Newspaper Page Text
~[From th* N. O. Price Courrcnt, let in#.]
Cotton—Remark*. j
*** ****
Th.4*l “** h “K' 3 f Si."* T& !
. b>lel f„ m Mobil, .ml )
amount inclu Texas by sea; and this being :
Florida and from lexus oy to be 950 ,- •
deducted our recei} 7 J i jyjgj 48,051 bales re
• AUb “" '
i n vvould show an increase in our re- ,
Thl ?’ th ™’ a# compared with last year upon ,
eeipts P r °P ’. g of j 52,833 bales. The total ex
thrtfshice Ist’ September, are 997,458 bales, of
P°, r . . r.aa ‘173 bales were shipped to Great
S&JS& to F«h.lW>
and South of Europe, Mexico, &c., and 152,817
to United States ports. On a comparison of the
exports with those of last year, there would ap- ,
pear to be an increase of 185,628 bales to Great
Britain, 12.919 to France, 21,760 to the North
and South of Europe Mexico &c, while to
United States ports, there is a decrease of 61,026
bales. The total receipts at all the Atlantic and
Gulf vorts , up to the latest dates received —as
showo by our General Cotton Table —are 2,331,-
464 bales, and the crop, when made up by the
New York Shipping List, will probably not vary
much from 2,350,000 bales.
We have thus rapidly sketched the course ot
the market during a season of extraordinary
vicissitudes, and such an one as we hope never
to witness again. In glancing at the peculiari
ties of the season,it may be safely remarked that
its prominent feature (and, as the sequel has pro
ven, its prominent error) has been an under esti
mate of the production. This, as we have already
intimated, led to the opening of the market at
unfortunately high prices, which, under specu
lative action, were subsequently carried to a
higher point than they have reached since 1839.
These under estimates were to a greater or less
extent general, and we think it may safely be
asserted that a large majority placed the crop at
or under 2,200,000 bales, while the bulk of the
business, during the first six or seven months of
the season, was done upon a basis of 2,100,000 to
2,150,000 bales. The estimates of very few par
ties were beyond what the actual crop is likely
to be, and these were looked upon as so extrav
agant that their opinions provoked discussion
and animadversion to a degree that has given
them wide-spread notoriety. And thus is ad
• ded another to the many examples of the fallacy
of early estimates of a crop whose culture oc
cupies so broad an extent of country, embrac
ing nearly every variety of soil and climate, and
requiring many months to determine definitely
the result. The error has been followed by most
disastrous consequences, but that those Who fell
* into i* they embrace planters, facnprs and
purchasers',! were honest in their opinions, their
own losses should be taken to demonstrate.
In viewing the causes of this astonishing re
action the leading ones, of course, are the under
estimates of the crop, and the consequent eleva
tion of prices to what has proved to have been
an extravagant point. But as a collateral one,
growing out of these, we may mention that the
entire or partial stoppage of mamy of our home
mills, owing to the high prices of the raw mate
rial, and excessive stocks of manufactured ar
ticles on hand, threw an undue portion of the
■supply upon the European markets. Thus Great
Britian alone has not only taken the whole excess
of our receipts over those of last year,b it near
ly 100,000 bales more,that,with moderate prises,
would have been consumed in the United States.
To Great Britain, therefore, the crop has been
equal to one of about 2,150,000 bales, while at
the same time there has been a material increase
in her imports from Brazil, Egypt and the East
Indies. And besides this ample present supply,
large estimates of our coming crop are induged,
which have had a marked influence in the
depression of prices. Thus, once more the spin
ners gained the ascendancy, and for weeks panic,
which loses sight of the laws of supply and de
mand, seemed to reign in the Liverpool market.
It is gratifying, however, to observe that not
withstanding the prevalence of comparatively
high prices during a great portion of the first six
months of the current year,, the amount taken
lor consumption in Great Britain slightly ex
ceeds the amount taken for the same purpose du
ring a similar period last year; and by the last
accounts the weekly average had reached 33 000
bales; the highest ratio of consumption yet at
tained in the history of the Cotton manufacture.
The following table exhibits the imports,deli very
stock, Ike., in the whole of Great Britain, for the
first six months, ended on the 30th June last, and
a comparison with the same period in 1850.
1851. 1850.
Stock Ist Jail bales 521.120 558.390
Import six months 1.150,500 040,862
1,677,620 1,400,252
Exports six months.. 95,300 119.800
Consumption 770,120 —871,420 770,952 —890,752
Stock 30th June 800,200 008,500
Weekly average taken for |
consumption, f .. .29,851 29.052
In France, also and other European countries,
the deliveries for consumption exceed those of
last year, the United States being the only point
where a decrease is shown.
In respect to the growing crop, which is now
a matter of marked interest, we propose to sketch
briefly its progress and present prospects, leav
ing to others the indulgence in estimates, which
the past season, among many that have preceded
it, has shown to be attended with very serious
consequences. It is understood that there was
considerable increase in the breadth oi land
planted, but au unusually cold and backward
spring retarded the growth of the plant, and it
had made comparatively little progress up to the
tody part of May, when a favorable change in
the character M s the weather gave »n impulse to
vegetation. Fn ni uiis'Tflhie to the first of July,
the accounts from the country, with some ex
ceptions, were favorable, though trom the up
lands there was some complaint of alack of suf
ficient rain. The plant generally, however,
though small, was said to look healthy, and to
give good promise; besides which the crops
were unusually “clean,” the very lack of rain
complained of having favored cultivation by pre
venting any excessive growth of grass and
weeds. But. now very serious eomplaints began
to reach us from the uplands, of the long contin
uance of the drought; and as week succeeded
week without any rain, except an occasional
shower, in partial neighborhoods, these com-'
plains were reiterated, and became more general,
accompanied by representations that the very fair
prospects which the crops presented up to about
the first J uly. were blasted to ail important ex--
tent, and that no subsequent combination ot cir
cumstances could fully recover them. For some
weeks past, however, showers have been fre
quent, particularly in this immediate neighbor
hood, and in some parts of the interior heavy
rains are reported, which coining at so late a pe
riod, are said to have been rather prejudicial to
the crops. The bottom lands are generally ad
mitted to give excellent promise, but so many
contingencies may yet arise, favorable or adverse,
that calculation of the result would be mere
conjecture. We make no estimates, but we will
record it as our impression that, while the errors
of last year was an under-estimate of the crop,
the errors of the coining one is likely to be in
the opposite direction.
With regard to the market prospects for the
coming crop, we think they may be said to be
fair for ready sales, at moderate prices. In Great
Britain, particularly, all the leading elements of
an active and prosperous trade would seem to be
in combination, viz—low stocks of goods, and of
raw material, in the hands of the manufacturers,
cheap food, abundance of money, and the world
at peace. Already the ratio of consumption is
greater than ever before attained, and even a fur
ther increase is not improbable. In our own j
country, too, there will soon, doubtless, be re- j
newed activity, as the stocks of goods, which
for along time have been excessive, are much
reduced, and the manufacturers are understood to !
be without any considerable stocks of the raw j
material. Altogether the prospects would seem
to be favorable lor fair returns to the planter,
even with a large crop, and the chances are that
the relation of consumption to supply will be
such as to leave the leading markets without ex- i
cessive stocks at the close of the season.
The first bale of the new crop was received
here on the 25th July, being seventeen days
earlier than the first receipt of last year, and the
total recepts of new crop up to this date are 3155
hales, against 67 bales last year. Os this quanti
ty there have been sales reported to the extent
ol about 2100 bales, at a tange of 8 a 81 cents for
Middling and 8J a 9 cents lor Good Middling to
Middling|Fair, and the market closes with a
total stock, including all on shipboard not clear
ed, of 14,890 bales, of which about 1 1,000 bales
are in factors’ hands, embracing some 10,000
bales of old crop, held under limits.
Sugar. —At the date of our last annual report
the prospect was considered fair for a full aver
age yield, as the weather for some three months
previous had been of a remarkably favorable
character for promoting the growth of the cane.
Subsequently, however, the character of the
season proveed unpjopitious, an extraordinary
period of drought having ensued, which preven
ted the cane from yielding juice freely, and also
delayed the grinding, from the lack of water for
working the steam engines. I hus the lrost of
the middle of November found an unusually large
proportion of the crop exposed and the two cau
ses above noted, combined with damage from
overflows, led to a material reduction in the ex
pected product. According to the statement of
Mr. P. A. Chatnpomier the crop of 1850-51
amounted to 211,203 hogsheads, weighing 231,-
191,000 pounds. Os this quantity 181,372 hogs
heads are stated to be brown Sugar, made by the
old process, and 26,831 hogsheads refined, clari
fied, &c., including cistern bottoms; and the
whole is the product of 1495 sugar houses, of
which 907 have steam and 588 have horse pow
er. The falling off in the crop, as compared
with that of the previous year, is 26,720 hogs
heads, or 38,575,000 pounds.
The stock estimated to be on hand at the close
of last year was 2000 hogsheads, and this quan
tity being added to the crop, as above stated,
makes a supply, in round numbers, of 213,000
hogsheads. As nearly as can be ascertained the
distribution of the supply has been as follows;
shipments out of the State, by sea, (including
an estimate of 10,000 hogsheads for the exports
from Attakapas) 57,000 hogsheads; consumption
of the city and neighborhood 15,000 hogsheads;
taken for refining in the city and State, including
cistern bottoms, 15,000 hogsheads; stock now on
hand in the State, estimated at 2200 hogsheads;
leaving as the quantity taken for the West 123,-
800 hogsheads. The quantity shippedjto Atlan
tic jiorts is about 45,000 hogsheads, against 90,-
000 last year.
The first receipt of the new crop was two
hogsheads on the 17th October; one week later
than the first receipt of the previous year. The
two hogsheads were of good grain, but of course
drained, and they were sold at I
UL!iiJU!l!l!Bli: J! ILJUIVLIgBSBBWBWiBBBBB
6 cents per lb. Subsequently supplies came for- l
ward slowly, and it was not until the latter part f
of the month that the business assumed any con- f
siderable importance. The course of the market i
will be best indicated by the following table, f
which shows the highest and the lowest point .
in each month for Fair Sugar oh the levee. <
HIGHEST. LOWEST. i
October cents per lb.. .6 aOJ 6ias f |
November ~6iasJ 4Ja5
December. 5 asl 4jjas
January 51a5j 4Ja5
February 5 as| 4jjaf>l
March. . .... .4JaSJ 4|as
April s|as| 4Jasi
May ssasJ s|asi
June...'. s|a6 5 Ja5J
July 5Ja6 siasJ
August 6ja6i 5 .a6
It will thus be seen that the market has not been
subjected to any violent fluctuations throughout
the season, but on the contrary, that it has gene
rally been characterized by great steadiness,
while the average prices has been considerably
above that of last year. The transactions on
plantation have, to a great extent, been on pri
vate terms, though we obtained particulars of the
sales of quite a number of crons, as they occurred,
and we find by our records, tnat the ruling rates
in January and February were 4{ a 54, in March
43 a s|, in April 5 a 54, in May 54 a 53, and in
June, when nearly all had passed out of planters’
hands, 5 7-16 a55 cents per lb. The deficiency
in the Louisiana crop has led to increased im
ports of foreign Sugars, and thus we have from
Cuba 451 hluls., and 39.293 boxes, against 397
hhds., and 18.843 boxes last year. We have also
an import from Brazil of 1334 boxes of 1800 lbs.
each; the first ever received at this port, but to
be followed, we understand, by several other car
goes. Besides the Louisiana crop there were
produced last year in Texas about 6000, and in
Florida about 1500 hhds.
With respect to the growing crop, we have
but a few re/narks to oner, it being too early in
the season to arrive at any thing definite regard
ing its probable extent. It is understood that
the severe frosts of November last, cut short the
supply of plant cane, and thus somewhat cir
cumscribed the cultivation, while the cold spring,
and the subsequent long drought, were unfavora
ble to the progress of the plant, particularly in
the upper parishes. Within the past tew weeks,
however, frequent showers of rain have fallen,
and the crops in most sections are said to present
a marked improvement. The result, Jjowever,
cannot be determined for many weeks to come,
and we shall close these remarks by referring to
the annexed table, which gives the product of
each year since 1828.
Crop of 1850, 211.203 lihds. Crop of 1839, 115.000 hhds.
11 1849, 247,92-3 11 “ 183 S. 70,000 “
“ 1848, 220.000 “ “ 1837, 05.000 “
“ 1847 . 240.000 “ “ 1830. 70.000 “
“ 1846, 140.000. “ “ 1835. 30.000 “
“ 1845, 186!050 “ 1834. 100.000 “
“ 1844, 200.000 .« A 1833, 75,000 “
1843, lOO'OOO « “ 1832, 70.000 “
“ 1342, 140;o00 “ “ 1329, 48.000 “
“ 1841, 90,000 “ “ 1823, 88,000 “
“ 1840, 87,000 “
From the best available data, it would appear
that, (estimating the product of maple Sugar at
50 millions) the present consumption ofthe Uni
ted States is about 550 millions of pounds—equal
to 25 pounds for each individual of our popula
tion. Os this quantity, Louisiana and Texas,
with their present extent of cultivation, and an
average product, can furnish fully 300 millions
pounds. Besides the Sugar, there were imported
into the United State, in 1849—50, from foreign
countries, 25 millions gallons Molasses, and the
product of Louisiana for the same season was 12
millions gallons.
Molasses.—According so the statement of Mr.
P. A. Chatnponiier, the product of Molasses from
the last cane crop, estimating 50 gallons for every
1000 pounds of Sugar, was 10,500,000 gallons, or
1,500,000 gallons less than the product of the pre
vious year. This deficient supply has been pro
ductive of a higher average of prices than has
been attained lor several years past, as will be
seen by the following table, which exhibits the
highest and lowest point in each month, for sales
on the levee, in barrels :
HIGHEST. LOWEST.
October cents per ga1..33 a35 26.ja27
November 27 a2B 24"a24J
December 24 ja243 23 a24
January 20 a24J 18 a23j
February 23 n27j 17 a24
March 25 a3O 23 a27>)
April 25 a33 22 a3oj
; May 26 a35 25 a32
Juno 25 a32 25 a3O
. July 22 a3O 20 a2B
August 22 a32 22 a3O
. EXTRACT
l Front the. speech of Mr. Hunter of Va., delivered
in the U. S. Semite, July 18, 1850.
We of the South believe that the Mexican law
, was repealed by the acquisition of the ter
” ritory; hut if we had believed that the threats
! and declarations of flie supremacy of the Mexi
( can law, made by so many distinguished jurists,
" would operate to prevent the holders of slaves—■
> and all property holders are timid—from going
with their property into the newly-acquired
• Territories, under the apprehension in the un
, settled state of the question, that they would
f thereby hazard their property—l say if southern
t men had seen that such would bo the effect, l
am inclined to think they would certainly have
r i demanded a declaratory act. saying that the
i Mexican law was not in force. And they
■ would have done so strictly in accordance with
i the pinciple of non-intervention, as I understand
I that principle, and in the only sense in which 1
i can accord and accede to it. That doctrine, if 1
i understand it, is one which proposes to leave the
l question of slavery or no slavery in the Territo-
I l ies to be determined by soil and climate; leaving
; it to nature while they exist as Territories •>nd
s to the people when they come in as StaL to
i determine the character of their institutions in
) this respects That 1 understand to be the non
, intervention principle. Well, if soil and climate
• are to decide, then it follows that Congress can
not interfere by legislation to establish or pro
hibit it. Not only the legislation of Congress
, cannot do that, but the Mexican legislation cou
not do it, because, if the Mexican law interven
ed, the question would he determined by it, and
not by soil and climate. This was the doctrine
of non-intervention proposed in the Clayton
compromise bill, which neither established nor
prohibited slavery, but clearly implied a duty, as
I have endeavored to show, on the part ol the
j territorial government, to protect such property,
jif decided by the courts to exist. 1 know it is
'I said, that in maintaining the obligation to pro
tect property you admit the right to destroy it.
But I utterly repudiate and deny such a conclu
sion. On tiie contrary, the establishment of this
proposition would lead to the very opposite in
ference. Who does not see that if 1 establish the
obligation of the Government to protect my
property, 1 deny its right to destroy and confis
cate it t So far from admitting the right to de
stroy, 1 deny it in the strongest possible form,
when I show its obligation to protect it. My
State government is bound to protect my liberty,
and when 1 show that, do I admit that it can
enslave me without cause! It is bound also to
protect my property, and when I show that, do 1
admit that it can sieze and confiscate my proper
ty without compensation to me for it. The
United States Government is bound to protect
the property in the slave on the high seas under
the United Slates flag; and in asserting that duty
on its part, do 1 admit it has a right to confiscate
such property without ca.ise * And so, in my
opinion, it is bound to protect it iu the Territo
ries, as much as on the high seas on shipboard,
and under the American flag.
Extract from the speech of Mr. Davis of Miss., of
same date.
I was confident then, and am confident now,
that I stood iqwn true ground. But is it aban
doning this ground that I should refer to these
opposite opinions ofthe most eminent jurists of
| the land as a motive for legislation—as a reason
; why no men would hazard his property whilst
this threatening cloud hung over his rights ! Is
\ it an abandonment of this opinion tli it 1 should
j insist that Congress should remove the obstruc
tions which were considered insurmountable
obstacles by Some of the best lawyers in the
Senate, and which, if they exist, interfere with
—-yes, sir, deny to us the exercise of—our con
i stitutional rights'* This was no new opinion
i with me, nor is it peculiar to this place, or to the :
persons named.
I was glad to hear my colleague say that lie ;
would stand by e\ ery position that our State has
taken, as this may bring us into the conjunction
I desire. Our Legislature have passed two series
of resolutions—one presented to the Senate by
my colleague, and one by myself. From the j
first one of them I will read to establish that this
giound of opposition to the prominent feature ot l
this bill has an origin more commanding than j
that which has been assigned. Our Legislature
passed a series of resolutions, approved March 6,
1850, from which I will read the following: !
“JJe it further resolved. That it is the duty of '
the Congress of the United State to provide ter
ritorial organization and government for all the
Territories acquired by the common blood and
treasure of the citizens of the several States, and
to provide the means of enforcing in said Terri
tories the guarantees of the Constitution of the
United States in reference to the properly of
citizens of any of the States removing to any of
said Territories with the same, without distinc
tion or limitation.”
That, sir, is what we claim, here and now.
We claim that the Federal Government shall
provide the means of enlorcing our constitutional
rights, of protecting us in our property, as" guar
antied by the Constitution, within those Terri
tories to which the States have surrendered the
control to the central Government. This is not
begging the Federal Government to come to
the protection of the States. This is not in
viting the Federal Government to infringe the
limits of sovereign States; but demanding that
she should perform those functions which have
been confided to her in/egions from which the
States have withdrawn their right of control. 1
have heretofore answered the position of my
colleague that there is something humiliating in
this. I will not repeat what I have said—will
not weary the Senate by a thrice-told tale.
The resolutions which my colleague presented
equally uphold the same position. They were
approved upon the same day, but are a different
series, and refer to the question before us. After
referring to California and the government for
New Mexico, the resolutions go on to say :
“ Resolved, That the exercise by the Govern
ment of the United States of a silent and passive
jurisdiction over the Territory of California, in
consequence of the failure by Congress to pro
vide laws for the government of said Territory,
and for the equal and indiscriminate protection
of all the citizens of the United States removing
to said Territory with their property, is in the
highest degree unjust towards the people of the
slaveholding States, by deterring them from
going to said Territory with their slaves, and is
calculated, and is intended, to deprive them of
an equal participation in the common property
of the people of all the States.
“Resolved, That the policy heretofore pursued
by the Government of the United States in re
gard to said Territory, in refusing to provide
territorial governments therefor, has been and
is eminently calculated to promote, and is about
to effect indirectly the cherished object of the
Abolitionists, which cannot be accompuehed by
direct Legislation, without a plain and palpable
violation of the Constitution of the United
States.” ' ,
Here is a complaint ofthe Federal Govern
ment that it does not give the protection due,
and that it avoids a plain and palpable violation
ofthe Constitution of the United States, that it
may effect the same purpose by indirect means.
That has been the burden of the argument of
those who have acted with me against this bill
and that has been the main ground against the
admission of California. Having been thus de
prived of equality of enjoyment in the Territory,
it is now proposed permanently to exclude us by
admitting it as a State with a constitution that
was framed to answer the views of an anti
slavery Congress; and which was neither form
ed nor adopted by the majority of the inhabi
tants of that Territory. This is the position of
our State, and 1 think that it has fairly and fully
maintained the position those with whom I am
connected here, have taken upon this subject. I
have too humble an opinion of my own judg
ment to have any great pride of consistency.
If convinced of error, 1 hope that I would at any
moment change. But I must ask that gentlemen
will wait till I do change before they attach to
me the charge of inconsistency. I mantain
now, as I have always maintained, that the con
stitution gives us a right to go there with any
kind of property, and 1 ask the Federal Govern
ment to provide the necessary means to secure
the enjoyment of that right.
Extract from the speech of Mr. Berrien, of Ga.,
delivered in the U. S. Senate, July 23, 1850.
Mr. Berrien. Mr. President, lam unable to
to consider, 1 wish I had the power to do so,
that this is a bill of non-intervention, when in
regard to the most important portion of this ter
ritory—that of California—the people-of one
portion of this Union are excluded by an act
which can only receive force and validity from
the action of Congress. I apprehend that to be
intervention, direct and practical. There is also
the further intervention that was suggested by
the Senator from Kentucky. [Mr. Underwood,]
who sits near me. But, sir, retaining the opin
ion, which I have expressed, and endeavored
heretofore to sustain, that the laws of Mexico
on this subject are not in force, thye is, never
theless, an improtant reason why the amendment
of the Serator from Mississippi [Mr. Davis,]
should be adopted, which } commend to the re-,
flection of the other Senator from Mississippi,
[Mr. Foote,| and it is this: • There are, as he
well knows, discordant opinions upon the ques
tion of the validity oV ■the Mexican lays. H«l
entertains, arid I entertaVo. a very strong opintorr
upon that subject, but persons whose opinions
have equally and probably greater influence,
entertain the opposite opinion. The pratieal re
r suit of this diversity of opinion is, that southern
t men, with their particular species of propert',
are as effectually excluded from this Territory
1 as if the Mexican laws were existing and in
. force, from the doubt which overhangs the sub
ject, and th unwillingness of persons passing
I with this species of property into these Territo
s ries to subject themselves to a litigation by
1 which they might be divested of their property,
i The Senator from Mississippi will recollect “the
» glorious uncertainty” of the profession of which
> he and I are members. The “glorious uncer
tainty” of the law have passed into a by-word,
. not because there is an infinite variety in the
i interpretations of the law. The uncertainly
• | which hangs over this subject, I say, operates as
r 1 effectually against the rights of persons holding
. : this species of property, emigrating to these Ter
. ■ ritories, as if the Mexican laws were decided to
3 j be valid, or in force. The amendment of the
; Senator from Mississippi is in fact a mere declar
i 1 atory act on the part of Congress, for the purpose
s of removing these doubts and difficulties, and en
i aiding persons holding this species of property to
exercise their rights, without having suspended
I over them the dread of litigation. It is in that
view; although the Senator from Mississippi
: [Mr. Foote] and myself agree jierfectly as to the
principle of the operation or non-operation ol
the Mexican laws, that I support tb is amend
; ment; and I submit to him that it removes all
j the difficulty—difficulty occasioned, not by the
; existence or force of the Mexican laws, but by
the doubts. A declaratory act on the part ol
, Congress removes that difficulty. It does not
| intervene by any possible legislation in regard to
the subject of slavery. It exercises the right of
a conquering country to modify, repeal or de
i j clare null the laws of a conquered country, and
in that I would hope that the amendment of the
ir Senator from Mississippi will find acceptance
- with the Senate. And 1 urge it more especial
s ly from the consideration that this is a bill of
compromise. It was proposed in that spirit, it is
i, advocated in that spirit. Certainly, if gentle
- men wish to conciliate those who may have had
< doubts in regard to the provisions of this bill,
I ; they will not refuse a mere declaratory act.
which will relieve this question from the doubt
1 1 which overhangs it, and which as effectually
i | denies access to these Territories as if there were
I a positive inhibition to enter them with slave
j | property. If gentlemen’s object really be com
i promise, if they want accommodation, it it is
f \ their purpose to allay the excitement which has
i ; existed in this country, I ask that they will de
-1 ! monstrate it by acquiescing in a proposition
I which will be purely declaratory, to remove the
I difficulties which prevent one portion of the pop
i ulation ofthe Union from emigrating into these
- t Territories.
Cairns out the Fugitive Slave Law.
i We find tiV following in the Nashville Ameri
can ofthe IV/h inst. The law will hardly be
: repealed by the free-soilers when they find it so
easy to render it useless, and when to attempt to
do so might place their Southern friends in an
i awkward predicament in the approaching Presi
dential election:
j Another Abolition Outrage. —We have
I been put in possession of the following facts by
! one of our citizens, which show how little dis
posed tiie inhabitants of the non-slaveholding
J States are to do justice to the South, notwith-
I standing their compromise bills which were
i to secure to us our rigbls and quiet that fell spirit
of Abolitionism which has seated itself in high
places and now controls the government. On
! the 9th of July last, a slave, the property of
Thomas J. Hale, of this city, (led and betook him
j self to Illinois, in the neighborhood of Sparta, a
| few miles distant from the Mississippi river.
Some two weeks ago. a letter was received at
j the American office, from a gentleman in Illinois
I who had ascertained that he was a runaway from
i this city. The letler gave so correct a descrip
tion ofthe boy, that we communicated it to Mr.
Hale, who recognised his slave, and employed
Mr. Lewis Field of this place to go thither and
endeavor to capture him. On his arrival there,
he learned that the negro was at a certain house
in the country and in company with two men,
who promised to assist him, went to that place.
The negro, however, before they could see him,
left, without suspicion 'hat he was sought for,
and went to a neighboring house, owned by a
man named Muzzles. Field and his party went
over after getting their supper ai tiie first house,
and enquired lor the boy, who came in promptly
at the cal! of Muzzles. Field shook bauds with
him and told Muzzles that he was the runaway.
The slave was not acquainted with Field. Muz
zles demanded that he should have a lair trial, to
which Field was entirely willing, and said that if
he would be responsible for his forthcoming the
next morning at the town, he would leave. Muz
zles would not agrep to this—and said that the
boy was free. Field then endeavored to take
him, when the owner of the house reached down
a loaded gun and swore that he would protect
the fugitive. Field wens then assaulted by him
and the negro, whom he went to tie, and in the
melee he forced open a door of an adjoining room,
in which there was no light and was set upon by
the grown sons of Muzzles. He was bruised
considerably, but maintained himself. The ne-
I gro took occasion at this time to retreat and fled
from the house.
We are glad to learn that Mr. Field sustained
no serious damage, which certainly was not the
! fault of the Abolition scamps.—Failing to accom
plish the object of his trip, he returned to this
city.
So much for Northern justice! Comment is
useless. We would like to see an accurate state
ment of the number of slaves restored to the
South under the blessed Compromise era. The
whig papers of this city, if we remember aright,
claim that more than two hundred have been
recaptured. The New York Tribune, which
keeps pretty well posted up upon such matters,
gives the money value of restored fugitives at
$19,500, and we would judge that they are very
! near the mark. At any rate, it is the fact that
none of our citizens have succeeded in recovering
their fugitive slaves.
Horrid Murder.
Our county was made, on yesterday, the scene
of one of the most horrid butcheries that black
en the annals of crime. A young and interest
ing woman has been hurried to eternity, and in
a manner truly shocking and heart-rending. We
j have only room, at the late hou: we write, to
state the prominent facts couuected with this
! affair, omitting, altogether, the painful details of
this bloody tragedy. Air. Win. T. Burns, a highly
| respected citizen of this county, residing about !
! seven miles west of Washington, arose about
| light on yesterday morning and went to his lath- i
: er's, Mr. Samuel Burns, about a mile distant, sta
! ting to his wife, whom he left in bed, that he
j would, probably, not be back to breakfast. A
few hours after his departure, a messenger came, i
stating to him that something dreadful had befal
i len his wife. Mr. Burns returned with all speed,
1 and upon entering his house, found Mrs. Burns,
his wile, dragged from the bed, and lying upon
the floor, with her head, throat and neck mutilat
ed in a most shocking manner. There were j
several mortal wounds on different portions of
the head, and one, the largest, on the back of the
neck, reaching entirely across, passing through
the entire muscular tissue, and nearly dividing
the vertebrae of the neck. These wounds were
[ evidently inflicted by an axe, as afterwards ascer
tained. Mrs. Elizabeth Burns, the deceased,
was a daughter of Spain Colley, of this county, in
the bloom of life, and but recently married to
Mr. Burns, who has our heartfelt sympathy in
this terrible calamity.
In regaid to the author of this diabolical mur
der, we would simply state, that upon investiga
tion by the Coroxer's jury all the lacts pointed to
Malinda, a negro woman, the property of Mr.
Bums, as the perpetrator ol the bloody deed. A
verdict was found in accordance with those facts,
and the woman has been arrested and lodged in
jail to aw r ait her trial before the Superior Court
at its next session. We were present at the in
quest and hope never again to be called on to
witness a si\ht so terrible and appalling.— Wash
ington ( Ga.) Gazette, 4 th. inst.
■n*——H 'l 1
| Telegraphed for the BaitimM*t£itin.]
Further per Steamer Anwnci.
Hau»x, Sept. 3.
The steamer America arrive# this morning
with dates to August 24th.
Markets. —The common and grades
of Cotton have advanced daring pi week fully
fd., and the better qualities id. Ifhe quotations
are Fair Orleans s|<L, Mobile 54q. The sales of
the week have been 68,000 Riles, of which
speculators took 9,000 and extorters 14,000
bales. The market- on Saturday| dosed lirm
with sales of 8,000 bales. J
BaEADSTUPFS.-J’he prospfcGt of an abundant
harvest has Breadstuff's. Flour
has declined 6d. and-W heat 2d.. Com is 6d.
better. W <
Trade in the manufacturing districts is im
proving. Spinnersx£re fully employed.
Money is in morf dgpiand at unchanged rates.
Co nsols for money MeTto 96J.
The Havre Cel urn market is inactive. Bales
of the week 5-5,U00 bales. Sales oik Monday up
tojtwo o’clock 2000 bales. Tre Ordinaire.Orleans
83f.
The challenge of the yacht Amierica to sail
against all English vessels was*|)ot accepted.
The regatta came off on Friday, led she easily
beat the eighteen yachets which fen against her.
The general news is devoid offinterest.
Additional per America.
Halifax. SejtfaOtL-9 P. M.
Markets. —Hollingsheads & felty's circular
says that Cotton is in good demand at advancing
prices. Fair and superior qualities have ad
vanced id., and middling and coufcnon Rl. The
quotations are Middling Upland 4Jd.; Fair do.
51d.; Middling Orleans and MoMc Old.
Money. —Consols closed at 96J a 964- U. S.
Stocks are inactive. Penn’a G’s.Sl a 82, others
unchanged.
England.—The Queen desigked leaving for
Scotland on the 27th. Her Majesty having ex
pressed a desire to have a cwtrin road in St.
Pancros Parish for her to pass the vestry of
the Parish coolly informed her that the road
would be closed on the day named, and conse
quently she could not pass over it. The affair
had excited considerable merriment and vexa
tion.
The proposed meeting of the Catholics of the
United Kingdom, in opposition to the Papal Ag
gression Act, was held in Dublin on Tuesday.
There was much excitement, 4ad some violence
occurred.
At the yacht race on the America
was the last to get away from her moorings, but
. soon passed her eighteen competitors, and reach
, ed the winning station 23 nmuifcs ahead of the
Volante. the best The raceme as
. Very brilliant, audthe graffll oIK ever sei% at
TW'xffrong of was immense,
r* The match with will take
i place about the 29th.
, The Great Exhibition was growing less at
. tractive, and the receipts had amounted to 2000
i pounds per day.
, The question of establishing a packet station
r in Ireland was still discussed, "and large rneet
i ings had been held in Dublin and elsewhere in
. favor of the project.
; France. —The opinion gains ground that
. Prince de Joinville will he a candidate for the
; Presidency. The President has abandoned his ;
. • tour on account of some trilling disturbances in
; I the provinces, which demanded Ms attention,
i | Spain.— We hear nothing but the old story of
- | a ministerial crisis.
:, ! Halifax, Sept. 3d.—The America sailed to
e day at 8 o’clock, and is due in Bolton to-morrow
f afternoon.
s Our election resulted in the success of the
t Liberals, who have 9 majority iirthe Assembly,
. which is considered favorable to the construction
[> of the Canada and Portland Railroad.
[From the Milledgeville Ifrnrjrrfcr.]
e Starkville, Aug. 23th, 1831.
. , Messrs. Grieve ht Orme:— We have had an
a | other severe storm of wind andrjin. very much
j j similar to the one we had 12 months ago, hut
). , more severe and of longer duration, bringing
■ with it more rain. It began about noon on the
e 23d, and continued till 9of the night of the 24 th.
lt ] Its effect upon the crop is, as I have learned from
j the different portions of our county, quite injuri-
I ous. The rust is spreading its ravages pretty ex
e tensively throughout the country, which has
" caused a considerable portion of cotton to burst
open precociously; this has caused the injurious
effect of the storm upon the cotton crop to be
0 greater than it otherwise would have been.
lt - Besides, it is the general opinion" that in con
sequence of the weeds having bean turned and
j twisted about ia every direction by the wind,
e but so severely by the torrents of rain that at
e tended the wind, that it has been so injured as
not to be able to continue bearing, but on the
l( - contrary to throw off a great deal that it already
s has borne. Late corn that has nut had the fod
_ der pulled off, is all blown down lat, having had
j the blades split into strings whiclftias put an end
j to fodder gathering, and will provl quite injuri
.’ ous to late new ground corn that las not so ma
s tured. Trees, fences and chimniei were blown
down profusely in many places.
The vast quantities of rain that have fallen
e will conduce to render our county more un
healthy than it was before, I fear.
s From Yucatan.—By the arriva l of the schoon
s er Star, Capt. Gammon, we have received Cam
peachy puperHA>i‘ the 10th aiul ICe/i inst. They
1 do not contain much news, thougfthey express
f a conviction of the gradual subsiSuee of the In
dian troubles. Complaints of tfc interference
L ‘ , of the English in the affairs of rte Peninsula
continue to be made. It is agai Aasserted that
the authorities of the Belize setMjjjent furnish
the Indians with arms and amiKhtion tY> con
duct the war against the whitosAgf (J. 1 Pica
” ! yttne, 30 th ult.
5 Chatham Mutual Loan Association.—At a
5 meeting of this Association, last c ening. S3OOO
i were loaned at a premium of i9i per cent.
- average.
Twenty shares of stock were sodas follows:
3 5 shares, $23 paid, sold 10r..... .$33
’ 5 “ 23 " “ 32
10 “ 50 “ “ 00
l [iJui-Ymnu/i Gcnrgitn , 'id inst.
The New York Cura Expedition.—Refer
-1 ring to the dispatch received at Few York on
1 Satu day from Washington, by the United States
i Marshal, directing his attention to a Cuba expe
-1 dition fitting out at that port, the New York iet
■ i ter to the Ledger says:
1 “Perhaps it is worth adding that the naval
• store-keeper, as Brooklyn, who is in a position
- to know, informs us that three or wur vessels
’ have been fitted out at this port, diirng the pre
-1 sent week, With men and ammunitions of war,
lor Cuba. We may laugh at this, but he tells
• us it is so, and he calls upon the authorities to be
I on the look-out. The Fillibusters here have
l I now in permanent session what they tall a ‘ Cen
i tral Directory,’ whose business it it to receive
' subscriptions in aid of the patriots, register en
■ listments, &e.”
’ Invited to Leave.—An individual calling
himself Wilkins, but whose real name is said to
| be H. A. Layton, having given expression to
abolition sentiments of a very offensive and in
; suiting character, in the presence ol' a party of
young gentlemen, was called upon las evening
1 and notified to leave the eity. Wisely consider
ing perhaps that a longer residence irniong us
would not be good for his health, he very readily
! consented to leave in last night's boat for Charles
ton, on his way to the North. The ymng man
is from Philadelphia, and is certainly tio indis
creet to be trusted so far from home, especially
in Southern latitudes. No violence w« offered
1 | him, and we trust the lesson he has reieived, if
it does not reform his morals, will at lec-t teach 1
him discretion for the future.— Savanm ft News.
3d mst.
The steam ship Southerner arrived about 12
o’clock last night from New York. We learn
that the cause of her detention arose liom the
breaking on Monday, at half jiast 1 P. M„ when
about twelve miles distant from Cape Lsok Out,
the light bearing N. N. W., of the larboafj shaft,
| which disabled the larboard wheel, ant com
' pelled her to proceed the rest of the voyige un
der sail, with the assistance of only the starboard
wheel.
At noon yesterday she passed the ifhooner
i Isaballa Thompson, Captain Corson, i'rous| Phila
delphia for this port, laying to under cloip reefed
| fore and main-sails. —Charleston Couriered inst.
What did the South Gain by the Ct.wriio
mise?—As Mr. Clay is one of the great leaders
of the “Union Party,” we presume nonh will
dispute the truth of his testimony. On tre 22d
of July, 1850, little more than one yearagb. Mr.
Clay, in a speech delivered in the Senate,laid —
“Senators from the Northern States miy go
home to their constituents, after this measure
I shall have been passed, and say “the North
j gains the admission or California as a free State.
I This is sure. She is dedicated now and forever
; to that freesoilism which you so much prizk.”
“The North avoids the introduction of slave*
; ry by the authority of Congress in New Nexi
; co and Utah—and as in our opinion, the ttodoci
excludes slavery from the territories, it is bfchly
probable they will both remain and become'free
territories.
“The North has New Mexico detached from
Texas, with a high degree of probability that
she will ultimately become, as before stated a
free State.
“The North secures the abolition of the slave
trade in the District of Columbia.
“Are not these objects of sufficient magnitude
to satisfy any moderate, rational Northern wish?
What concession of power and authority is
made by the North? What rights are sari
ficed* Tell me, if the North docs not get almost
1 every thing and the South nothing hut her hotMrP
The New York Herald of the 30th ult., says:
Arms, ammunition, clothing, medicines and
provisions, intended and purchased for the Cutkn
revolutionary army, have been sent from ttis
harbor. Two vessels, whether American erAof
some other nation we cannot precisely say,
were purchased some days ago, and freighted
with these articles.—Many thousand of dollars
doubtless, have been expended in the business,
and thus any one may judge that the number of
arms and quantity of ammunition were not
small. We have not heard that any citizens of
New York have taken any active part in
the enterprise, but have reason to believe that
the foreign capital has been employed for the
purpose. Hence the ease, security and secrecy
with which this undertaking has been carried
out. Indeed by this time, with ordinary speech
both vessels must be at or near their destination;
and will supply any immediate necessities
the revolutionary army may require, while the
arrangements made will add to the revolutionary'
force several hundred well drilled and well equip-’’
ped men.
ik
AUGUSTA, GEORGIA.
WEDNESEAY MORNING, SEPT. 10.
JAMES GARDNER, JR., )
and > Editors.
JAMES M. SMYTHE, )
For Governor.
CHARLES J. MCDONALD.
For Congress—Eighth District,
ROBERT McMILLAN, of Elbert.
TEE LARGEST CIRCULATION IN TEE STATE.
Constitutionalist & Republic
CAMPAIGN PAPER.
T E*R MS REDUCED!
As but a few weeks intervene between
now and the election, our Campaign Paper
will be furnished at the following reduced
Single copy, - - - - 25 cts.
10 copies, - - -$2 00
‘25 “ - - - 400
100 “ - - - -15 00
And for any intermediate number, at the
above rates.
Our friends have done well thus far in
circulating this paper. Let them not
weary in well doing. Our cause is onward,
and daily accessiops arc made to the ranks
of the Southern Mights Party, as light is
poured in on the minds of the people.
Let us continue the uood work,and victory
will perch on the Republican Standard of
McDonald and Southern Rights.
Resolution relative to the election of the Judges
of the Superior Courts.
Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Repre
sentatives of the State of Georgia in General Assem
bly convened, That at the next general election
lor Governor and Members of the Legislature,
i the people ol this State be requested to express
i their wishes as to the manner in which the Judges
of the Superior Courts shall thereafter be elected,
by endorsing on their tickets, “By the Legisla
ture,’’ or “ By the People.’’
Assented to, December 12 th, 1840.
Oan the Spell of Delusion bo Broken ?—Constitu
tional Union Panorama.
We announced yesterday that we should bring
1 into view, this morning, the first scenes of our
Panorama of the Constitutional Union Party. |
In the first place, for what purpose has that par
ty been formed ? Ostensibly to save the Union, j
Mr. Toombs said, in the spring of 1850—
“This cry ol Union is the masked battery from
which the Constitution and the rights of the
South are to be assailed.’’
1 | “ Let the South mark the man who is for the i
I Union at every hazard, and to the last extremity.
When the day of her peril comes, he will be the
imitator of the historical character, the base Ju
dean, who, for thirty pieces of silver, threw
away a pearl richer than all his tribe.”
Notwithstanding this declaration then, Mr.
; Toombs, at this time, has no visions ol eternal
| beauty but those which cluster around the Ame
j rican Union ; and there is no music so sweet to
; ! his earas this “ cry of Union 1” Union! Union!
. | “ at every hazard and to the last extremity 1”
The object of the formation of the Constitu
| ' tioual Union party is to accomplish a closer and
| more perfect union of the North and the South—
in other words, to maintain a more intimate and
‘ stricter alliance with those who, in the words of
I 7
Mr. Toombs, a few months ago. showed a fixed
purpose to destroy the political rights of the
South—to put her institution under the ban of the
empire, by excluding her citizens from an equal
participation in the common benefits of the Re
public, and thereby to bring the powers of the
government in direct hostility to their propeity.
This Constitutional Union party professes to
j be governed by motives so pure and disinterested,
i ! that vanity, though marked upon nearly every
; sublunary object and aim, cannot be found paint
ied iqxm its escutcheon. It wants not office for
itsellj though it is struggling lor power and place
with an energy seldom equalled and never ex
celled. No, it has no use for power, or place ?
only as it may enable it to give peace and per
j petuity to the Union ! !
Charity begins at home. The Union is divi
| ded into two great geographical divisions upon
j the subject of slavery. One section, now nu
! merically the strongest, has sworn eternal hos
! tility to the institution of slavery. Not long
! since, a deadly contest threatened to burst into
fire and tlarne between the North and the South.
Northern fanaticism shot forth the red lightnings
of its hate, and the South, though distracted by
divisions, exhibited some degree of indignation
and resistance. Under these circumstances, a
series of measures, termed a Compromise, have
been adopted by the National Legislature. The
Southern Rights party contend that the South
has not received justice by this miscalled Com-
I promise. The Constitutional Union party, with j
Mr. Cobh at its head, says that it is fair, liberal
! and just.
Among the chiefs of this latter party is a man
of fame, long renowned in statesmanship and
eloquence. There is nothing in the melody of j
song, or the fragrant flowers of rhetoric, that the
Constitutional Union party has not brought and '
placed iqxm its altar, to do him honor. A crown
of glory is placed upon his head, and Henry
C!ay, in the sunset of his life, is covered over j
with golden clouds, and promised an immortality
which shall bloom in perpetual freshness and
beauty. Let him pass, then, in panoramic exhi
bition. Look, people of Georgia, men of the
South, upon his moving picture. He is linked
with the Constitutional Union party. He is the ;
architect who built up the gieat Compromise
i structure. He is the enchanter, and our political
opponents here are under his potent spell. Ob- j
1 serve closely, as the canvass moves, and decide
for yourselvas whether he should be an object of
your political tvorship.
Mr. Clay, in a speech in 1827, (and he has
never retracted the sentiment.) used the follow
ing language in reference to the institution of ,
slavery:
“ If I could be instrumental in eradicating this '
deepest stain upon the character of our country,
and removing all cause of reproach on account of
it, by foreign nations; if I could only be instru
mental in ridding of this foul blot, that revered 1
State that gave me birth, or that not less loved !
' State which kindly adopted me as her son, I 1
would not exchange the proud satisfaction which i
I should en joy, for the honor of all the triumphs j
1 ever decreed to the most successful conqueror.” i
Thousands who knew that Mr. Clay was op- I
I ppsed to slavery in the abstract, trusting to his
greatness of soul and his love of justice, believed j
that the South could rely upon him, especially as j
he was Southern born, and was the owner of a
considerable number of slaves. They belie.ved j
that lie would stand by the Missouri Compro
mise to the last, as some of the brightest sun
light of his fame was reflected from his connec
tion with that celebrated measure.
As we can present only some of the promi- \
nent views, we now pass over nearly twenty- j
two years, and submit the following extracts j
from a letter of Mr. Clay’s to a Free Soil Con- j
vention, held at Cleveland, Ohio, iu 1819:
“ I concur entirely in opinion as to. the otisdom t
of that gieat measure, (the Wilmot Pro viso) and j
1 am glad that it has secured to the States on j
which it ojierates, an exemption from the evils of I
slavery.
“No one ran be juice orrosED xi'iAM I am to
the extension of slavery into those nf;W territories,
either by the authority of Congress, or by indi
vidual enterprise.
Here is exhibited the hostility to the institu
tion ot slavery which Mr. Clay ma nifested w ith
so much bitterness in 1827.
Floating along the stream of tinae, w r e come to
Mr. Clay standing in the Senate Chamber of the
United States, and uttering the following lan
guage. It will be found in his speech of July
22d, 1850, on page 1415, of the Appendix to the
Congressional Globe for that session.
These remarks were addressed to Mr. H ale, of
New Hampshire, to iuduce him to vote for the
Compromise measures. Here they are:—
“The honorable Senator talks about the sacri
fice of Northern rights and power; what rights
are sacrificed in this measure ! Let him reply.
What rights are sacrificed? what concessions of
power and authority is made by the North in
►this measure ? Is it in the high degree of pro
bability that all the newly acquired territories
will ultimately be dedicated to the cause of Free
Soil, without the Wilmot Proviso? Do they hug
that precious Wilmot so to their bosoms that
nothing but that will do—that no other obsta
cles, no other preventives to the introduction of
—L-- J ■■ HU 11 '!
slavery in the territories will satisfy thenri, but
Wilmot, Wilmot, Wilmot? Is that a sacrifice t
To what power is the sacrifice made here 1 Are
they not satisfied with every REAL SECURI
TY FOR THE ACCOMPLISHMENT OF
THEIR WISHES ? or do they require to in
flict what they know is regarded as derogatory
to the honor and feelings of the South ? * # #
w I ask him what right is sacrificed by the
North in this measure ? Let him tell me ll the
North does not get almost every thing, and the
South NOTHING but her honor—her exemp
tion from usurped authority in the Texas land
which I have mentioned, together with the fugi
tive slave proposition, and an exemption from
agitation on the subject of slavery in the District
of Columbia ? Ido not want general broadcast
declamation, but specifications. Let us meet
them like men; point upon point; argument
upon argument. Show us the power here to
which Northern sacrifice is made.”
Mr. Hale had insisted upon the exclusion of
slavery by the passage of the Wilmot Proviso.
Mr. Clay told him that the people of the North
had 11 every rf.al security for the accom
plishment OF THEllt WISHES,” witlimU it.
Messrs. Toombs, Stephens and Cobb tell us
that we have a fair non-intervention in the Utah
and New Mexico bills. Mr. Clay flatly contra
dicts them. We need only state the fact, m this
connection, that Mr. Clay averred that nothing
on earth could induce him to vote for any mea
sure to extend slavery into the territories of
Utah and New Mexico !!
Such is Henry Clay upon this great question
of the institution of slavery, and the rights of
the South. We could fill two or three successive
numbers of our paper with his speeches and let
ters, loaded with opposition to the institution ol
slavery.
Citizens of Georgia, remember the saying that
“aman is known by the company he keeps.”
Mr. Cobb, Mr. Toombs, and Mr. Stephens,are
found in the company of Mr. Clay, as also of
Mr. Webster, Mr. Fillmore, Mr. Duer, and oth
ers, who are the deadly enemies of slavery.
Turn, citizens, to your homes, and ask your
selves if you can look for their protection to Mr.
Clay—to a man whose sentiments are such as
we have proved them to be ? Look within your
own bosoms, and ask yourselves if yon can think
of Mr. Clay as Messrs. Cobb, Toombs and Ste
phens do f Can you weave for his brows gar
lands of praise and fame, as they have done , since
the passage of these Compromise measures? Is
the path trod by Mr. Clay the one to lead to your
protection and safety ?
If you can place your hands upon your hearts—
look upon your rights, and your homes, and say
that it is —that your representatives, who bestow
upon him not only their praise, but their affec
tions. are worthy of your confidence, then indeed,
with you, the spell of delusion is difficult of being
broken. We shall not, however, despair if this
fails, for we have other scenes, even more strik
ing, to bring to your view.
A Question of Veracity.
11l the Chroncilc Sentinel of the 6th inst., I
find a communication over the signature of Win.
I • 3
S. Jones, from which I quote the following ver
sion of what passe! between Dr. Jones and my
self on the occasion referred to :
As the readers of the Chronicle & Sentinel are
j well aware, there has appeared in it, a series of
i articles under the signature of “ Doctor,” marked
j with unusual ability, the last of which vvaspub
t lishcdon Friday, the 29th of August last, which
called lorth the following note :
Augusta, August 29th, 1851.
Dr. W.tf. S. Jones— Sir: — l demand you the
j name of the author of the article “ Doctor - ”
i which appeared in the Chronicle & Sentinel of
I this date, in order to demand of him personal
| satisfaction.
Respectfully, your ob’t. serv’t.,
James M. Smythe.
This note was brought into the office by Mr.
James Gardner, Jr. When he presented it, I
inquired who it was from ? He replied Mr.
Smythe. Presuming it w r as a call for the author ol
“Doctor,” I received and immediately replied to
it, giving the name of the author. Having fold
ed and addressed my reply, I handed it to Mr
Gardner, who immediately rose from his seat, as
I supposed to retire, when he drew from a side
pocket what appeared to be a letter, and present
ed it, saying, “ Here is another.” 1 inquired
from whom ? He replied, “ The same gentle
man,” and as I received it, I understood him to
remark, “ You can reply to it at your leisure,”
and immediately walked out of the room.
I opened and proceeded to read the following
note:
Augusta, August 29th, 1851.
Dr. Wm. S. Jones :
Sir :—Considering the article signed “Doctor,”
which appeared in the Chronicle <s• Sentinel of this
i morning, of such a character as to make you, us
; the publisher of that paper, a party to the out
rage, I demand of you that satisfaction, for in
serting it in your columns, which is due from
one gentleman to another.
This will be handed you by my friend, James
Gardner, Jr., Esq.
Respectfully your olj’t. serv’t.
Jam ks M. Smyxiie.
As sooh as I discovered tire nature ol the con
tents, I iij.se from my seat to call Mr. Gardner to
return it to him, but he had passed out at the front
door of the office, a distance of near sixty feet. 1
started with the determination of following him
into the street, hut alter proceeding a few steps,
returned to my seat, thinking it of no conse
quence.
It is proper to remark, that if I had even sus
pected the character of the communication, 1
. should not have received it.
This statement is, in at leash one essential par
| ticular, false.
I repeat the statement made in my note of
| the 4th inst., already published, to Mr. Smythe.
I ‘"The second (note) he received and read in my
| presence. While reading it, I said to him.‘(7 will be
proper for yon to answer I liat through your ffiend.’ ”
I These are literally the words I used. They were
! deliberatelyjused, and distinctly borne in mind. —
I anticipated that quite probably a statement of
what transpired might become necessary. I
| therefore took special pains to remember exactly
word lor word, what I said. The words were
spoken while Ur. Jones sat with the note open
in his hand, and his eyes fixed upon it. The
t note was so very short that a single glance must
have been suliicient for Dr. Jones to have instant-
I !y “discovered the nature of its contents,” unless
he was stupilied by some strong emotion.
I turned away deliberately and slowly, and left
his oiliee and walked slowly to my own. I did so
purposely to give him an opportunity to speak to me
if he desired to do so. He did not avail himself
of the opportunity.
The statement of Dr. Jones is stamped on its
I face with falsehood. It is impossible that I
; could have parsed out of the front door of his of
fice, a distance of near sixty feet, before Dr. Jones
could have discovered the nature of the contents
| of so shr.rt a note, unless, as I have above sug
| gested, he was stupified by some strong emotion.
In the spiiit of charity 1 am willing that he
should, be shielded from the imputation of deliber
ate falsehood, under the supposition that he was
so bewildered by his situation that for some
I minutes, he did not clearly comprehend anything.
JAMES GARDNER, Jr.
Dr. Wm. S. Jones.
■*'l copy the following from an article, over the
signature of Dr. Wm. S. Jones, which appeared
1 in the Chronicle & Sentinel of yesterday morn
ing.
“The public will, 1 trust, pardon my calling
th eir attention to a matter purely personal,
which is rendered necessary by the pitiful at
tack made upon me, through the columns oi
the Constitutionalist, of yesterday, by James M.
Smythe. Had the circulation of that paper been
I confined to the circle where we are both known,
I the article and author should have met with the
I contempt so richly merited. As it will, hovvev
' er, lie seen and read where neitner of us are per
| sonally known, it becomes necessary that I
i should notice it to correct some misstatements of
! facts connected therein.”
I The plain meaning of this is, that, in Dr.
! Jones’ opinion, he is a man of higher character
; and position than I am. Dr. J. can think of
himself as he pleases. I shall not imitate his in
delicate example, so far as to praise myself social
j ly, morally or intellectually, but I cannot refrain
j from the expression of my contempt for his
opinion. I never draw comparisons between
myseli and other men in any way. much less in
a public journal. I never knew a gentleman to
do it. I copy further from Dr. J.'s article as fol
lows :
“For I did not imagine even that Mr. Smythe
who professes to be so very anxious to obtain
personal satisfaction, would have made such a
call on me, whose opinions on the subject of duel
ling he so well knew, one too, who he asserts is “«
number of a respectable Church especially after
he had obtained the name of the author a reputa
ble gentleman, whom he knew to be neither the
member of a Church or opposed to a resort the
code duello. It the author of Doctor had proved
not to have been a responsible and reputable
man, he might have had some excuse for a call
on me.”
Dr. Jones has no right to say, or know, what
I should have done in reference to the author of
“Doctor.” I presumed that Dr. Jones would be
disinclined to fight a duel, but I was not aware
of his sentimeuts on the subject of duelling, from
personal intercourse, or the newspapers, or any of
the numerous books which have been published
since or before my acquaintance with him. The
man who would do another as great a wrong, as
Dr. Jones did me, by publishing the false and
malicious articles of “ Doctor,” might be pre
sumed to be removed fur enough from sanctifi
cation to fight a duel. But Dr. Jones was only
called upon for satisfaction.
: —!iaaig.BWiu«iMßggp
The expression of his regret at publishing the
articles, with a declaration, at the same time, of
his disbelief in the charges made against me
would have relieved him. He has neither the
magnanimity nor the Christianity to do me that
justice, for he coolly refers to the articles of
“ Doctor,” and says they were “ marked with
unusual ability. “He expresses no regret, takes
nothing back, praises the articles of “ Doctor,’’
and plainly insinuates that he is a man of higher
social position than I am.”
I might comment with great severity upon
portions of Dr. Jones’s article, but I forbear, as I
placed him, in my article of the sth, where he
properly belongs, and I have no feelings towards
him, now, but those of pity mingled with con
tempt. JAMES M. SMYTHE.
Can the Spell of Delusion he Broken ?—Constitu
tional Union Panorama.
The Honorable Howell Cobb comes into view
this morning. It would be difficult for any
Academy of Design to concentrate into one pic
ture, the various shades and hues that enter into
the political character of this gentleman. With
much acti vit^pgplife, of purpose, appar
ent fairness, but in reality tne reverse—lofty am
bition, with disproportionate Opacity—eager
ness to gain an end, without being scrupulous as
to the means—commingled with many amiable
personal traits of character—Mr. Cobb’s portrait
would be difficult of delineation. We shall i
select the artists for him principally from among
his ‘political, supporters, and we shall confine the
exhibition mainly to his connection with the
slavery question. We have already noticed, in
a full and ample manner, his views upon the
Compromise. That, we may as well say, he
considers fair , liberal and just. , while the South
has gained nothing, but lost every thing by it.
Mr. Cobb, ambitious of power or lame, aspir
ed to the chair of Speaker of the National House
of Representatives. Congress assembled on the
3rd day of December, 1549, on which day the
balloting for Speaker commenced. On the 22d
day of the same month, after a long and fiery
contest, Mr. Cobb was elected Speaker by a plu
rality vote, upon the 63rd ballot. The House
remained in a state of disorganization during
the whole of that time. Messrs. Toombs and
Stephens made the dangers to the South, which
were threatened by the action of the North, the
foundation for their agency in keeping up that
disorganization lor so long a time. They had
sixty-three chances to vote for Mr. Coob for Speak
er, but refused to cast a single vote for him !
They must have felt great opposition to Mr.
Cobb, for they cast their votes for Mr. Gentry,
of Tennessee, who, if we remember correctly,
expressed the belief that the Wilmot Proviso
was constitutional, or said that he would not
dissolve the Union if it was adopted by Con
gress. Be that as it may, they refused through
out to vote for Mr. Cobb.
We must now digress a little to bring into |
view an important feature in this matter of the j
election of a Speaker. After thirty-six ineffec- |
tual balloting*, the name of Win. J. Brown, of
Indiana, was substituted for Mr. Cobb’s. The i
race then was between Mr. Brown and Mr.
Winthrop. After several ballotings, in one of
which Mr. Brown lacked but a few votes of be
ing elected, Southern men, who voted for him,
1 ascertained by some means that he had been se
cretly bargaining with the Free Soilcrs for their
votes. This was fully prov ed by the following
- letters, which were read before the House. See
Congressional Globe for 1849-‘SO, page 22.
DECEMBER 10, 1819.
Bear Sir: —In the conversation which 1 had
with you this evening, you were free to say, that
if elected Speaker of the House of Representa
tives, you would constitute the Committees on
Territories, the Judiciary, and the District of
t Columbia, in a manner that should be satisfacto
> ry to myself and the friends with whom I have
had the honor to act. i have communicated this
to my friends ; and if, in reply to this note, you
i can give them the same assurance, they will give
■ you a cheerful and cordial support.
Respectfully yours, D. Wilmot.
I v Hon. Wrn. J. Brown.
i Washington City, 10th Dec., IS it).
Bear Sir : —ln answer to yours of this date, 1
will state that, should i be elected Speaker of the
, House of Representatives, I will constitute the
Committees on the District of Columbia, on Ter
ritories, and on the Judiciary, in such manner as
shall be satisfactory to yourself and your friends.
I am a Representative from a free State, and
: have always been opposed to the extension ol
slavery, and believe that the Federal Govern
ment should be relieved from the responsibility
of slavery, where they have the constitutional
power to abolish it.
I am yours truly, W. J. Brown.
Hon. David Wilmot.
To show the feelings excited by this disclo
sure, we extract a single sentence from some re
marks made by Mr. Burt:
“ He | Mr. Burt] ventured to say, if they had
known of this correspondence, and the gentle
man’s [Mr. Brown’s] answer to the gentleman
from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Wilmot,] there was
not a Southern man in this House but would
have regarded it an insult to ba asked to vote for
him.”
Air. Brown was disposed of in short order.
Mr. Cobb was brought forward again and elect
ed. We do not say that there was any collusion
between him and the Free Soilers, but what did
he do after his election ? Did he not do the very
thing that Air. Brown was required by the Free
Soilers to do? He put oil the Judiciary Com
mittee Preston King and Thadeus Stevens, two
of the most bitter and even malignant Abolition
ists in Congress, and also George Ashinun, a
Free Soil Whig, and James Thompson, a Free
Soil Democrat ! These constituted a majority
of the committee, of which James Thompson
was made chairman by Mr. Cobb.
He appointed as members of the Committee on
Territories, Julius Rockwell, a bitter anti-slave
ry fanatic, and the notorious Aholitionisls, Dan
iel Gott and Joshua R. Giddings.
On the District of Columbia Committee , he put
Charles Allen, of Massachusetts, who takes his
position among the rabid Abolitionists proper.
These are the three committees upon which Mr.
Wilmot demanded of Air. Brown to put Abolition
ists and Free Soilers. The Judiciary is Wig favor
ite committee of the Free Soilers, because the con
stitutions of the new States, made of the territo
ries, are relerred to it. Upon that Air. Cobb
gave them a majority. But it was of but little
consequence, for even a single one could make a I
counter report. The reports of rriinoiities are al
ways published with those of majorities, and ,
they are sent abroad together.
This is the way that these Abolitionists and
Free Soilers accomplish their objects. The two
reports are sent together, throughout the land.
Southern men are forced to send both together to
their constituents, or send none at all. if they
furnish them with these public documents, they
are forced to send the poison with the necessary
means of public enlightenment.
There is not a stronger and more unfaltering
Abolition organ in the New England States thaiv
the Hartford Republican. See what it said about
these appointments of Mr. Cobh :
“On each of the three committees, in which
the friends of Freedom felt the most interest, Mr. I
Cobb has placed a strong and reliable Free Soil- j
er This is something, especially when it is con- j
sidered that he is himself a slaveholder and a j
thorough slavery extensionist. It is perhaps,
more than any man in his senses would expert from
a Northern dough fare. It looks decent beside
such committees as are manufactured for the
Senate, and certainly is an improvement on the
fashions that prevailed in the House in those days
when Giddings was sent Home under censure, for
offering a petition, and when Alarshall was ap
pointed to admonish John Quincy Adams. But
the times have changed, and are still changing,
MUCH TO THE DISQUIET OF THE BLACK
REIGN OF SLAVERY.”
j Among those papers now foremost in sustain
ing Air. Cobb, and urging his claims upon the
people of Georgia as the very man lor the limes '
j to rule over them, are the Chronicle Sf Sentinel
I the Savannah Republican, and the Macon Mes
senger. We now bring them into view in the .
order mentioned.
Shortly after Mr. Cobb’s election as Speaker ;
and appointment of the committees referred to, i
the Chronicle copied the following from a North
Carolina Democratic paper:
“ We say that Mr. Cobb is not at all justifia- |
ble for appointing those men, who have made
their fanaticism a curse to the country, upon the
committees he lias put them upon, and where
they desired to be. We know they had the pre
sumption to demand a recognition of their
claims; but they have never heretofore been re
cognized; and have no more right to be recog- J
nized than would the claims of a dog to sit at his I
master’s table. And yet we have a Southern
Speaker, for the first time lifting them from in
significance into importance, admitting their
claims—the claims of Free Soilers! A misera
ble band of fanatics, not stronger than 1 a corpo
ral’s guard,’ comparatively. A man of nerve—a
Jackson or a Polk, would never have made such
appointment.”
This Democratic paper thus attacked Mr.
Cobb for putting some of the Free Soilers upon
important committees.
The Chronicle not only copied the above ap
provingly, but assailed Mr. Cobb in an editorial
of some length. We copy two sentences only,
as follows :
“ Such is the manly tone of the North Caroli
nian, one of the organs of the Democracy in the
old North State, in reference to the Congressional .
committees as appointed by Mr. Cobb.” ’
“ Such are the leaders of Democracv—the men
who are eternally prating about Southern rights,
and their readiness to sacrifice the Union for
them.”
The Chronicle is now the eulogist of Mr. Cobb!
Was it his calumniator when it published the
above T“ What will be said of its flattery now
when its accusation remains unretrarted ? What
confidence can be placed In a paper that charged
Mr. Cobb with betraying the South, and yet .
sustains him for Governor, because he favors h Jr?
Compromise by which the South has lost every
thing, and of course gained nothing ? Is it not
manifest that the aim now is to gain the loaves
and fishes of power and office ?
We copy the following from the Savannah
Georgian , to show what the Savannah Republican
said of Mr. Cobb :
Mr. Oobb’s Course and Character.
I. — Mr. Cobb odious to the Whigs and Democrats
of the South.
“ We thought we had of late shown sufficient
ly from the lecords, tha‘ Cobb had by his votes
rendered himself odious not only to the Winns,
but to the Democrats of the South, and we are
suiprised that the organ here, after what has
passed, should have entertained a hope, much
less expressed a wish that the Whigs shoird have
supported Cobb— Savannah Republican, Bee., 18,
ISIS.
2. Whigs can never vote for Cobb.
“ Poor abused, despised Whigs of Georgia—in
their extremity, our assailants cast a wishful j
eye towards us to help them to elect the man
who was willing, and did VOTE AWAY OUR
RIGHTS FOR A MESS OF POTTAGE—No !
W IIIGS, AT LEAST CAN NEVER VOTE FOR COBB.”
Same paper, same date.
3 —Cobb has betrayed our Rights. A Southern
men with Northern principles.
“ We have the records of the country, and the
testimony of Wilmot himself, to
Winthrop's position towards the South is not
more inimical than Cobb’s No matter what
may have been Winthrop’s course towards the
South, it is enough for the Whigs of Georgia to
know, that Cobb has betrayed our rights.
and they were right in casting their votes for
Gentry if they could not vote for Wmthiop.r—
The Whigs have had enough of ’ Northern men
with Southern principles.’—we want NO |
SOUTHERN MEN WITH NORTHERN
PRINCIPLES.’ ’ — Republiron. * 1 1,1 U
4. —Cobb voting for the Wilmot Proviso.
“If Cobb is the special guardian of Southern
Rights, why do we find him voting with Wilmot,
Chase and others, for the Wilmot Proviso,
and establishing by his own act a precedent for
Congress to legislate the South out of her equal
rights in our Territorial domain. Winthrop has
done no more than this, and this is proof No. I,
that his “position towards the South is not
more inimical than Cobb’s.’ ” — Savannah Repub
lican, Dec. !25</i, 1819.
5. —Cobb voting with Abolitionists for an Aboli
tion Candidate.
“We here find then. Cobb’s votes recorded
nine severed limes with ABOLITIONIS 1 S for an
ABOLITION CANDIDATE, and Winthrop’s
vote recorded with Southerners for a Southern
man. Edward Stanley. Proof No. 2, that Win
j tlirop’s position towards the South is not more
inimical than Cobb's."—Savannah Republican.
I 2. —Cobb appointing rabid Free Soilcrs on three of the
most imimrtunt Committees—His reward from the
People in October next.
“ But liow fared the rights of slaveholders ami
the South We think we are not mistaken in
saying, that Mr. Winthrop allowed the Free
Soilcrs no weight at all on the Committees, and
| properly too; but how has Mr. Cobb acted in
this particular? Why, when there was no ne
cessity to have allowed it at all, and when lie
• 1 had it in his power to have done othersWfse in:
. I PLACED ON THREE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT
| j Committees, three rabid Free Soh.eus. On
this subject we append the following extract
from the Washington correspondent of the
Charleston Courier.
I “ The Free Soilers are allowed a weight at least
equal to their proportionate power. In the Com
■ mittee of the District of Columbia, is Mr. Allen,
i of Massachusetts; though the majority is of
f course, Southern. Mr. Giddings is a member of
the Committee of Territories ; and Mr. Preston
■ King is a member of the Judiciary Committee.'’
i We never attached as great importance to the
power of Committees as many others. If they
have any greater power, however, we think the
■ South lias less to hope for, under the present, than
under Wintlirop’s organization of the Commit
tees. Why Mr. Cobb should have put these
Free Soilcrs on these three Committees, we will not
pretend now to explain. “The people of Geor
gia are an honest people,’’ and although “ they
may for a time be misled,’’ they will doubtless
seethe HONESTY of Mr. Cobb's AIOTIV ES
; in all this matter, and REWARD HIM AC
| CORDINGLY. — Nous verrons. — Sav. Repubti
\ can, January, 1859.
We copy the following strictures on Mr. Cobh's
I course from the Macon Messenger:
“ What Democrat from Georgia has taken
! so bold and decided a stand lor the South and her
l ights as Mr. Toombs and his particular friend !
! Has Mr. Speaker Cobb, or any ol his coadjutors
done it ? Did'Afc-Cobb manifest a desire to do
' us justice in the formation ‘f-fjf committees ( Wsf
understand that it was the ltuuro-siun ol Gid
dings, Root, Drukee & Co., that’Wey TcuvyFJ£2r Jl
better for tlsemselvcs'by placing Howell CnoWim’
the chair, than by giving their support tojttobt.
C. Winthrop. In this expectation they have not
been disappointed; for one of them lias at last
been placed upon one of the most important
committees of the House; he has been put in a
position to enable him at the public expense to
disseminate his abolition poison and ra morons ve
nom agaist the South throughout the length and
j breadth ol the land, and for the prom.a-we and
l imjwriance thus given him, h ; s associate incendia
ries unit traitors are duly i hank/id.
“That “ nest of vipers,’’ toe anti-slavery so
ciety, which recently met in Boston, in their ad
dress, speaking of Giddings’ appointment to a
j place on the territorial committee, remarked,
j that it was “ a singular and instructive fact that ,
in the composition of committees, Mr. Cobb has given
' | more weight to the ant i-slavery element of tin House,
than was done by his Northern predecessor Let
, : the reader bear in mind that many an honest
, j but deluded Democrat denounced Toornbs, Sle-
I phens and Owen for refusing to aid n elevating
Mr. Cobb to the Speaker's eliair; and calmniy re
-1 fleeting upon Mr. Cobb’s course in regard to
this vital question, and the results to flow from it,
let him say, whether these gentlemen pursued
a good or bad policy. It may be urged that to keep
up appearances and avoid open partiality, Mr.
Cobb was compelled to give these notorious per
sons a place upon some oiic of the committees of
I the House. Grant it; hut does it follow that
, for the sake of these appeara tiers lie should have
placed them in positions to disturb the peace and
harmony of the country , thereby arming them with
jtower to contribute to a speedy dissolution of that
Union to which hr professed to be, and is doubtless so
much attached. The truth is, {awl in this wc thiltri-
every raiulul Southern man will agree with us) the
territorial{committec is the very last one on which Gid
dings should have been plural. "
The space allotted to Mr. Cobh, is already ta
ken up. We cannot therefore exhibit him as
we desired, in one or two other prominent char
\ aeters. We wished to show him briefly in his
true colors, as a Consolidationist. He pretends
to say that for a just cause a State has the right
to secede from the Union, and yet he adds, the
other States, if they see proper to do so, have a
right to coerce her back into the Union. That
is, they have a right ravage her with fire and
sword, and butcher her citizen—soldiers, for no
reason in the world but, because, they have the
power to do so,notwithstanding the seceding State
might be contending for their just rights; their
sacred liberties, against tlie threatened pollution
of their homes.
Georgians, what beauty—what merit—w hat'
fidelity is there in Mr. Cobb’s career that you
should be called upon to be harnessed to his car
!to draw hioi into power 1 His course has been
one of selliish ambition,
“Unmingled with a dream of thee.’’
Will you look with submissive eye upon his
course and crown him with your highest honors !—•
He seems to have been guided and intiuencedTiy
the glittering vanities of personal advancement
and high official station? Whose interest does
he seem to have had at heart, yours or his own t
Are not the facts, which we have adduced, suf
licent to break the spell of delusion which has
entranced some of our people ? We shall think
so, till the people of Georgia dispelow illusion at
the polls.
lias confusion and madness locked up the
senses ot the people of Georgia ! Can you sleep
in peace upon your pillows, can you repose as
innocents, in a hopeful security, with these facts
i before you ? Will it not shake your drowsy
i confidence to be told, that Northern abolition
1 prints have declared that the election of Air.
: Cobb will be to them “a gratkfi l tkh mfh! ! I
Southern Rights men! wo call upon you to
redouble your exertions. Constitutional Union
I men! we implore you to sleep no longer. It
you encircle the brows of Air. Cobb with vic
torious wreaths, you will do it to your own
shame, and worse still, at the peril ol your rights,
and even your safety. Georgians, the speL will
| be broken, and you will avenge your wrongs, and
j assert your rights.
Methodist Bishops.— Two of the senior
Bishops of the Methodist Church at the North,
are lying very sick, with but feeble prospects of
recovery. Bishop Hedding is represented, by a
correspondent of the Christian Advocate, as
very week, but cheerful, bumble, and simple in
manners, according to the primitive pattern of
Methodist Bishops. Bishop Hamliuo is also
very feeble, and expects to survive but a little
time. His state of mind is what would be ex
pected of him—perfect peace.
We are authorised to slate (says the Charles
ton Evening News of Saturday,) that the elec
tion for the Mayoralty is under Protest.
We state this upon the authority ot a gentle
man whose name has been left at this office,