Newspaper Page Text
ft, and to grant new trials in the Superior
Court on proper and legal grounds.
8. It shall have power to issue writs of
fnandtimiis, prohibition, scire facias , and
all other writs which may be necessary for
carrying its powers fully into effect.
9. The Superiorand Inferior Courts shall
have concurrent jurisdiction in all other
civil causes which shall be tried in the
county where the defendant resides.
10. In cases where joint obligors, or joint
promissors or copartners, or joint trespass
ers residing in different counties, the suit
may be brought in either county.
case of a maker and endorser of
endorser# of prom missory notes residing in
different comities in this State, the sums
may be sued in the county where the ma
ker resides.
12. The Superior and Inferior Courts
shall sit in each county twice in every year,
at shell stall'd times as have been or may
be appointed by the General Assembly.
Sec. 3.—1. The judges shall have sala
ries adequate to their services fixed bylaw,
Which shall not he diminished during their
continuance in office ; but shall not receive
any other perquisites or emoluments what
ever, from parties or others, on account of
any duty required of them.
2. There shall boa State’s Attorney and
Solicitors appoiuted in the same manner as
the Judges of the Supremo Court, and
commissioned by the Governor ; who shall
hold their offices for the term of four years,
or until.their successors shall be appointed
and qualified, unless removed by sentence
or impeachment, or by the Governor, on
the address of two-thirds of each branch
of the General Assembly. They shall have
salaries adequate to their service fixed by
law, which shall not be diminished during
their continuance in office.
3. The Justices of the Inferior Courts
shall be elected in each county by the per
sons entitled to vote for members of the
General Assembly.
4. The Justices of the Peace shall be
elected in each district by the persons en
titled to vote for members of the General
Assembly,
5. The powers of a Court of Ordinary
anq or intonate mi;ui inonj x..
nary‘fqf;each county, from whose decisions
there may be an appeal to the Superior
Court,Minder regulations prescribed by law.
The Ordinary shall be ex-officio Clerk of
said” Court, and may appoint a Deputy
Clerk. Tiie Ordinary, as Clerk, or his
Deputy, may issue citations and grant tem
pv;\:iy letters of administration, to hold
until permanent letters are granted; and
Slid OjJiaajy, as Clerk, or his Deputy,
may grant marriage licenses. The Ordi
naries in and for the respective counties
shall be elected, as o'h -r county officers
are, ou tlie first Wednesday in January,
1804. and every fourth year thereafter, and
shall he commisiuned by the Governor foi
the term of PonT years. In case of any va-
ot said* office of Ordinary, from any
cause, the same shall he filled by election,
as is provided in relation to other countv
Clerk of the Superior Court for the time
being shall act as Clerk of said Court of
Ordinary.
ARTICLE V.
1. The electors of members of the Gen
eral Assembly shall be free white male cit
izens of this State, and shall have attained
the age of twenty-ohr, years, and have paid
all taxes which may l ave been required of
them, and which they have had an oppor
tunity of paying agreeably to law, for the
•ytfttr preceding the election : and shall have
resided six months within the district or
•county,.
2. All elections, by the General Assem
shall be viva vcce, and when the Senate
and House of Representatives unite for the
purpose of electing, they shall meet in the
Representative chamber, and the Presi
dent of the Senate shall in such cases
preside, aud declare the person or persons
‘‘elected.’
3. lii all elections by the people, tho
. shall vote by ballot, until the
General Assembly shall otherwise direct.
■ 4. All civil officers shall continue in the
exercise of the duties of their several offi
ces dining the periods for which they were
appointed, or until they shall be superceded
by appointments made in conformity with
this Constitution; and all laws now in
force shall continue to operate, so far as
thvy are compatible with this Constitu
tion, until they shall expire, be altered or
repealed ; and it shall be the duty of the
General Assembly to pass all necessary
laws and regulations for carrying this Con
stitution into full effect.
5. All militia and county officers shall
be elected by the people in such manner
a* the General Assembly may by law di
•TPcf,
6. This Constitution shall be amended
only by a convention- of the people called
for that purpose.
7. This Constitution shall net take ef
fect until tho same is ratified bv the peo-
ple. And to this end, there shall be an
election held at all the places of public
election in this State, on the first Tuesday
in only, 1861, when all the citizens ot this
State entitled to vote for Governor, shall
cast their ballots either for “ratification”
:or:“no ratification.” The election shall be
conducted in the same manner as general
elections, and the returns shall be made to
v the Governor. . If a majority of the votes
cam shall be for ratification, the Governor
c.‘*BaD, by proclamation, declare this Con
stitution-adopted by the people. Rut if
~ fbf'nr'.ratification,’ that fact shall he pro
. claimed.by. the Governor, and this Consti
. tut inn shall have no effeet whatever.
Done in convention of the delegates of
the people of the Htate of Georgia at Sa
vannah, on the-23rd day of March, in the
year of oik Lord eighteen hundred and
- sixty-one,
// Hr- fra*imany whereof the President of
wd Convention has hereunto set his hand,
xud.causea the same to he attested by the
Secretary thereof
Geotcoe Vv. Crawford, President.
Attest r A. R. Lamar, Secretary.
-Don't carry yous antipathy to royally far I
Cos break the crown of your own head
fcit t
Gr. A. Miller, Editor.
THOM AST ON, GEORGIA.
Saturday Morning, April 13lh, 1861.
War l War! Our True Policy.
Until lately, we fondly hoped and ar
dently desired that our political troubles
Woukl be settled without a resort to the
sword, but the last reports from Washing
ton of naval preparations and the muster
ing and transportation of troops and mu
niments of battle, now satisfies us that a
conflict, yes that most revolting of all con
flicts, a civil war is inevitable. The Dance
of Death may begin at Charleston, Pensa
cola or on the Texas Prairies with a flour
ish of trumpets and with songs of Baccha
nalian merriment—it may progress’ over
desolated homes, ruined fields, towns and
cities and its brazened roar may hush the
anguished voices of widows and orphans,
hut when the bloody banquet is ended (if
it ever ends) when the lights are extin
guished and the revellers have become food
for worms, then, the long funereal knell of
liberty will be caught by the ear and the
last, best hopes of man throughout the
world will be crushed with our expiring
nationality.
The signs of the times are full of evil
portents. With an infant government —
without navy or army—with the sentiments
ui me vuiTi w.v.^^ t. D-.-n'l .->/! Slpnin ftgfainst
our'“peculiar institution”—with ii BlaA
Republican army and navy in front and the
Mexicans and Indians in our rear,, we can
only hope for success from the God of bat
tles, in the justice of our cause and in oili
own wise heads, stout arms and brave
heaits. All aid from England, France or
any European power we think will prove
delusiv *. They have business enough of
their own to attend to and even if they
were willing to give us protection, it would
end at last, in that protection which the
vulture gives to the lamb, covering and de
vouring us. History, Philosophy and Rev
elation all teach, that they who would be
free must themselves strike the blow, and
experience and time will but verify the
truth that we possess uu pevuim.
against the evils which have destroyed oth
er nations. Let us look the present and
future full in the face and not like the mad
dened bull close our eyes and rush heed
lessly to destruction.
Onr policy is peace and if that is hope
less with the Northern States, let us at
least endeavor to secure the respect and af
fection of our border sisters—identified
with us in institutions, interests and desti-
ny. They are our equals in wisdom and
bravery and instead of denouncing them
as cowards, submissionists and abolitionists
we should kindly invite them to lock shields
and go with us to the gtave or victory.—
We shall need their sympathies if not their
strength, and scattered as we are through
out Georgia, Alabama and the other Con
federate States by a destiny superior to
ourselves, the hearts of thousands still lin
ger around the haunts of infancy away
yonder by the surf-beaten shores and cloud
capped mountains of Virginia and the
“Old North State.” Would von wound
the sensibilities, excite the anger, arouse
the pride, provoke the resentment of your
own kith and kin by idle and senseless de
nunciations? If you would, we tell yon
be ye Roundhead or Cavalier that you have
lost much of that refined courtesy, hospi
tality and firm, hut mild courage, which
once characterized the Southern gentleman
and made his name a sy nonyme with truth,
justice and valor. We must however for
want, of sp-ace close this article. We do it
appropj iately by the following extract from
Ia late speech delivered at Atlanta, by lion.
B. H. Hill :
“But what should be our policy towards
the States of the old Union ? It should
be that of kindness and the most friendly
relations. Kindness is the law of Heaven,
and we cannot ignore it, or get along with
out it. If they will fight us, we must
fight them—otherwise we should have no
fighting. We should not tight a yielding
foe, nor yield to a fighting one. I want,
too, the other slaveholding States to come
with us. I want them. I will talk lov
ingly and vvooiugly with them, to get them
to do so. There may be some good reason
in not coming now and perhaps some
good may grow, hut it will go to pieces
with its redundant population. Nothing
but the conservatism of the South has
heretofore saved them from anarchy.
I am sorry that the question of admit
ting no more slave States has been raised.
I am sorry that the question of admitting
none of the non-slave States has been rais
ed. It is premature, and no good can
come of it. No application for admission,
by a non-slave State, has been made, and
is not likely to be made. The present is
enough to fill <>nr hands and bring into ex
ercise ail our spare power.”
The eopy-right of “Dixie’s Land” has given j
to the author four thousand dollars.
THE NEW STATE CONSTITFTION.
This week, we publish in full the new
Constitution of the State of Georgia, as 1
adopted by the State Convention. As will
be seen by reference, it will be voted upon
for “Ratification” or “No Ratification” by
the citizens of the State on the first Tues
day in July next. The reduction of mem
bers to the Legislature by the mode pro
posed—the change of the Judicial officers’
from elections by the people to appoint
ment by the Governor with the advice and
consent of two-thirdsof the Senate, togeth
er with other alterations ; will give occasion
for much variety and disputation of fact in
relation to this important instrument. We
think every subscriber should keep his pa
pers filed, but he should do this especially,
j with a paper that contains the charter of
his life, his liberty, his property and his
personal security.
CONFEDERATE**STATES SENA
TORS.
The La Grange Reporter suggests the
nani(*s of Hon. T. R. R. Cobb and Hon,
B. 11. Hill as suitable persons to represent
this State in the Congress of the Confed
erate States of America. We think the
selections would do the State great service
for the reasons given by the Reporter ;
We suggest these gentlemen because we be
; lieve it to be the policy of our people to put in
office men who, have but little connection with
the offices of the old government —men who may
not he obnoxious to the charge of breaking up
that government in the old U. S'. Congress'—
who have not been contaminated .by the schemes
and stratagems of politicians. W 6 want pure
1 Christian men and patriots who can rise tar above
j party wrangle and party interest in the advoea
j Qy of any policy that may promote the best in*
I terest of the people and government. Such men
we believe can be found in the persons of the
two distinguished gentlemen whom we have
named. They are both young (and nearly of
! the same age) and are well calculated by every
I possible qualification for Senators May we not
| consult our best interests in placing these gen
-1 ilcAiiCD in iko poeitinn we have assigned them
1 above f
OFFICE BEGGING.
We are sorry to hear that the Beggars
have fairly “come to town” in Montgome
ry. Let President Davis swear by the horns
of the altar that no man who asks office of
him shall get it, and the evil would abate. i
We shall charge nothing for that prescrip-
I tion.
We copy the above from the Macon Tel
egraph, and most heartily say amen. But,
per contra, in conversation on the cars a
few evenings since, with a gentleman just
returned from Montgomery, in answer to
; our supposition that Montgomery was
Washington on a small scale, he assured
us that it was Washington enlarged , but
not improved. The name of office seekers
■is legion.— r Augusta Chronicle & Sentinel. \
Wv it <v ■>.* r ootl tllrt t the office see
ft-
kers are killing Lincoln, but we hoped bet
ter things at Montgomery. We thought
on the principle that Aaron’s rod swallow- j
ed all the little rods, that the stomachs of
! Toombs, Stephens and a few others would
be sufficiently capacious to hold and digest
all the offices, big and little, within the
gift of the President or People of the Con
federate States. When such political sea
serpents are scooting around after food, it
; would be wise for small fry to keep out of
’ the way of danger. “Caesar had his Rru
| tus, Charles the 10th his Cromwell” and
| the little Jonah’s might learn when too
late, that whales never grow too large to
i Buck.
TALK ANITwORK.
There is a vast difference between pro
fession and practice—between the tongue,
the heart and brain. Some persons talk
like Solomons and Saints and act like Fools
and Devils. There is much wisdom in the
! reply of the man who was lately asked—
“ How is business with you now ?” He
replied “ ’twas very had some time ago,
but I have nothing to complain of now.—
I resolved a few weeks ago, no longer to
manage either the affairs of government or
my neighbors and go to work. Since that
time I have had less trouble and a great
deal better times.” It contains an excel
lent remedy for individual and national
disorders.
The tollowing from a Marietta corres
pondent of the Savannah Republican L full
of sense and real patriotism ‘ —
“It is useless to talk against the Yan
kees and dependence on them. Let us do
as they have done—go to work and make
our section prosper by being less dependent.
The truth is, many of our sneers at the
\ ankee and his go ahead and push-and
drive business habits—because his section
compels him—merely shows that he de
serves credit for using the means at his
command to make his section independent
of foreigners. If our young men would
now show their zeal aud energy in helping
to build up manufactures, instead of crow
ding the professions of law and medicine,
and the little country aud village stores,
we would soon show a very different con
dition of dependence, and would prevent
the imposition always practised by foreign
manufacturers, of charging the highest kind
of prices when there is no domestic compe
tition.” ‘
An odd sort of genius, having stepped
into a mill, was looking with apparent as
tonishment at the movement of the ma- j
chinery, when the miller thinking to quiz
him, asked if he had heard of the news.
“Net’s I know on,” said he, “what is
it?”
“Why,” replied the miller,'.“they say
the devil is dead.”
“By jingo,” said Jonathan, “is be ?
Who tend* the mill ?”
Interesting to Editors and Proprietors
of newspapers.
We received a few days ago, the follow- i
jng letter from the Comptroller General of
the State. We first forwarded our account
immediately to the officer who ordered the
publication. He directed us for payment
to Milledgeville and this is the reply :
Ed. Upson Pilot.
Comptroller General’s Office, )
April 6th, 1861. f
Dear Sir: The account presented by
you from the Upson Pilot to the State for
$6 00 for payment has been referred to the
Governor, and upon an examination ot the
law, both by his Excellency and myself, we
have come to the conclusion that we can
not pay this or any similar account with
out being directed to do so bv an act of the ,
Legislature.
The account is for advertising election j
1 notices, &c , of a Colonel and Major. The
Act of 1818 and other Acts providing for j
these elections, requites twenty days no
tice to be given in each captain’s district,
but does not require or provide for the
‘publication in any newspaper of these no
tices. Indeed the law d>>es not contem
plate any such thing. Under these circum
stances the Governor and Comptroller think
it would he doing wrong to the State to
pay any such accounts. If these officers
prefer to advertise in the newspapers rath
er than issue written notices for each cap
tain’s district, it is a matter foi their own
consideration, and they must bear the ex
pense. The law makes no provision for the
payment of such notices soy the State, and
i cannot allow it at this office.
Yerv Respectfully, &e.,
P. THRKATT,
Comp. GenT.
1 , . .
V. S. Several other accounts ot a sum
lar character have been presented, arid a
similar reply (or copy like this) has been
given. Respectfully &c\,
P TIIREATT.
For the Upson Pilot.
THE IDEAL SLAVE REPUBLIC OF
SOUTH CAROLINA POLITICIANS.
Is it not to be regretted that South Car
olum Ijcctvmo rv of tlip Confederate
States? If the doctririe of ah*inevitable
and irrepressible conflict bet ween slave and
free or hireling labor, is to ‘ acquire pro
clivity,” which 1 understand to be to get
tendency or procure such assent as to be
practically acted upon, we will have to
thank South Carolina for the vindication
of a fundamental truth, or curse her for
the dissemination of a heresy at war with
truth. Mr. Snratt lays claim to the dis
covery. Senator Hammond gave utter
ance to a qualified form of the same doc
trine when he said that free labor was in a
degraded condition in the South. The
question then turns upon the solution
of the question, which is the aggressor —
slavery or tree labor ? Was the conflict
begun by the Lee white laborers in an at
tempt to undermine and supplant slavery ?
Certainly not. So long as the negro was
subordinated to the white man, and put
under the intelligent superintendency of
the white man, white laboiers being ex
empt from menial employment, felt that
they were elevated and were content with
out looking to moral ethics for its justifi
cation, to defend slavery as subservient to
their best interests. To have kept slavery
in such subordinate capacity would then
have avoided the conflict —ergo the conflict
was evitable oravoidable. Slavery has not
yet transcended the wants of agriculture ;
hence there is no necessity for slavery to
lay its giant grasp upon other departments
of industry.” The negro may still be sub
ordinated to the superior intelligence of
the overseer on the cotton fields, the con
flict is not then u irrepressible”
The sons of farmers not owning slaves
and but small tracts of land will still seek
employment of their wealthy neighbors as
overseers, and thus be placed in legitimate
connexion with slavery and their hopes of j
being at some day able to be the proprie- :
torof a plantation themselves (as thousands j
have done before them.) stimulates and i
energizes their arms and minds ; here is j
certainly no conflict at all. These iuen, ;
feeling that they are the social and politi- |
cal peers of their employers will stand ‘
shoulder to shoulder with them in its de- 1
sense.
The negro may “display an imitative
power of manipulation,” but it is imitat
ive merely ; he is a copyist in mechanical
trades, nothing more. To improve, he
must still copy —which supposes a supe
rior to originate and plan. When his own
er, however, takes advantage of the imita
tive power of manipulation to put the ne
gro in competition with the superior intel
ligence of his teacher, to make the auto
maton the coni pel itor of the builder, to
appropriate the skill and mechanical phi
losophy of the teacher (which is his prop
erty, yea, bis capital,) to his depreciation,
or to lessen the profits of it, is a robbery
which the white mechanic will not submit
to uncomplainingly.
But though the white man may be re
sistive to the contact, as is natural, the
conflict is not in its nature inevitable even
here bnt that it is irrepressible after it is
begun, admits of some question. Conld
j not the negro still work in a subordinate
capacity to the white man ? Would it not
| be best for slavery that it should always be
subordinate to white labor, that it should
assent m elevating the labor of the white j
man ? 1
Will not such doctrines as is taught by
the Soflth Carolina school of politics
duce, by imitation, abolition sentiments ?
Is it not natural that it should ? But Mr.
Sprntt tells >s that there is an incompati
bility with slavery and “ pauper ” labor in
a society living under a democratic form of
government, or that slavery and democracy
are not homogeneous. Why ? Because
in a democracy the government comes me
diately or immediately from the people. —
The incompatibility consists in slavery be
ing a “rounded form of aristocracy,” where
government comes from the heads of so
ciety, whereas in a democracy the laborers
as well as the “lords” who do not labor,
have the elective franchise ; hence govern-
I ment comes from the heels of society.—
I What think you of this ye 66,000 voters
iof Georgia, who own no slaves ? You
must yield your democratic notions; you
! must have slaves whether you are able to
buy them or not, or even were the slave
trade revived so as to render that easy,
whether you have land to employ them on
or not, whether you can employ slavery at
a profit or not. You must be “in legiti
mate connexion” with slavery, or bo in a
condition to unfit you for association in a
slave republic. I say, Georgians, what do
you think of it ? Other and still more
significant questions are suggested by are
view of the South Carolina view of the
“permanent requisites of slavery.”
Mr. Spratt might have asked wherein
would consist the military strength of his
ideal republic. Who would lead your ne
gro in their giant grasp upon other de
partments of industry ? Who would
his manipulative power imitate? When
you by the necessary policy of exclusive
ness expatriate the slaveless white man,
who would be your soldiers when you ex
ile the white mechanic by the attempt to
| starve him, in proving to him that he can
not starve the slave? Who would origi
j nate for your negro to copy ? But I de
sist. Perhaps Ido not know, having not
been instructed in the “permanent requi
sitions” of the new government, and so
will dismiss with the expressions of my
earnest belief and hope, that we shall never
see the realisation of Mr. Spratt’s political
aspirations. P.
OFFICIAL GENEROSITY,
j 1 n its notice of the last day’s proceedings
of the Georgia Convention,'the Savannah
I Republican mentions the fact, as an item
! of news merely, that the Convention had
; voted the sum of fifteen hundred dollars
! each to iis Secretaries. We takfi the ear
! liest occasion to remark on this sorHewbkt
| extraordinary freedom which the Conven-’
: turn lias taken with the People’s money in
these times of general hardship.
The Secretary and Assistant Secretary
who have been thus rewarded, served the
Convention fourteen days at Milledgeville
and sixteen days at Savannah, making in
all just thirty days, at the rate of fifty dol
lars each per day.’ This is by far the most
liberal compensation we have heard of in
| modern tiroes, for labor not requiring geni
us or awy particular attention beyond the >
capacity of practiced penmanship, and a
distinct Voice. These qualifications are no j
doubt possessed in an equal degree by
scores of gentlemen in Georgia to whom
five hundred dollars would have been a sat
isfactory equivalent, placing them, in dig
nity of reward, on a level with the Speak
er of the United States House of Repre
sentatives whose per di> m used to be six
teen dollars per day, or double that of the
other members.
As the Convention has thought proper
to bestow as a b >unty, what it could find
no excuse for allowing as a claim, we take
the liberty ot a calculation which shows
that while each Secretary was receiving his
fifty dollars per day, the common soldier
who enlisted in the service of Georgia, and
who is now at Fort. Pulaski, or at Fort.
Pickens on duty, and subject to the harsh
discipline of military life, draws eleven dol
lars per month, just the one hundred and
thirty-fifth part which each of the Secre
taries to the Convention received for the
same period. Or in other words, the dai
ly pay of the Secretary was equal to the
daily pay of one hundred and thirty-five
soldiers of the Georgia line !
We have alluded to this act of the Con
vention with no feelings of disrespect to
that. body, and certainly with none what
ever to the Secretaries, or either of them.
We take it for granted that they filled
their [daces ably, and in a manner to sat
isfy the public ; yet w T e object to the allow
ance of fifty dollars per day, on principle,
unless it shall appear that about three
fourths of this sum w r as paid out tor clerk
hire to keep up the business of the Con
vention, —a fact which we have not seen
intimated, and therefore we do not pre
sume it. We should like to see the yeas
and nays on this appropriation, and we
j hope those who voted for it will never here
after complain about the waste of the peo
ple’s money by the Legislature for educa
tional, or any other enlightened purposes.
We think the Convention, in this respect,
committed an error which can only be ac
counted for by the genial hospitality of the
citizens of Savannah which made the eve
ntng sessions of the Convention resemble
their prototypes in the Georgia Legisla
ture, which it has been our privilege to
witness.— So. Recorder,
We of Arkansas have tasted the bitter
fruit of the Union tree.— Ark. Exchange.
Well, eat to the core, and then perhaps
you can —see seed. — Prentice.
The Boston Post says that since females
have commenced the practice of medicine,
the health of young men has been very
delicate.
a EAtftY Tale, with a moral,
There was once a poor wotaan, and she
had no dearer wish than once, by accident
or a miracle, to obtain a great deal of nio
ney, because she believed that if B h e had
ttirthey, all sorrow and suffering would bn
aa good as gone*
The accideht and the miracle did not
happen for a long time, however, till tho
woman heard one day that on the slope 0 f
a hill there grew among other grass a weed
and if any one were so fortunate as to
pluck it, the mountain would open the
plucker would walk into a large cave at
which seven men sat round a table, who
would allow her to take away ns much of
their treasure as she could carry,
From this moment the poor woman had
nothing more pressing to do than to f e!c a
hillside grass daily, during the summer
for her cow, because she hoped to pick the
miraculous weed among it. And so she
did. One day the woman had again col
lected her grass, carried the heavy basket
on her head, and led her little daughter bv
the hand, when a large rock opened noise
lessly befo.e her, like a well-oiled door
and allowed her to see into a cave, where
seven old men, with long beards, were sit
ting round a table, and piles of gold and
silver were heaped around them,
j The woman soon took advantage of the
opportunity, emptied her basket upon the
ground and filled it with gold. When tin's
was done and she was going out onerf tlm
i old men certainly said, “Woman, forget
not the best thing !” But she did not lis
ten, and went off. But she had scarcely
reached the entrance of the cave when the
rook closed again, and shut iu the woman’s
little daughter who had remained behind
playing with the gold. Then the mother,,
grief and agony were great; she ran lamen
ting to the clergymen and told them what
had occurred. The latter said she must
wait certain other seven years, till s | h ,
could find her daughter again ; after that
period she must go again to the mountain
at the same hour in which she lost her
child, and wait tor what might happen *
but she had made a grand mistake in quite
emptying her basket for the sake of the
gold, because the miracle w-eed was amon ,r
j the grass she three away.
Now she remembered tho old man's word.
! apd fear fled to her sorrow that she had
none wrong to consider wealth as the high
; est blessing. How slightly she now valued
the gold she brought home, when she had
to pay for it with the loss of her child.—
She thought, further, and learned there
w-ere many blessings in the world, which
it lost, reduce the value of gold to nothing.
This and many other things.the poor wo
man had time to reflect on.during the sev
en years, and tc her honor he it said, that
tlm expiration of that time, she would
not look at or handle the gold. At hiigtii
the day came when she hoped to find lur
lost child.
, The ; woman hurried to the hill in the
neighWbbod of the reek where Her cnild
was shut up ; and see there ! frema dis
tance she perceived the treasure ot her
heart; the child, sleeping in fnnloftho
rock , it was as young and blooming as
when sbe lost it. She lifted it tenderly arid*
kissed it a thousand tines on the road
! home, thinking, “If all the gold were out
! room I should be as happy as if I
had foubd all the treasures id the world?”
But the gold was not gone ; and so Hu
was grateful for that, and enjoyed tlie nd
i vantage of wealth, and spent much on the
! g°od education of Her daughter, and thus
the well trained maiden became a great uuii
i invaluable treasure. — Rac.ktey’s Misccllor
ny.
Gen. Steuben's Will.—An antiquari
an, who has been lookingover the records
at Albany, N. Y., has brought to light the
wills of some of odf revolutionary veterans.
Among them is that of the celebrated Gen
eral Baron Steuben, dated Feb. 12, 1804,
which, after the usual covenants, reads as
follows :
“Sufficient rearfotfs have determined me
to exclude my relation* in Europe from
any participation of my estate in America/
and to adopt m\ friends and- uid
de-camjis, Benjamin Walker arid William
North, as my children, and make them
sole devisees, except to mv servant cr.t
year’s wages, and to my valet -de-chambre
all mv wearing apparel ; but I declare that
these legacies to my servants are to he on
the following conditions: that on mv de
cease they do not permit any person to
touch my body, not even to change toy
shirt in which I shall die ; but wrap me
up in my old military cloak, and, in twen- j
ty-fours after my decease, bury me in such
a spot as 1 shall, before my decease, point
out to them; and that they never acquaint
any person with the place wkero I was bu- j
ried.”
Juleps are in Reason, and so is the story i
of the broad-backed Kentuckian who went j
down to New Orleans for the first time.-’
Whisky, brandy and plain drinks, he
knows, but as to the compound and tail
ed liquors he was a know-nothing. R e *
posing on the seats of the bar-room of the
St. Charles, he observed a crowd of fash’
ionables drinking ruint-juleps. ‘ Boy,
said he, “bring me a glass of that bevel
age” When he consumed the cooling j
draught, he callled the boy again. ‘“B<q,
what was my last remark ?’, “Why, y°“ ,
ordered a julep.” “That’s right, don t J■-*
get it—keep on bringing ’em !”
Prof. Johnson of Middletown
was one day lecturing before the stuaen
on mineralogy. He had before b im f ul to
a number of specimens of various s° r 8
illustrate the subject. A roguish stu
for sport sliiy slipped a piece of brie
mong the stones. The Professor was
ing up the stones one after another,. -
ing them. “This,” said he, “is a P ie
granite ; this is a piece of feldspar* e
Presently he came to the piece oi hric
Without betraying any kind °f
even changing his tone of voice, • ’
said he, holding it .up,-“itapiece t
deuce l”