Newspaper Page Text
'..M IIIHWP"""* - —== ■ sr —: - - s —... : = ——
W*L\\c tecrklji cgffftjgta & doustttuttonaltst,
■M. 1 • /aaS •®B’am'waae(3siiD'@i -
X ' vy : ',, m>- ■■■-■■ -r«ra.Tii'.*ai~i-a}- "if •. •&—— u ' i»~‘T— ~ r ~n i y.~sr.f. r . n ' ' ' ' 7 ''
uV - 1:li 11 ? A! ‘l'. STA, (ilvXUil.V. \VKi)\KSI)AY < .SEPTEMBER o, I*3l.
.. r •
lomeK OX M«;1XT0SII-3TBte*T',
T HIItHDOOn FR'oMTIIR XOHTII-WSST OORNEII OF BROAD
** S.THBET. » . • •‘•• W '.. ■
p . pr ' -'ik. h v \jec«tor«. A‘i ifiijo -ti.wr.-’ oi* fosarj*
v tote JmM on the Hr*?
* mr.nili Li'twOPn the hour* of ten 1n
~ P' v ' r £®(lr|W imnl "" at I’nWic Anct ! on.,oa the
•SivlM of NJS , ( ’ R ‘ ih. between tbi u.«fl.-.l\»urs
(tWC PVMX sale, %the county
t rtf. r*i,is «ctinuentax-y. or A4iftimstr»iiou.
iht' L-* - i v . ( . boon uranivu. first giving
% *&«4 U> Riven.
V*B™ aJ ° to !rt p Conrtof
SS rAt'' to «* l.ANi>, must 1... publish,.!
for sWrOBS. intt-fK' publShetl
N WiLenny order •,-■ idle cut be
given V*y tli* Court.
OF ADYEJtTTfiSNG..
One oqnure. 12 Hue*?* cent* tbe first in eM ( oo. *u< off
cent* af*»rwartV.v'
I»ttAL.AD'"IHWIBBMg£‘I® «
Piffiriir Levie.. ;.o S 2 50
RxcjutorV. Admini ...tor* m.S Owtyjm*.- sttl-.*. Kuil
,JL Estate, (per iuare. &,*»«**•) • • -
%o. do. IVrsoml t.rti-;. d 2o
Citation £br Letter? of Adifiniftrutiou f ■*»
I)i.- ; ; -ion .•• .. • y ••••••
AUGUSTA, GA.
SATURDAY MORNItJG, AU&UST 30.
Terms of the Weekly Paper.
One yoar, in advanco $2,00
ts paid within the year.* 2,00
Atthoonil f tlio year 3 > oo
[£7=- Tlio above terms will bo rigidly enforced.
Free Soil boasts sinoo the Compromise.
The Constitutional Union papers teem with
laudations of the Compromise, as a llnal and glori
ous settlement of the difficulty between the North
and the South. Since the passage of the series
of measures, which .have been misnamed a Com
promise, most of the Northern papers havp boast
ed. that while the people of that section are
unanimous against tire further extension ol
slavery, (he signs of the times are favorable,
even in Ihe South. They speak in terms of praise
of the liberal minded men of the South who are
either open in (heir advocacy of fi' ee soil. or * n "
different upon the subject. Would to God theie
were no reasons for the boast. Our beloved sec
tion has heretofore, exhibited a stainless faith in
the maintenance of its rights and institutions.-
fs it So now ? Is the li#ft of Southern faith
pure and undimmed by infidelity and treachery ?
What strange and extraordinary light shoots oc
• casionally, athwart the dark prospect that sur
' rounds us. Men of the South, you must arouse
' and speak for yourselves, and it will require an
exercise of sublime energy to undo and finally
resist the mischief which has been done. You
are told by some Southern papeis to keep quiet,
forbear and conciliate. The North is not prac
tising those truly useful virtues. In her legis
latures, conventions, religious assemblies, prima
ry meetings, and indeed, in every channel of pub
lic influence and action, the people there are call
ed upon sever to falter in opposing us. The en
tire North is in a blaze of opposition to the great
institution of the South, and yet we are • told to
fold our arms, to have confidence in a returning
sense of Who would be so wgak and
foolish as to stand still upon the beach, with a
wild sea raging around hie lee * anjl each succes
sive tide growing higher and more furious than
the one which preceded it ? No, wa must be up
and doing. We have to awe thej'aithless in our
midst,as well as our opponents beyond the slave
ry liiTe" Oh ! for the light of other days. f>ow
is the time for it to bum brighter than ever. .Now
b> the time for the Saulh to be. uniteil 51s a band
of brn * h*Hs.. •. * '*■
. iLi „ ! - * - * ♦ ,: 4 * • *
r ’ pgtfkhittsfa ns with being kidnnfivr* rob/M*,
but all in the tree States, deny that -for institu
tion is sanctioned by the law of God, or any just
law of man, and hence, condemn it upon princi
ple. They deny us our constitutional right to
go into the common territory oi the Stales, w ith
our slaves, if we see proper to do so. Hence the
necessity for action. Opposition to slavery at
the North bus become a religious fanaticism.
The love and worship of a common God and Sa
viour, have not been strong enough in too holi
ness of their ties, to prevent a part of the North
ern church from opening its battery of bigotry
upon the Southern church. The latter has been
compelled to seek repose and an undisturbed
worship, in a total separation Irom the former.
What kind of a picture is this to be held up be
fore the chiristain and civilized world, first,
wo have felt the force ot their artillery of reli
gious madness, and now we are experiencing
that of a political phrenzy, not less, il not more
dangerous, and still, we must be as mild as a moon
beam, and conciliating as a lamb in the clutches
of a wolf.
When we go to God s holy inspiration, we
find enough to convince every mind, not blinded
with prejudice, that slavery and religion are not
inconsistent with each other. Ham was con
demned to servitude, and slavqry was instituted
by Heaven itself. l ' Blessed be the Lord (rod
of Shem and Canaan shall he his servant . "
Abraham was a chosen servant of God. The
Lord said : He that is born in thy house, and
he that is bought with thy money must needs be
circumcised, and my covenant shall be in your
flesh for an everlasting covenant."’ We are told
in the same chapter, (the 17th of Gen.) that the
circumcision of Abraham and Ishmael, and
“ those bought with money of the stranger,” took
place on the same day. How frequently the ex
pressions occur ‘'man servants and maid servants"
in the old Scripture. Hired servants are spoken
of and those bought with money.
Slaves were recognized as property. In the
21st chapter of Exodus is found, “ If a man
smite his servant or his maid with a rod, and he
die under his hand, he shall surely be punished,”
but " if he continue a day or two he shall not be
punished, for he is his money." The children of
Jsreal were told "of the heathen round about
you shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids, and
they .dial! be your possession , and ye shall take
them as an iMwritatu' 10. jour children after you
to inherit them for a possession, they shall be
your bondmen for ever." We could fill a col
umn with similar extracts from the old Scrip-
ture. We shall very briefly continue the sub-I
ject in our next, and will that the exis- '
tane’e and legality of slavery was fully recog
nized by Christ and his Apostles.
We refer to these Scriptural proofs for two
reasons: first, to make them familiar lo those
who may not have thought upon the subject;
and second, lo satisfy others, even at the South,
that the abolitionists and opponents of slavery
are wrong in denouncing it as abhorred of God
and eriminal in man. Do anti-slavery men pos
sess a higher and purer morality than Christ and
his Apostles ? Some of them are crazy enough
to think so. but they are blinded by the deep de
lusions which beset them. We sincerely de
sire and hope to see them disenchanted, before
they wake up amid the falling fragments of a once
“ glorious Union.”
Tha Chronicle’s Noddle Set for Wit.
‘ He cannot therefore plead them in bar or ar
rest of judgment, and his only escape is, being
then a young man—he ‘"may have ' been a mere
baby. Well, there is no resisting such a plea, and
Mr. S.mythe is of course, entitled to all its bene
fits. We congratulate him upon his escape and
his triumphant defence of his own consistency,
and the ‘'reckless assertions” of the Constitution
alist,in-relation to the position of the Union party
of Georgia, and the South, on the Proclamation
of Gen. Jackson. Long live the “Baby Act.”
We copy the above paragraph liorn the Chroni
cle & Sentinel of Wednesday. The .Chronicle
dont often tap its head for wit, and when it d.Jee,
as in the above ease, it only exposes itself tofri
dicule. There is no true wit without truth for
its foundation, and as there was.no “baby act” to
sustain the Chronicle, it must rub its noddle and
try again. This is a case of downright butting.
The Chronicle depends upon the thickness of its
scull, not its contents. In butting at us, (even
supposing we entertained opinions, when “a
f t young man” that we do not now,) it butts at
}ilt. Toombs, and many others, who were nulli-
P# ' ’
ia iiriniaryrrii'm.-oai;
.furs and States Mights advocates 4 (Tiea young tncft
I'HK now cmwlldqtitmisfs. *T£e Chronicle may
blitfGu, And bust every bpdy if it w&htg t<j, but
; we sjiall protest against its . butting being mistak
en for icif. -We teg our readers not to under-,
stand us to‘allude tp t liem in this protest. What
wesay.is inf ended'for noddlej like that of the
Chronicle. * f t . “
: sajfc Fair ’ Llberal “A Jnßl '”
,Mr. pobb says tliat the Compromise is fair,
| .liberal and just; "The New York Kxpress says:
“We do not believe that after the South lias
prartieajlif l/pst five, measures of the Compromise,
font they will let the Nprth repeal the'* sixth, the
only one :/iat gives than any thing at all, and that
one tbP sdeifiiily guarantied by the Constitution .”
TljMe it is, right out, plain and (lafT-footed, in
' the m Yiftk Express, ghat’s what we have
said all along. The South has practically lost
nve measures. If tbit is true, and the South got,
in the Fugitive Slave bill, . ptfiing more than is
guaranli-d to her by the Constitution. wha> did
I *be gaint That is the question, WHAT Dif>
| SHU GAIN 1 It is the plainest case that was
' ever submitted to a free people, since God Al
! mighty said “Let there be light.*” We have
1 eveJHhiijsr and f'ainediarifaAaadyet ? >;ae
~Jdm• DlMi.ftpn Vi-fr Pror-ce
Snators, y SpeaWrs of the House oF Kep.onenta
tives, Forejgn Ministers, See., tell us that we h. i*.
gotm fair, liberal, just and honorable settlement!!
The North is clothed in purple and fine linei,-
the South has on a ragged Coat, with half a tail,
and out at the elbows, and yet we are to' 1 that
we make as decent an appearance as the North.
1 Is not this trifling with the public intelligence?
| The people must be won over by treating them
as idiots ! A triumph must be won at the ex
pense of the public intelligence !
Two men are equally interested in a large es
-1 tate. One gets the lands, the fine house, all the
money, &e.; the other gets nothing —dines at his
i kind neighho/ J s, if he dines at all, and has not a
; hole to creep into, like the fox. but lays his head
as chance may permit. Would it not be adding
insult to injury to go up to this man and say to
him, “ Sir, the settlement between you and the
' other party, is eci.se, liberal and just ” ? Would
it not be doubly preposterous to ask him for his
vote, while administering such consolation as this ?
If he could be coaxed to admit that he was fairly
treated and to vote for such a man, it might safely
be said of him he would die like an ass.
people of the South are routed, cheated,
(degraded, and then asked to vote for those who
stand spongers for the infamous deeds by which
it was done. Even in Kentucky, where Cas
sius M. Clay run as the emancipation candidate
for Governor, Gen. Leslie JJombs, one of the
most popular Whigs in the State, was beat for
Congress, with a majority of over eighteen hun
dred to hack him; We shall not ecasc to hope
for similar results in Georgia, till the people
themselves give fruits at which to. blush. Ap
pearances, for nearly a year past, ifhave been
ominous of evil.
There is some show of reason in a people’s
yielding public virtue to pecuniary interests."
No people ought to do that,init the human mind
can contemplate* no picture more debasing than
that of a sacrifice of public virtue, with no pros
pect of gain—indeed with every prospect of pe
cuniary, social and political prostration, to fid
low, as the direct and necessary consequence of that
sacrifice.
There are labyrinths of difficulty into which
we might get by necessity , to be extricated from
which would require all the wisdom, patriotism
and courage which a people could command;
but it is awful to contemplate their getting into
such a condition by self-delusion, and the artful*
sophistries of selfish politicians, who site in them
selves stars' of the first magnitude, land in the
"S'4*jnrTtie The man who fitters the
people to tilt'd 1 injury, is a despicable demagogue,
unfit to be a repository of power. Wepsay, then,
that the people are also censurable, who will not
examine facts and judge for themselves. The
people of Georgia, in mass, ought to see the im
position and chealery of the Compromise, as plain
ly as the New York Express sees it. Thousands
of them do see it, and will act upon it. If popu
lar leaders were to tell some people that an ele
phant was a rat, they would believe it. With
such, argument is vain. You might as well talk
to a corpse. To a man who will examine facts,
it would be as decorous to tell him that an ele
phant was a rat, as that the late Compromise
was, to the South, fair, liberal and just!
Let the people examine and think for them
selves.
No: Ihern Sympathy for the Blacks.
The people of Indiana have adopted a new
constitution. At their late election, they ratified
the following, and made it a part of that consti
tution : We, of the South, are rogues, man-steal
ers, and rascals, dealers in the pound of flesh, and
deserve to be execrated by ail mankind, because
of our patriarchal institution : and yet the friends
of the negro in liberty-loving Ohio, have adopt
ed the following as a part of their fundamental
law.
It exhibits fully their hollow hypocricy. and
the unprincipled character of their crusade against
the South. They will permit 110 negro, or mu
latto, to settle in Ohio, and yet would turn them
loose upon us in a pent up and limited region.
They hold us up to the scorn and hatred of the
whole world for inhumanity; and mercy dies an
endless death, in their souls, before their words
of condemnation have fairly escaped their lying
lips.
“ Sec. 1. No negro or mulatto shall come into
or settle in this State, after the adoption of this
Constitution.
“ Sec. 2. All contracts made with any negro or
mulatto coming into this State, contrary to the
foregoing section, shall be void; and all persons
who shall employ, or otherwise encourage such
negro or mulatto to remain in the State, shall be
fined in any sum of not less than ten dollars nor
more than five hundred dollars.
“ Sec. 3. All fines which may be collected for
a violation of the provisions of this article, or
any law which may hereafter be passed lor the
purpose of carrying the same into execution,
shall be set apart and appropriated for the colo
nization of such negroes and mulattoes, and their
descendants, as may be in the State at the adop
tion of this Constitution, and may be willing to
emigrate.
“Sec, 1. The General Assembly shall pass
laws to carry out the provisions of this article.”
It may be and has been said, that there are
j peculiar reasorys for such a decision in Ohio. The
V New York Tribune says, alluding to the above :
“ We cannot doubt that the same proposition,
in like manner submitted to a direct and naked
popular vote, would prevail in nearly every free
State of the Union."
There is the testimony of the ablest and most
widely extended free soil paper published in the
Northern States. How hypocritical and prepos
terous the grief of these people, at the wrongs
done the poor Africans! There is more real re
gard for the well being, the comfort and happi
ness of the negro race, in the bosom ol" a single
Southern slaveholder, than exists in the public
bosom of the entire State of Ohio. Considering
their professions there, they act more like sava
ges than civilized people. What would become
of the black race if these people were to be the
arbiters of their fate ? They malignantly de
nounce us and proscribe the negro in the same
breath. Their love for him is an ostracising ty
ranny, and their love for the South, a betraying
and deadly hiss.
To Mr. Smytlie: —Come, the public has waited
sometime, lor “ the letter” you wrote in 1831,
or thereabouts, to some editor iii Georgia, in
which you stated that you believed “ in the right
of secession.” Come let us have “ the letter
You have got Mr. Cobb's, and it is nothing J?ut
fair we should have yours.
Another States Rights Man.
1 This we also take from the Chronicle of Wed
, nesday. “ Another States Rights man"’ would be
■ a proper person to hold up a target for the Chroni
: cle to butt at. Both of them appear to go it blind.
> We nevfr said that we wrote a letter in 1834, in
I which we avQWed a belief in the right of seces
sion. We said that we wrote an article for a pub
-1 lie journal, in which we made that statement.—
, “ Another States Rights man” reminds us of the
1 ass with a lion’s skin on him. We only allude
, to his pretending to be a States Rights man! He
may be a very smart fellow, for ought we know.
1 I;ivt he is not * very- accurate or observing one,
r to cali upon us for a letter when we expressly
t stated’that we had written an article for a news-.
- paper, which was published. Perhaps this States
■JUghts nutif was confused, or bewildered by the
*Uoise of the “ masked battery orit shay lie that
: that letter of Mr. Cobb's lias crowded <the cracks
of his he»l till he has become a monomaniac on
letters. m-
We have not got Mr. Cobh's letter. We have
a letter .of his, but not the letter. If I cc had 'ymt
i ten a letter, we could save our honor, uprrp this
eall,jfnil refuse to produce it until Sir. Cobb
’ produced his.
You are unfortunate Mr. “ Another States
Rights man” in alluding to letters. You have
p only exposed youself and Mr. Cobb. Load up
your popgun again, appeaUto Mars, and fire.—
What a pity it is that this is not the season for
china berries, but you can chow up some paper
I wads. They may do as well. Y6ur only hope
, now consists in playing <he parr of a perfect dare
devil. In that way alone, can you get the war-
God to come to your aid.
Georgia Home Gazette.
' MLc have herijfoforc fooi.V altoded. "cry byiuly
\ tajPe proposed pul i.»*Lm, <
Re? -A. Whyte, of a new literary and family
lournal, to be called the Georgia Home Gazette.
• j Our time and space permits us nos*', only to re
*fer to it in a few words. Os Mr. Whyte’s quali
> fications for the task which will be imposed upon
' him, we have already expressed our opinion;
■ He is a gentleman of varied intellectual accom
plishments, and a ready, instructive and elegant
1 writer.
We have no doubt that he will be well sus
tained by contributions from the pens of Southern
literati. Our State and sectiop are flooded with
1 journals, magazines and reviews, of Northern and
’ foreign origin. Why should this be the case
when we have talents and enterprize in our
1 midst sufficient to supply our people with ample
and excellent intellectual aliment.
1 It is discreditable to Georgia, and the whole
South, that efforts heretofore made to supply the
want, at home, have been so inadequately sustain
ed. We want a Southern Literature. Nature, cli
mate, scenery, leisure, every thing conspires to
foster genius in the South. Nothing is wanted
but the encouraging patronage of our people.
Augusta is as suitable a place as exists in this
section, for the establishment of such a paper as
the Home Gazette is intended to be. We learn
from Major Whyte that his journal will not be
hypercritical in its reviews, tone, or character.—
His object is rather to present to his reader that
which is useful, than beautiful. His journal will
bedeveted more to the amusement and instruction
of the family circle than the gratification of the
sentimentality of those who are fond of romance
for its excitement, and literature for its tinsel.
Mr. Whyte’s character as an amiable and
moral gentleman, in addition to his fine talents
and scholastic attainments, is a guarantee to the
public that his paper, as a family journal, can be
received and read without the slightest fear of
its pages being tainted with any thing objection
able tod he moral taste.
We can only say, in conclusion, that he has
our best wishes for success in his enterprize, and
we trust the good will of the public generally
will be manifested tor it by his speedy attain
ment of a large and lucrative subscription list
and ample advertising patronage.
We learn that the first number will be issued
about the middle of the ensuing month. For
terms, see the Prospectus in another column.
The Ouban Advices.
* The advices received from Cuba, via Havana
are very contradictory, and the next intelligence
| from that quarter is looked for with much anx
•mat. we find the following, wilder dat* of Havana,
August 17, which is as late as any received.
August 17.—The news brought this moment,
say 8,30, by the steamer Almendares, from the
scene of warfare, is to the effect that Gen. Kuna
has fallen into the hands of Lop t/.. The Almen
dares brings eighty-two woun led Spanish troops,
and of the number taken prisoners by Lopez’s
party he has had the humanity not to shoot one.
***
That Letter.
The Southern Recorder is quite clamerotis for
the publication of Mr. Cobb's letter to the Ma
con Committee by the Southern Rights papers. It
insists that as those papers have been calling for
Mr. Cobb’s suppressed letter to the Cenvention,
therefore, they are under obligations to accept the
letter to the Macon Committee as a full response,
and say nothing more about the suppressed
letter.
The editor of the Southern Recorder is some
what mistaken if he supposes that either the
Southern Rights editors or the people of Georgia
are to be put off" ill that way. They want the
suppressed letter, and they will not be satisfied
with any thing shorter. Produce that letter Mr.
Cobb, and gentlemen ot the Consolidation Union
party, or acknowledge that it contains senti
ments that you are afraid for the people to see.
The people want to see the letter Mr. Cobb
wrote to the Toombs Convention, which Mr.
Toombs put in his breeches pocket, and conclu
ded that it would not do to publish. Mr. Cobb
may write as many and as long letters as his
ingenuity may suggest, but as long as that sup
pressed letter remains hid, the people will sus
pect that there is a trick on foot to cheat them
out of their votes.
0”?“ It is our painful task to announce the
death of Martin M. Dye, Esq., who departed
this life at Madison, on the 2Gth instant, af
ter protracted illness. He was for many years
a well known and highly esteemed citizen of
this community, during a portion of which time
lie occupied the honorable position of Mayor of
the city of Augusta. A year or two since he
moved to Savannah, where he was engaged in
business, under the firm of Dye & Shumakc,
at the time of his death.
He was an honorable merchant, a good citi
zen, a benevolent man and a pious Christian.
He was universally beloved and respected.
A Small Mistake.
In Georgia 53 papers are published, 4 being
monthly, 40 weekly, 4 tri-weekly, and 5 daily.
Os these, 10 are democratic; 8 whig, 1 indepen
dent, 1 liteiary, 2 medical, I agricultural, 4 reli
gious. I Union, 1 neutral, and the character of
the rest not stated. The largest circulation is
that of the Augusta Sentinel, 5000 copies. The
Temperance Banner, in Greene county, has 5000;
the Augusta Constitutionalist,Southern Cultiva
tor, Macon Telegraph and Macon Messenger
have each about 300.
We copy the above paragraph from the Mem
phis (Tenn) Enquirer, in order to correct a mis
take, in reference to the circulation of our paper.
Probably a mistake was made in the omission
of a cipher, in putting the number at 300. Our
circulation is over ten thousand, by which it
will be seen that it is much the largest in the
State.
The Constitutionalist, prior to its union with the
Republic, had a circulation considerably exceeding
3000. Its circulation had for several years been
above the last named figure.
It is now probably greater than that of any
other paper in the Southern States.
Ouban Meeting in Augusta.
The meeting at the City Hall Park, on Thurs
day night, presented a cheering spectacle to the
lovers of Republican freedom, and the friends of
oppressed Cuba. It was truly a people's meet
ing—a dense mass of citizens, glowing with fer
vent enthusiasm for Cuba, and burning with in
dignation at the savage butchery of the gallant
Crittenden, Kerr, and their hapless comrades,
crowded the platform and loudly cheered the re
solutions passed on the occasion. This was a
meeting of the people, emphatically.
Many, too many of our citizens who ordinari
■ ly give weight to popular movements were ab
■ sent. It was feared by some, perhaps, that the
over zealous exertions of the Federal Adminis
-1 tration to cut off American sympathy and aid to
Cuba might be rebuked. Perhaps the current of
■ their sympathies ran in the direction of '"law
■ and order I’’ 1 ’’ in that worst spirit of conservatism
; which always takes the side of the government
> against the people, though the struggle be be
. tween power and right.
, Be this as it, may. a large number of our most
I respectable cifoens-*-respectal>le in its best sense,
fpVere there. The people were there, of all ages
j and" pursuits. Many a hancfo*harJened by toil,
! was clenched in stern resolve, and many manly
brows were knit with indignant passion, and the
universal heart of the large assemblage swelled
with responsive sympathy to the appeals of the
speakers fn favor of Cuba, and vengeance lor the
1 blood of our inhumanly butchered and mutilated
countrymen.
It was evident that a very ,strongfeeli*i 1g of in
diguitffon prevailed again* Sir. Owen, the Ame
rican Consul, who stands charged with the‘moat
shameful indifference (o the fate of his
men, sentenced without a trial.
But the mee'ting. after full argument, determined
that he should not be condemed before he was
*
hekrd in his defence.
Election ot Judges and State House Officers by
(he People.
We have purposely avoided ‘he discussion of
this question down to this point in the present
canvass, as we did not desire to mingle it with
the vital political issuec now dividing the two
parties in our State. We believe a large ma
jority of the people of either party, if a fair
expression pf opinion ce" K obtained, will
■.f these elections and placing them'vhere they
ought to be, and where they properly belong, di*
rectly in t.ie hands of the people.'**
As an original question a different system from
either of these two might meet with popular fa
vor. The nomination of Judges by the Gov-
■ ernor to the Senate, two-thirds of whom would
t be necessary to ratification, ■ ifominations to
be of an equal number from each political party,
and in case of a {vacancy the nomination.
1 to be from the ranks of the party, which by the
1 vacancy is left with the smallest number of
* judges on the Bench, is a plan which has been
; suggested to us, and has its advocates and strong
r arguments to sustain it. But the merits of this
; plan we do not undertake to discuss, as it is not
now properly before the people.
‘ Bur the last Legislature provided for the ascer
: tainment of the popular voice on the question,
whether these elections should be by the
Legislature, or i.y the People. The voters
1 are requested to signify their wishes on their bal-
lots at the election in October.
The strictly party character of the elections
* by tlie Legislature, and the utter disregard of
1 all claims to office, except political services
1 performed in be half of the dominant party,
which have uniformly marked those elections,
- demonstrate the utter unfitness of that body
: to be entrusted with the disposal of judicial
offices. Is he peqmlar and influential among the
1 voters ! What has he done for the party f and
what benefit will his election be‘to the party! are
the questions much more freely discussed in party
concusses and colories, than is he a good jurist ?
I is he a man of ability, firmness and impartiality?
> (t is he honest ? is he capable V’ The plausible in
triguant, the man of shallow pretensions, but
pleasant address, and with active political friends
—the man who is popular on the stump, and has
often carried his county for his party by indus
trious electioneering in hotly contested canvasses,
lias generally, much stronger claims, and brighter
prospects for success under the present system
than the most learned jurist of retiring
and but little addicted to strife of politics and
the brawling conflicts of the hustings. The lat
ter stands no possible chance for such promo
tion, though the calm and discriminating judge
ment of the people, nor the question submitted
to them would at once decide in Ills favor.
We will not extend our argument at this time
in favor of election of Judges by the People,
but we will occasionally recur to the subject be
tween this and the election in Octobej.
which biennially take place at Milledgeville,
have disgusted many who were originally averse
to giving the elections to the people, and have
thoroughly convinced them, that the Legislature
is an unfit depository of such power and patron
age.
The influences and considerations which con
trol these elections are wrong in principle, and a
perversion of the authority vested in the hands of
the Legislature. If the people will resume this
authority and lake these elections into their own
hands, and we now speak especially of elections
for judges, they will be apt to vote with more wis
dom and quite as much honesty. The system
has been adopted in the States of New York and
Mississippi, and has worked well. It has been
adopted in other States, and we hear no com
plaints or dissatisfaction with its operation. The
system of popular elections will create a class of
office-holders and aspirants for judicial honors
distinct from the politicians. The claims they
will bring before the constituent body, will be
based on professional merit and personal good
character. They will not be the political ser
vices rendered to party and party leaders, or tact
and adroitness upon the stump, or electioneering
accomplishments at the polls.
Many of the arguments we would urge against
the election of judges by the people will apply
with equal force to elections by that body of the
Solicitors and State House officers. The people
are too large a constituent body, and too disinter
ested in their motives of action to be influenced
by the sinister views that control the action of
political parties in Legislative bodies. A man
of the most exalted claims to office—of the most
admirable fitness—of the purest integrity—of
the most exemplary morals stands but little
chance for an election if his party happen to be
in a minority in the Legislature, in opposition to
a man on the otfcer side of the commonest abili
ties—of inferior qualifications—of intemperate
habits—and even of questionable integrity.—
Those things ought not to be. Yet they have
often been witnessed in the case of elections by
Legislatures. The people would not thus dis
pose of offices bestowed directly by their suf
frages.
Interesting Fact. —We copied a notice a
day or two since, of a fire in the basement of
the chemical warehouse of Messrs. Haskell, Mer
rick & Bull, New Y'ork. We have since been
informed that the flames were spreading repidly,
when they weie instantly subdued by the acci
dental breaking of a dem.john of ammonia.
From Santa Fe.
Mr. H. Barthel, of Santa Fe, was a passenger
in the steamer Cataract, which arrived at St
Louis on the 10th inst., Irom the Missouri river. |
He brings no later advices than were previously j
received, but the Republican learns from him :
one or two items of interest. The corn crop of
New Mexico, it was feared, would prove a failure; !
business was dull, and things wore rather a,
gloomy appearance.
A man by the name of Harris, of Missouri
who went out as a passenger in Sims & Me
Cauley’s train, died on the 28th July, and was
buried on Mud Creek. When Mr. R. saw the
grave, the body had been disinterred by th<
beasts and birds, and was no where to be seen.
Russell & Jones’ train were met at the Moro.
Hubbell’s at Ciinerone, Spencer’s at the same
place, Otero’s at Rio Jornadu, Major Ruggles’s
at Fort Mackay, Aubrey’s at Big Cow Creek-
Major Miles at Turkey Creek, and a Mormon
. party at Rio Colorado. All were getting along
well. No sickness except a few cases at Fort
Mackay, only three of which were fatal.
Tiif. Storm. —A violent storm of wind and
: rain from the north-east raged in this vicinity on
, Saturday evening last, and continued all night
and until meridian on Sunday.—After noon it
moderated, and by nightfall had cleared away.
1 The damage done to the standing corn and cot
ton has been considerable. On the seaboard we
. understand the storm was more violent, and fear
much damage to the rice and cotton. The
shipping on the coast must have suffered consul
-1 erably. —Griffin Jeffersonian, 28th inst.
, Revival at McDonough. —We neglected to
j. state in our last, as we had intended, that the
people of McDonough and its vicinity, have re
-1 eently been the subjects of a most powerful re
-1 vival of religion. After incessant labor on the
; part of the religious community in that place,
for seventeen days, the result has been nearly
one hundred conversions, with sixty members
added to the Baptist and forty-seven to the
t Methodist Churches.— lb.
P Public Meeting.
nt to a public call, a very large and
ic number of the citizens of Augusta,
, the cause of Cuban Independence, as
-1 the City Hall, on Thursday evening,
Oil motion of William H. Oakman, Jr., John
C. Sr >ed, Esq., was called to the Chair, and Wil
liam l. McLaws, Esq., requested to act as Se
cretai »\
A- tl. H. Dawson, Esq., moved that a Com
mittj of Twelve be appointed by the Chair, to
report Resolutions for the action of the meeting,
whin being seconded, was unanimously adopt
ed. ;
It 1 ivingbeeri made known that the Court,
KOOll was too small to contain the number in
atteijance —on motion, the meeting adjourned
to ts jPark, where, having been called to order
the (pair announced the following gentlemen as
compVfing the Committee of Twelve: A. H. H.
Dav.|>n, Esq., Col. G. F. Parish, William H.
Oaktfan, Jr., Dr. Wm. E. Dearing, Henry D.
Bell,»James M. Simpson. Samuel C. Wilson,
GustJS us A. Parker, Benjamin F. Chew, Sr., Dr.
J. MkHill, James B. Hart, and Sanrtl. 11. Crump,
ling the absence of the Committee, John
| Jr.. Esq., being called upon, addiessed
the 1 feting in an eloquent and patriotic man
ner. v
A.f 1 • H. Dawsou, Esq., from, the Committee
of Twelve, reported the following Resolutions :
Ist. Resolved, That we respond with enthusi
asm so the noble sentiments of sympathy every
when manifested throughout the United States
wi 5 flie heroic stand the citizens of Cuba are
tm.ki*jg in the cause of human liberty.
2d. Resolved, That we ardently cherish the
hope-that the Antillian Queen will soon be free,
and that the achievement of her independence
n .% and will be effected in a maimer so signally
gallaii’ and brilliant, that she will be recognized
atom-' throughout the civilized world as a co
equal n dignity to. and entitled to a place among
the nations of the earth.
3d. Resolved, That in ouropinion, the day can
not be lar distant, when Cuba must and will be
free, and that we fondly trust no disaster that
may, in the vicissitudes of war, befall the Patriots,
will be permitted to stay the work of destiny on
that long oppressed, though still, bright little Isle
ot thofocean.
4th. Resolved, That we hold, that any free
born American citizen has the unqualified and
unqrJktionable right to expatriate himself at his
own and that the legal right belongs
not to our government to demand of him, when
be is about to leave his native land, whither he
goeth ? nor to interdict his departure ; and there
fore l*Tit
That the Chairman ofthis meet
ting d<V*ppoiiit aCommittee of five to receive con
tribuf "ns for the equipment of such of our fellow
citize * as are willing and anxious to become
identi vid with the career of the star of liberty
that is 'rising now on the lovely, though fettered
littleAiueen of the Antilles.
oth. Resolved, That if the forty Americari
citizens who were recently executed by the
Spani.4l authorities at Havana were put to death
withort first having had such a fair and impar
tial as they were by law entitled to, that it
is, in pur opinion, whether they might have
been convicted legally or not. nevertheless
the bpmdeu duty of our insulted and injured
geveiir oebt to write upon the deathless page of
histon, in the best blood of old Spain, a terrible
warnlrg to the balance of the world to beware
how tVy rashly tamper with the lives of Ame
rican ‘citizens.
Itl.rßcsolved, That, as Georgians, we will ex
press,/'.! opinion about the behaviour of our fel
low-ci:izen, Allen F. Owen, U. S. Consul at
Havagiij toward the ill-fated Americans who
met tfeir doom at that place, untill intelligence
more s.».thentic as to his conduct shall reach 11s,
and ht lias first been heard in his own defence.
WkCh report being seconded, upon motion for
their jMoption, John Phinizy, Jr., objected to the
pass*", of the last Resolution, and moved a sub-
gave rise to an able, animated and
spirit^discussion, Mr. Phinizy advocating liis
aiiHfAac} oral J[a .tet Gardner. J 1- A. U. H.
" Ur. J. M. Hill sustaining Tho origi
nal Resolution.
The substitute being negatived, the original
Resolution was unanimously adopted.
It having been made known to the meeting
that Col. Robert McMillan, of Elbert, had just
arrived upon the ground, and there being a gen
eral call made for him, and a considerable desire
manifested to hear him, he was conducted to the
stand, and after being introduced by the Chair,
addressed the meeting in an able and eloquent
manner, approbatory of the action of the meet
ing.
Under the Fifth Resolution, the Chair appoint
ed the following gentlemen as composing the
Committee of Five: Jas. Gardner. Jr., John
Phinizy, Jr., A. H. H. Dawson, Dr. W. E. Dear
ing, and Robt. A. Whyte.
On motion, the meeting then adjourned.
John C. Sneed, Chairman.
William R. McLaws, Secretary.
[communicated.]
MARIETTA, Aug. 24th, 1851.
Messrs. Editors: —I have thought it would be
somewhat interesting, both to yourselves and
your readers, to hear from the discussion that
came off here on yesterday, between the Hon.
Howell Cobb and Gov. McDonald.
Os course you will hear that Cobb has utterly
demolished and used up the old war horse of the
Southern Rights party. But have you ever heard
of a discussion between any two gentlemen yet
but what our so-called Union friends claim to
have used up our men ? But it is a little against
their claims of triumph that there is a constant
cha.ige going on in favor of Southern Rights and
McDonald. Although Gov. McD. has constant
ly, since he was first apprised of the wishes of
the party that he should be their candidate, de
clined to stump it over, the State; nevertheless,
when Mr. Cobb came to his own county, and in
vited him to discuss the principles of the respec
tive parties, he at once accepted the invitation,
and I do not think his opponents will be very
desirous, or manifest quite so much anxiety to
get him on the stump again.
Mr. Cobb opened in a speech of about an hour
ami a half, in which he labored prodigiously to
pi.jve that the Compromise was “fair, liberal
and just,” and that he, with the other members
"f the Georgia delegation in Congress, did all they
were instructed to do when they kept the Wil
mot Proviso from being engrafted on the territo
rial measures. He ranted loud and long about
: ae glorious Union and the horrors of disunion.
After concluding, Gov. McDonald came for
ward amid the warm greetings of his friends,
ud after adverting to the fact that he had, from the
oijtset, said to his friends that they must not ex
iled him to canvass the State on the stump, yet
when his opponent came to his own county and
presented him with an opportunity to discuss
with him the questions of the day, he should not
■ decline so favorable an opportunity to put to rest
| the charge, made by his opponents, that he was
i afraid to trust his principles to the test of public
j discussion with his opponent on the stump. He
then proceeded to attack the positions of Mr. C.,
first remarking that resistance to the Compro
mise measures was not in the issue; that they
had been disposed of by the Georgia Convention;
but as he was charged with being a disun ionist,
because he had said they were unjust and viola
i tivc of the constitutional rights of the South, and
as his opponent had worked so hard to prove the
opposite, he would ask the pardon of the people
for saying a few words on what he deemed dead
issues. Upon the Texas Boundary, he got the
Ex-Speaker completely cornered. In reference
to California, he showed that by trick and strat
agem, the South had been most unjustly defraud
ed by the legislation of Congress, and that the
Hon. Speaker and his colleagues had most sig
nally failed in their duty to their constituents, in
not resisting that as much as they would the
YVilmot Proviso; and that the people expected
them to look to and guard their rights, without
having to instruct them, whether the assault
came in one form or another.
He then glanced at the other measures, tearing
down the props upon which his opponent rested
their justness. Next he came to the real issues
in this canvass, viz: the right of secession, which
Mr. Cobb barely touched at the conclusion of his
opening speech. Upon this subject, Governor
McDonald was unanswerable. He completely
annihilated the absurdities put forth on the side
of consolidation. His speech was replete with
sound argument and cool and dispassionate ap
peals to the wason of his hearers. While he
claimed and most clearly proved the right of a
State to secede peaceably from the Union, he in-
j dignantly repelled the charge that he was now
I or had ever been in tavor of the exercise of the
: right for any thing in the past, and showed most
j clearly that a man was not necessarily a disu
nionist because he could nofapprove of the Com-
I promise, or because he behoved in the right of
1 secession; and he reaffirmed his former declara
tion that the decision of tl Jr people, through their
convention, should'not beldisturbed; l>Ut that we
must hold all parties up tof the maintai nance of
the Constitution for the fAfire, if we expected to
maintain the Union ; for, without we maintain
ed the Constitution inviolate, the Union could
not be preserved. He occupied some two hours.
Mr. Cobb came forward in' reply,' and without
even attempting to answer the arguments of
Gov. McD., he let but infa strain ot empty de
clamation about the Union —claiming to have
Madison, Jackson, and everybody else but the
Southern Rights party with him. After'occu
pying considerable time in that way, he attempt
ed to define his position in reference tp secession.
We thought he was going to come up to the
scratch; but he soon began, to mystify. He said
that he held that “ a Slate <had the right to secede,
for just cause—that she had a right to judge oft hat
cause—but that the other States remaining in the
Union had the right to judge whether the seceding
State was right or not.’’ How much less trouble
to have said that a State had no right to secede.
And it is possible that Mr. Cobb has such a con
tempt for the understanding of the people, that he
thinks he can keep them from seeing that he
holds the Federal doctrine of consofidation. and
denies the right of secession. He occupied, in
his reply, about half an hour.
4 J
Gov- McDonald came forward again, and oc
i cupied about half an hour in the same cahn, dig
nified and argumentative manner. He proceed
ed to tear clown the masked battery, and to cast
off"the mist Mr. Cobb had endeavored to involve
his own opinions in on the right of secession,
> which he did most effectually; and in order to
fasten down clearly on Mr. Cobb his coercion
and consolidation doctrines, he, near the close of
his remarks, turned to him and said: “ I under
' stand my distinguished opponent, Mr. Cobb, to
hold this position on the right of secession, viz:
that a State has a right to secede for just cause,
and that she has a right to judge of that cause;
but the remaining Spates have the right, to judge
of her action, and if they disapprove of it. to use
force to coerce her back into the Union.” Mr.
Cobb did not demurr to this construction, and, in
a few minutes afterwards, when ail opportunity
was presented to him to make any explanation
he desired, he said he had no further explanation
t* make ; so I hope we will hear no more from
his friends that he is in favor of the right of se
cession, or that he is opposed to coercion.
Let our opponents boa. t as-much as they
please, we are perfectly satisfied with the result.
Mr. Cobb converted one man, but it was from a
Cobbite to a Republican and a McDonald man.
We are gaining daily, and will carry Cobb coun
ty by at least 300 majority, and I hope even a
hundred more by the election. Our opponents
. can out boast the world, but I see they don’t talk
about beating Gov. McDonald more than five
thousand. That is a great tailing off from twen
ty thousand; but they wont, when sober, offer
to bet, and give five.
In haste, yours, &c. GEORGIAN.
P. S.—The only attempt Mr. Cobb made to
meet the charges G’ov. McDonald made against
him for failing in his duty as a Southern repre
sentative, was to show that such and such men
voted as he had. Rather a weak justification,
we thought.
There was one other point I omitted to men
tion. Mr. Cobb contended that the convention
that nominated Gov. McDonald having declared
Ueorgia.“<jegrftded.fecitu her cypflitifm.j.i o^ualL..,
"A'ln ti.c ’'oil 1011 , umHjOv. AtcT). bavins an
proved the action of said convention, that in
now saying the people should not disturb the de
cision of the State convention, he virtually ad
vised the people to maintain their own shame,
&c. Gov. McDonald met this charge most hap
pily, by showing that Mr. Cobh did not know
the meaning of the word degraded, or he had, at
least, given it a very different one from the true
meaning, or that of the Convention. Mr. Cobb,
"in attempting to explain the meaning of it, in
reply, proved clearly that he had totally misap
prehended the meaning of the world. Governor
McDonald showed that the word, as used in that
convention, meant that the State had been simp
ly lowered in degree of equality in the Union.
Mr. Cobb’s friends, feeling so certain of suc
cess by such large odds, might, with groat pro
priety, send the Hon. gentleman to a Grammar
school from now till Ist Monday in October.
(communicated.)
Secession—Revolution.
Mr. Cobb, finding that his anti-secession doc
trines are not so palatable as he anticipated, is
attempting to conceal his true position by making
Secession and Revolution convertible terms. But
all his efforts will prove futile—for already, in his
attempts to “Mystify,” he has involved himself
in a labyrinth of inconsistencies, wholly irrecon
cilable. That there is a marked and palpable
difference between the two, must appear to every
reflecting mind—a distinction too, which is of
vital importance to the mainteance of State
Rights. To say that the two "are equivalent,
evinces either, an ignorance, wholly unpardona
ble in one who has been pretending to study the
nature of the structure of our government so long
or a wilful intention to practice decept ion upon
the credulous and unsuspecting. In what then
does the difference consist !
There is a case precisely in point, whieh will
plainly illustrate it. The citizens of Cuba are
now in aStatp of open revolt against the govern- |
ment of Spain. They are making an effort to
burst asunder the shackies of tyranny whi ch have
so long fettered them, and we hope in God, that
their noble struggle for liberty may be crowned
with success. Now here, the citizen, or subject
is in direct conflict with the government—in other
words, a State of revolution exists. But should
their efforts to secure their independence prove
abortive, her citizens may then be treated as re
bels and traitors by the mother country. Now,
when a State secedes, she does it as a body poli
tic—as a unit indivisible. The issue is between
the State and the Federal Government, and not
between the latter and the citizens of the State,
as individuals. The State government throws
its protecting aegis between the citizens and the
General Government, thereby precluding any
action against them as traitors. Now, the State
is sovereign, and there is no power under the
canopy of Heaven that has any right to restrict
her action. Where is the tribunal that shall
summon her to trial ? Where is the law that
binds her—the judge to sentence her—or the offi
cer to execute ? That she may be conquered into
submission, by bringing superior brute force to
bear upon her, does not in the least degree in
validate her rights. Admit that Revolution and
Secession arc the same—and we are already a
consolidated empire. Admit this to be true—
and the rights of the State are swallowed up in
the unlimited powers of the Federal Government
—and the States themselves, thus shorn of all
sovereignty, become nothing more than mere
dependent provinces, while their citizens are re
duced to a level with the meanest slaves that
crouch beneath the frown of tyranny. But if
the doctrine, as held by Mr. Cobb and the Con
stitutional Union party be true—verily, they are
in a most pitiable dilemma. They tell us that
in the event certain things arc done by Con
gress, which things are set forth in their platform,
then, to use their own language, they are for
Revolutiem. Now, they tell us in the same breath,
that we shall that moment be coerced into sub
mission by the other States.
Where then is your remedy ? and what avails
all this bluster about revolution and the protec
tion of the South ? The moment the first sig
nal of revolt is given, you that moment assume
the position of rebels and traitors against the gov
ernment. You have thus pronounced sentence
of condemnation upon your own heads—have
whetted the knife that is to cut your own throats
—you have lighted the torch of civil war, and
will yourselves be consumed in the fire of your
own kindling. Are the people of Georgia ready
to meet such a fate ? Admit this doctrine—that
VOL. XXX--NEW SERIES -VOL. VI --NO <HO. '
11 11 miw 1 iw miii Airirr■
there is mother remedy but Revolution, and it is
1 inevitable. But this is not the only inconsistency
to be found among the members of that party.
The Union men of 33 opposed the doctrine of
nullification upon the ground that Secession was
the “rightful remedy.” How can they reconcile
themselves to the support of a man who utterly
denies that there is any such right belonging to a
State as that of peaceable Secession. We would
just here inquire,by whom is a State to be disturb
ed in the exercise of this right ? Who is to wage
this exterminating war with which we are
threatened ? The possession of the power to co
erce, does not carry with it the right to coerce—
But this is the doctrine of Mr. Cobb—its fallacy
is too obvious to.require exposure. The case is a
plain one, and must appear evident to every man
of common sense. Mr. Cobb and others of the
Revolution Party knew the reluctance with which
this consolidation pill would be swallowed, and
hence their attempt to gild it over—to “mystify’’
and to deceive the unwary, by making Revolu
tion, a right belonging to tlie most abject slave
on earth, synonymous with Secession, a right be
longing to a sovereign and independent State.
JASPER.
August 21st, 1831.
The following letter received by us a few days
since, is from one of the most respectable and
intelligent citizens of Rabun county :
“Clayton, Rabun County, July 25.
We poll, in this county, about 350 votes, and
Mr. Cobb will get 200 to 250. His majority will
not vary much Irom 100 votes. Send us some
documents to prove the fire-eaters were in fr.vor
of disunion last year —they deny it up here.
Mr. Editor, the above is clipped iVoni the Union
Banner, edited at Macon. I am unable to say
how, or from whom the editors of the Banner re
ceived their misrepresentation of the vote of the
people of this county (Rabun.) The gentleman,
(whoever he is,) says out of about 350 votes in
this county, that Mr. Cobb will get about one
hundred majority.
I greatly differ with the disruptionist, (for I
know no true Southern Rights loan would have
give such an estimate,) and given a true and nn
prejudeed opinion of the election in Ociobor. I
think that Mr. Cobb will get from 50 to 100
votes in the county, which will leave Judge
McDonald 150 to 250 majority. I think I have
good grounds to infer that Mr. McDonald will
get largely the majority, from the fact that the
usual Whig vote of the county is about fifty, and
even some of the Whigs will not vote for Cobb.
But I siqqiose there are a few dirt-eating De
mocrats that will vote for him, which will give
him about the average Whig vote of the county.
Mr. Cobb in his former elections, has always
got largely the majority in Rabun : but the true
old Democrats are getting their eyes open since
Mr. Cobb has become one ol the firm of Toombs,
Stephens & Co. We are not unapprised that
Mr. Cobb lias turned traitor to the South, and
therefore we are going for the old Democratic
friend of the South and preserver the Union,
(Charles J. McDonald.) Enough on this sub
ject at present, l just wished to inform you
and the public, that we are friends to the South
and preservers of the Union.
Justice in the Mountains.
Clayton, August 19th, 1851,
(OOMMCNIOATKU.)
Frivit and Conlidinslial.
NO. IH.
TO THE HON. ROBERT TOOMBS
All Irishman nicer is over perlite—
Erae and aisy say I, if it lades to a tite :
An tbis being my motto, as I've written to Cobb.
Sans ceremonie. I write you, doar Rob.
Didn’t ye, or did ye. tlie night o’yoro spaelie
At the City Hull, notice jist out ov the raclie
Os your wide-wavin arm, a wild Irish lad
That scranied like an injin and went on tike mad,
Ca'imin cLivvr. nov. arid then op The ilooijl u id a thump
Os liis crab-tree ahltlelah whiles you bad tlie stomnp.’
Our itforts wint 01V —■! mi. 1.0 y,.ro spaoho and my y"ll ;
But in boner, dear Bob, tls me duty to say
Though ye well aped "OULU IIARRY,” twas o'erdone
for Ci.ay—
(Ye know since ye heard “ Hal ” here some years ago,
Your copy by some folks was thought quite “ so-so.")
For an ould chap foreninst me sphakes to me very tow,
" Wat's the mat tiler wid Bob—a leetle hoiv-come-yc-so,
Eh ?” " Ocli! divil a bit darlin,” soz Ito him,
•' It's away that lie's got—ho sphakes always wid 'vim,'
When they git him rite mad and sez 1, “ More’n that,
A gout in August} - that shood ha bin flat
Os his back long ago, to Bob’s great surprise
Sits o'er on that bench—and he’s got his kane eyes
Fastened plump upon Bob, and its nateral euulf
Unliss a man's made o'tlie hist Irish stuff
Like meself,” sez I, winkin. “ to be suimnut put out
At mating a glioust a wandheriu about,
Stid of dacently lying snug and slitill in his grave
Its enough,*’ sez I, “ould nion, to make any mon rave.”
The ould fellow laughed at me quoere explenashnn ’
But I’m much fearin, Bob, lastc your past imputation
For gittin up at short notice, a good “ clay imitation,'’
Has been sumniut impared by that ripresintation.
But to come to the point, this letther, dear Bob,
In tlie same kindly spirit I wrote in to Cobb,
Is meant to point out tlio weak points in your apaches,
And to give ye me aid in rcpairln the beaches.
(You'll excuse me oinishun to put in French,
That murtherous jargon givs me tongue sic a wronch,
I fear twill quite ruin this bad pen to write it, 1
And therefore this letther is in Irish indited.)
First, a dale of complaint I hear at your delay
In building yore altar; twould be best rightaway
To proclaim that tlie bricks are already in mould,
On tlie Ilamilcar patthern, like he used of ould,
And that ye've sint to ould Erin for Phelim McScag,
(A broother of mine, and a bit of a wag, 1
But an ilegant mason.) who’ll shortly he here, | ■
To give shape and form to yore progoct so dear. , .
The '‘masked battry," too, has been too long kiptgoin; | .
The paple now say there's no way of knowin
How long yon will stay snugly tucked up behind it.
And think it high time you get biddings to mind it.
They want you among them —there's been so much de- 1
sertion .
From the Southern ranks lately, they think your di
version
Should now come to a close ; and as you know the ways
Os this masked battry well, they say all tlie bays
And laurels that are won. if you'll lead tlie attack,
Shall circle your brow. Will you stand to the rack ?
1 know you will, Bob, and I’m plcdgin ye to it.
And byway of assistance to help you to do it,
Oird on that bright sword which you thought so '‘sug
gestive,”
“Causing wise men to ponder,” (Come. Bob! don't he
restive,)
“And brave men to act,” and as you gaze on our title
To our late acquisition, iet oacli jot and each tittle
Os all your professions be strictly adhered to
And silence this slander thatyc rather have veered to
Duo North on the compass, and are sumniut inclined.
Like a church-staple rooster, to crow with the wind.
But here is tlie bitterest pill that's been made—
(Laste that Fohwory spacliu could be laid in the shade—
Alas ! it stands on tlie record. —tlie best India-rubber
Could never efface it—nay. nor angel's best blubber !)
’Tis said that you claimed from England and Russia,
From furriners, aliens, Spain, France and Prussia,
Both non-intorference and non-intervintion,
And established your claim beyond all contravention;
But the North, you said, owed, both that and protection.
Wli icb, if we failed to get, stern neeessty’a direction
(Justified by our interests, our safety, our honor.
Than all human governments hild to be stronger.)
To us, as our duty, was at onco to sacede,
Or make oursilves •• aliens," as you make it read.
And thin in yore spaelie on the McLernand bill,
Where you first undertook that arduous, up-liill
And profitless task, of the Ilamilcar altar,
(A job so severe tis no wonder you falter.)
You make us believe you will strike for disunion,
If we don't get protietion in the pale of the Union.
Yet mirabile dictu! (do yo rade latin, Bob ’
If ye don't you can turn o'er these hard words to Cobb.)
You now hold that the doctrine of non-intervintion
Was all the South asked for l»y word or intintion;
That this she has got, amt has no right to complain
For the loss of adocthrine you fought for in vain.—
Very well, but you said that protietion refused,
While it made us degraded, outraged and abused,
Would cause you at once for fradom to sthrike,
(indipindance you havo it—but the words are alike).
And the paple now ask if ye've yit struck the blow,
(’Twas like that, if ye have, that laid Pattherson low :)
For the divil a hit can they find any place
Wlierfc your fingers have left any sign, print or trace !
Tilts winds me up, liob,—hut it must not stop you—
Ye must git out if yo can—raise a hullabeloo,
And ere the noise and confusion hev intirely subsided.
To some place of refuge we'll hope that ye've glided.
But Pegasus is weary—this abominable road
Is very fatagiug to a nag but half shod ;
So I here shall draw rein—but before I git down,
Laste Cobb makes a failuro ingettin tlie crown,
On yore way Bob, to Paris, your thravellin l»ag
Would be well taken care of by
Augustj/> Jorgy. PATIIRICK McSOAG.
Arrival op the Alabama. —This vessel ar
rived here yesterday morning at an early hour,
bringing 52 cabin passengers, 45 steerage do.,
and a full freight. On Sunday, 104 o’clock, P.
M.,25 miles north of Hatteras, exchanged signals
with the steamship Florida, hence for New York.
At 12 o’clock, on the same night, off Hatteras,
experienced a very severe gale from the S. F,.,
which lasted 24 hours.—Sap. Rep. 28 th inst.
> [communicated.]
WALTON COUNTY, Aug. 18th, 1801.
Messrs. Gardner and Smythe: You paper of the
16th instant, has just been placed in my hands,
containing an article over the signature of “A
Visiter,’ 5 which I must notice.
I am sure I would not have done so if the
writer had not referred to some matters that have
by falsehood and misrepresentation been magni
fied into such importance, that I will even avail
myself of this poor occasion to refute the foul
aspersion which malignant slanderers have
sought to fix upon me.
“ A Visiter” speaking of me says:
“On a visit to the North some time since he
called to see a friend who was an abolitiontst by
the name of Chester. Said Chester invited the
Hon. Judge to dine with him, and byway oi il
lustrating his doctrine by his practice, he placed
a quatroon wench on the right hand of Mr. Hill
yer. After dinner, Chester said to his friend :
1 While 1 was a resident in the South, 1 had a
great repugnance to this kind of equality; but
since I have become an abolitionist, the glorious
doctrine has inspired me with greater love for
my species, and particularly’the negro equality.
When Mr. Hillyer returned to the State of Geor
gia, and being full of the inspiration of the
above doctrines, and the tear oftlrc numbers of the
North, he had occasion to address a meeting of
his fellow-citizens/*.
Now, in this paragraph there is a clear inti
mation that while in New York by my associa
tion with Mr. Chester became inspired with the
doctrine that the white and negro race are equal
and that the doctrine of the abolitionist is glori
ous. This imputation is absolutely' and inlit
mously false. For by no word or act of my
life have I ever intimated an opinion that the
white and negro race were or ought to be on a
footing of political or social equality.
The imputation is here clearly sought to be
thrown upon me, that while in New York at
the house of Mr. Chester, my conduct was such
as to degrade me among gentlemen, and to im
pair my character as a Southern man—which
imputation I repeat is false, and he who makes
it lies.
It is not true that Mr. Chester invited me to
dine with him. While in New York I made his
house my home. 1 went there as promptly as if
he had been my brother, and I will not consult
any living man upon the propriety’of my having
done so.
Mr. Chester, more than thirty years ago, wa,
the friend of my father, and subsequently the
friend of my widowed mother and her orphan
children. And on my leaving College (having
lieen educated by the charity of ray grandmoth
er) without one cent of money in myt'iooket, and
not a change of clothing in my wardrobe, he took
me by the hand and gave me food and raiment,
and sheltered and brought me forward in my
profession. 1 owe him gratitude. And while.
memory remains, and I recognize the proper im
pulses of the human heart, I am his friend and
he shall have my hand.
On the first evening of my arrival at the house
of Mr. Chester, there came in to supper four oi
live women, and 1 learned afterwards from Mr.
Chester that one of them was from the Island of
Burmuda, and was supposed to have negro
blood in her. There was nothing in her color,
manner or appearance Which induced me to sup
pose that she was other than a white woman.—
1 assert positively, that while in the non-slave
ding States I never even spoke to any of the ne
gro race except the waiters at the hotels, and Mr.
Chester is the only abolitionist I saw.
I do not believe that “ A Visiter" thinks that
while in New York I associated with free ne
groes on terms of equality. Ido not believe that
he thinks I am tainted with abolitionism.
Nor do I believe that in his heart he doubts
that I am as true to the institution of slavery a»
he is himsffi And vet JiAib' ins-u-twl * v '*+' v ~ ‘
things against me witl-ml* p
not say he is a wicked and bad man : but 1 will
say that in writing bis communication be has
committed a great folly.
The balance of his piece, 1 will not conde
cened to notice, further than to say (while writ
ing) that it is a mixture of misrepresentations
and falsehoods, and sinks below contempt.
This correspondence is now closed on my
part. Ido not intend to be drawn into a news
paper controversy with every body that sees
proper to asperse nw, I have no idea who this
writer is. 1 did not know that I had but one
personal enemy in the world, and i do not sus
pect him of being the author of such a produc
tion. JUNIUS HILLYER.
(communicated.)
Messrs. Editors: —We have had glory enough
for one day at Social Circle.
On Saturday, the 23rd inst., according to pre
vious notice, a large assemblage of people col
lected together at the Academy at Social Circle,
Walton county. The Committee of Arrange
ments took all the advantage they wished in fa
vor of the Union Party, by calling up Mr. Jones
first, at eleven o'clock, who spoke one hour and
a quarter; then calling up the Hon. Mr. Hillyer,
who occupied one hour and a half, wild also the
Hon. Mr. Toombs one hour and a half; after
which Mr. W. .1. Vason, one of the native sons
of Morgan, but now a citizen of Louisiana, was
allowed to addressed the meeting; but notwith
standing the day was far spent, it being 5 o'clock,
the people were determined to remain and hear
the champion of Southern and States rights, and
if I am any judge of language, I think the Hon.
Robert Toombs got the most glorious political
thrashing that has ever been listened to in this
county; even the ladies clapp'd their hands and
rejoiced at Mr. Vason's plain and pointed truths.
F.BENEZF.R.
We have another letter from an eye witness
to the discussion at Social Circle, wlrj confirms
the above statement as to the severe handling
which Mr. Toombs suffered on 'the occasion.
MARRIED,
In Pendleton, S. C., on Thursday, 21st inst., by
William Hubbard,Esq., Air. James C. Thompson.
of Pendleton, to Miss Ann E. F. Scott, of
Charleston.
On the 19th inst., by the Rev. Mr.] Bishop, Mr.
James Jenninos O'Ban non, of Barnwell, to Miss
S. C. Bkatton, daughter of the late Dr. John
Bratton, of York District.
In Richmond county, on the 21st instant, by Rev
L. J.Davis, Mr. Gkoroe W. Bekry, of Augusta
to Miss Sarah Francis, daughter of Dr. William
Williams
On Thursday night, the 7th instant, by John S.
8011, Esq., Mr. Ge, neper Jlai.l, of Emanuel conn
ty, and Miss Sarah Folks, of Jefferson.
On the 10th inst., by A. Sibloy, Esq., Zachahia*
May, Esq., to Miss Frances A., daughter of Robt
Todd, all of Meriwether county.
On the evening of the 14th instant, by tho Rev.
John I‘. Duncan, Col. Wm. L. Stanley, to Miss
Rebecca E. Bass, all of West Point, Ga.
At the Residence ol Mr. Benjamin Boyd, Bruke
County, Ga., August 21st, 1851, by the’liar . Mr.
Liveley, Mr. John S. Grf.f.n, of Soriveu, to Mies
Ann A. Gordon, of Burke County.
11 1 -. l_ ■ ■—.■.""-.■jj :'l —————— —
OBITUARY.
Died, at SupimerhiU, in Edgofiold District
South Carolina, on the 31st ult., of Congestive Fo
\ or, Mr. Edward Adams, aged 35 years.
In tho prime of his manhood, he has boon takon
limn all tho endearments of a loved and loving
family, and from numorous connexions and friends
who valuod him for his integrity, sincerity and be
noyolcntjheart. Ilia was the happy lot of trium
phing oyer death through awcll-groundodfaith.und
ol realizing tho truth of the promisu, that the sink
ing and death stricken soul that cliugs to the Su
viour, has nought to fear even in the valley of tho
shadow of death.
Died, also at tho same pluco,and of tho same dis
ease,four children of the above named deceased
Richard Caldwell,on the 21st ult aged II
months.
Edward Preston, on tho Ist ult., need 81
years.
Tai.lui.aii, on tho 4th inst., aged 3] years.
David Lawrence, on the 12th inst’, aged 6
years.
Thus, in three weeks, have ftvo members of ono
household been removed by death. A widow, a
son and a daughter, arc all that remain of Ihis onco
happy family. *
In this county, on Tuesday night* tho 12th inst.,
John W. Gkayhill.
In the city of Griffin, on Monday last, of the pre
vailing Diarrhoea, Mrs. Sarah Ann Dulix, consort
of A. B. Dulin, Esq., aged about 30 years.
In Griffin, on Monday night last, of tho same dis
ease, Mr. Wm. Jackson, an old member of tho
Baptist Church,
In Griffin, on Friday last, M. Walter Pope, of
the prevailing diarrhoea, aged about 23yoars.
At her residence in Edgefield Village, on the
morning of the 12th instant. Mrs. Mary Carroll,
in tho 69th year of her age.
In Chambers county, Ala., on tho 19th instant,
Capt. John Bostwick, in the 81st year of his age'
a native of Richmond county, Ga.
At Mrs. Campbell's Hotel', in Madison, on the
26th inst., Martin M. Dye, of Savannah, aeeii
about 65 years.
ji
S*:)