose yon know Charles
Washington, don’t you ?”
“No, sir,” said I, “hut i’ll tell von who
Ido know. 1 know George Washington,
the Father of his country.”
“Oil, pshaw !” said Rex, “I know him
too t he was an internal rebel, and if 1 had
served him right he’d heel hung long
along.”
This riled nte, and I just draw’d hack
and gave him a blow just between the
eyes, and he dropped like a bullock. The
next minute Billy Pitt and Ed. Burke
mounted me, and in less than ten minutes
my shirt and breeches were so torn and
tattered that I looked like Lazarus.”
“This gave me a rather distaste for
English society; so the next morning I set.
sail for America. Six weeks afterwards I
landed in Washington. The first man I
met was Q.”
“Q what?”
“Why, old Quincy Adam?—that blast
ed old federalist, Adams, lie wanted me
to play ninepins with him, and I did. 1
won two hundred dollars, at two shillings
a game, and tlVeh there was a row.”
“A row about wluit ?.”
“Why, he wanted to pay me off in Con
tinental monev, worth about two shillings
a peck. 1 got mad at that, and knocked
him into a spittoon. While *1 had him
down, Jim came in and dragged me off to
the White House.”
“■Jim ? What Jim ?”
“Why, lim Madison. I went and play
ed euchre with him for two hours, when
Tom came in, and nothing to do but 1
must go home with him.”
“What Tom do you mean ?”
“Why, Tom Jefferson—who do yofi
s’pose I meant ? But Jim wouldn’t lis
ten to it, and the consequence was, they
got into a regular fight. In the midst of
It they fell over the banisters, and dropped
about fifty feet, ahd when I left they were
pounding each other in the coal cellar.”
“How it terminated I never could learn,
as just then Martha run in, and said I
must go down to Mount Yernon with her
to see George.”
“What Martha are you speaking of,
Major ? no!; to interrupt yofi.”
* W hv, Martha Washington, the wife of
the old hoy that gave ‘Jessie’ to the Hes
sians.”
“About here,” said Mr. Cos nibs, “the
stranger began to have a faint suspicion
that lie was swallowing things, aud in the
stage coach that came along he took pas
sage for an adjacent town.”
Tli'e “Major” is said to he rtill living,
and believes to tlfis day that the walloping
he gave Rex was the very best thing on
record.
! .Hr. I'llliiiore.
Eds. Mail: Some days since tlie friends
of the noble and pure ex-President Fill
more read a statement and comments there
on in your columns to the effect that he
had gone over to the Black Republicans.,—
Your numerous readers felt surprised that
yoiir columns should be used to defame
that pure and good man, though we be
lieve you would not intentionally do him
such injustice. Below yoij will find an
extract from a letter written by him, April
30th, which look unlike his going in the
ranks of a sectional party.
JUSTICE.
“I profess to belong to no party but niv
country, and am taking no part in politics”;
blit, though a silent, I a r .i by no means an
indifferent spectator of passing events. On
the contrary, I lr\>k with the most intense
anxiety, not to say alarm, upon the pres
ent state of things. It appears to me that
ho must have read history to little profit
who dyes not see, in to .gi ,<w;ug jealousy
and hatred between the North and the
South, the seeds of discord and civil
which may end in civii war and lire de
struction of this government. lam sure
that no one can aver that there was more
hatred between Great Britain and her Col
onies. ten, or even live years before our
Revolution, than now exists between the
North and the South; and the cause, it
cause there be, seems likely to endure.—
Demagogues, North and South, fan this
flame for selfish and ambitious objects; and
the great masses, which arc usually inert
and passive, arc likely to be drawn into
the contest and sacrificed, nolens volens. —
May Heaven save ns, for I fear we are un
able cr unwilling to save oflrsclves.”
A chap, on beiDg asked what he would
do if he was banished to the woods, said he
thought he would split
[Payable in Advance.
A Tlotln n (iuy Fuwkov
We heard of a ‘ gunpowder plot” the
other day, which eclipses anything in this
line on record. An old lady in this city,
who shall be nameless, overcome by the fa
tigue consequent on the performance of
her duties, reposed her wearied limbs on a
couple of chairs during the afternoon for
the pfrposo ‘cftjn*eying a comfortable nap*.
Her son, a mischievous little urchin of five
Vcai's, seeing the old lady in the arms of
the drowsy god, resolved on a little sport
on his own account. Procuring a flask of
powder from the sideboard, the little wretcu
poured a portion of itscontents on the floor
immediately lieUeeU the.chairs, and sup
plying a slow fuse, quietly withdrew to an
other part of the room, watched the result.
Presently the fuse was consumed. A sud
den flash, succeeded by a smoke, and tw<p
or three unearthly ye!*? followed. Tim,
lady jumped up as though she had beeu
shot, kicked over the chairs and yelled mur
der, the discioJe of Fawkes in the mean
time staking a bee line for the stable.
The old lady, after giving herself a few
shakes, discovered that one of her arms wa*
a little burned, and that her hair had
singed, but fortunately nothing of-a seri
ous character had transpired. The dutiful
son, having some curiosity to know the re
sult of his amusing and eminently practi
cal joke, returned to the room, but no soon
er had his form darkened the doorway,
than the old lady, seizing him by the top,
knot, grabbed the “pacificator” always to
be found on the mantle piece, and there
was another “blowing up,” decidedly de
trimental to the young geul'eWmh's happi
ness for the next naif hour.— Memphis Ar
gus.
Imre-Hatehs of the South. —Bev. J.
S. Abbott writes as follows from-the South :
The society I meet here is frank and
agreeable, indeed, it seems to mo that
theVe must bo two classes of southerners,
as different iroin each other a:; light is fro in
darkness. 1 olten wonder if our brethren
at the South are bewildered by the samp
diversity of character in our northern men'.
The southerners’ whom I am introduced ,at
hotels, in steamboats, and at the fireside,
are genial, friendly, courtcovg-r-gentlemeu
in tone : kind and pclisiu ain manners,
ever recognizing Tie courtesies of refined
society. But there is another class whom
I never meet, whom I seek for in vain, but
who are revealed to me in newspaper
torials, in convention spenchcb, and iu
Congressional debates. _ tie difference be
tween the two classes is so vast as to ex
cite astonishment. From what I read, I
shouM infer that there was a very numer
ous-class iu the &outh, composing the
great majority of its population, whoso
mothers hau fed them in infancy, if I may
quote an expression of Festus, on “butter
ed thunder.” * ° * <:i ’•*
It is difficult to account for the fact that
one never meets any of these fierce crea
tures in his travels. I have not met with
a single one, I hate seen, of course, some
uncultivated men, some poor and debased,
some profane men, but I have not met with
a single specimen of this kind of .charac
ter ; and I can truly say that almost every
southerner whom I have thus far seen, has
seemed to mo a courteous, Unassuming,
kind hearted gentleman. I expected to
have caught a glimpse of these creatures,
tearing over the hills like a locomotive uni;,
der an attack of delirium tremens. But
tlius far I have been disappointed. :I. have
met with many who were truly genial com
panions, and whom any gentleman tybuld
love as intimate associates and neighbors
and friends. Do those fierce meri who ut
ter such terrible menaces, like lions, sleep
in their lair by day, ahd Fever come out
but in the night ?
Pnr.XTiciANA.—Lincoln and Hamlin to
gether measure just twelve fret five inches.
Lincoln is eix h t four inches long and
Hamlin is six feet one inch long, hut nei
ther of these gentlemen have any other
measurement.' -Ind’coio Sentinel.
The Con tine! tells us that Lincoln and i
Hamlin have no other measurement than*
their length. It is evidently very proud
of the shape of its favorite candidate, the
Little Giant, who has a greater measure
ment than his length, being about live feet
long and eight feet six inches and two bar
ley-corns round—to say nothing of the
measurement of corn and barley inside.
’ \Ye feel fully authorized to announce
that Mr. Douglas positively declined —in.
fact that be has bet n rapidly declining for
some time.
Some of the pup:t; sja ak of “astound
ing del bleat i< >ns. In t hese days of locofo
co mefule. it is official honesty and not
official defalcations, that would most as
tound.
The I hiiafh-ipi la i'rcv says that the
Democrati problem is of easy solution.—
Iboih the Democratic problem and the De
mocrat io party se em o be of easy dissolu
tion.
Prentice sa\s, few of us know
n hat wo wouhl do in a pinch, bill we rath
er think if we were called upon just at
present to define the National Democracy
we should do it by adopting Parsou Uig T
ginson’s definition of mince pic : ‘‘Xerv
white and ifltPpgi Htionable upon the top,’
very black’ and indigestible at the bottom,”
untold horrors l>et\voenA
The whole value of buildings now erect
ing in New York is estimated at £4,464,-
300.
Sidney Smith compares thy whistle of a
locomotive to the squall of an attorney
when Satan first gets him.
Number 30.