Newspaper Page Text
Hu. B. H. Hill's Speech.
[rolut taro* dekcf. . ]
Mili.kmkvillc, Nor. 1G, 18C0.
Mi. 0. H. Hilt—Du> 8m : The undersigned,
fully appreciating the question* involved in onr
preeent political divisions, and having listened
with pleasure to the ahle address delivered by
yourself last evening at the Representatives Hail'
believing as we do, that *'we should fully tinder,
stand the issue in order to meet U," and desiring
that other citterns of our state should have the prat
ideation of reading what many of us have heard fall
from yonr own lips, we therefore respectfully
solicit a copy of your able, eloquent aud patriotii
address, for publication, hoping you will comply
We are Respectfully yours.
B. L. McWhorter,
T. J. Hightower,
W. F. Holden,
Ram'l L. Williams,
T. W. Alexander,
John McRae,
C. C. Patton,
W. 8. Wallace,
M. M. Mints,
T. J. Smith,
Wn. H. Brantly,
A. Colvard,
A. E. Tarver,
Goor. T. Barnes,
W. H. Pilcher,
H. W. Howell,
Cicero Olbson,
R. C. Humber,
John Thrasher,
James Parks,
H. L. Taylor,
J. F. Usry,
Allen Kelly,
J. M. Brinson,
J. K. Wilson,
Neill McLeod,
B. J. Evans,
K. C. Hood,
T. 0. Wicker,
8. Y. Jatfloson,
X. H. Word,
E. A. Flewellen,
J. M. Bonds,
K. H. Davis,
John J. Thrasher,
Phil Cook,
A- J. Cloud,
8. F. Alexander,
B. B. Reed.
T- L. Guerry,
Thomas F. Wells.
Otntlemrn :
Since the reception of your letter I have hastily
written out the speech to which you refer. I could
not recall tho exact language, but the argument,
aneh as it is, is herewith submitted for your dis
posal.
I see nothing in the remarks inconsistent with
anything heretofore written hy me. There is a
prudent aud imprudent way of accomplishing the
samo good. I think some of our friends arc hasty.
Let us keep right and ‘ niako haste slowly.” 1
bare discussed a policy of resistance, hut I am
ready to yield it foi a bettor when 1 can find it.—
Tost policy which can most cordially unite our
people, nnd most efTcctuully redress our grievair
cies, is the one 1 shall prefer.
Yours, very respectfully,
I). H, HILL,.
November 10, 1811(1.
SPEECH.
Ladies and Friends;
While 1 am speaking to you to-night I eareslly
beg fur purfuct quietness and order. It seems to
be a general idea that public speakers feel highly
complimented when their opinions are received
with boisterous applause. I do not so feel on any
occaaion, and certainly would not so regard such a
demonstration now. The ocaasiou is a solemn
aud aeriur.a onr, and let us treat it In no light or tri
vial manner. One more request. I have invoked
{ ood oritur. 1 yet more earnestly invoke your
ind and considerate attentlun. No people ever
assembled to deliberate a graver issuo. This gov
ernment is Ike result of much toil, much blood,
much anxiety aud much treaxuru. For nearly a
century we have been accustomed to speak and
boast of it ns the best on earth. Wrapped up in it
are tho lives. lh« happiness, the iiitcienls and the
peace uf thirty millions of freemen new living, and
of annumbered millions in the future.
Whether we shall now deatoy that (lovcruilieut
or make another effort to proservo it and reform its
abuses, is tho question before us. Is that question
not entitled lo all the wisdom, the moderation and
the prudence we can command 7 Were you ever at
aea in a storm 7 Then you know the sailor often
hncls it necessary, to etmblo him lo keep his ship
above the wave, to throw overboard his freight,
oven his treasure. Itut with his chart and his com
pass he never parts. However dark tlm heavens
or furious the winds, with these Im can still point
the polar star, and find the port of Ids safety.—
Would not that sailor ho mud who should throw
these overboard 7
We are at sen. tny friends. The skies nro feat ful
ly darkened. Tho billows toll tlicnteningly —
Hangers are on every lido. I,et us threw over
board our passions, our prejudices and our part)
feelings, however long or highly valued. Itut let
us hold on—hold on lo reason ami moderation —
These and these alouu point always ta the fixed
Star of truth. I>v whose guidance we may yet safe
ly come to ahorc.
We must agree. We do agree If wo but knew it.
Our people must l>« united to moot this crisis —
Divisions now would not only he uiilortunate. latt
exceedingly disastrous. If divisions ari-o they
cannot he based on our interests or our purposes
for those arc and must he the same. Divisions
must lind their origin in our suspicions aud jeal
ousies. Ect us givo these suspicious and jealous,
ies to the winds. Let us assume as tlm basis id
every argument that we are all equally honest,
and equally desirous in our various ways, of secur
ing ime end—our equality and rights. There must
be one way better than all others. I.et nur ambi
tion bn to find th'ii inn/, and unite our people In
the advocacy of tliut way.
i have listened with earnest attention to the elo
quent speeches made by all aides, anil I believe a
common ground of agreement can In* found if net
for univeisal at least for very general agreement.
Those who hold that the Constitution is wrung,
and the Union, had perse, of course will agroe to
nothing but immediate disunioti, and such 1 shall
j^et bo able to affect.
Hi mo urst piaeo what are onr grievance!. .Ill
Uie speakers, thus fur, even tlm most ultra, have
admitted that the mere constitutional election id
any man is no ground for resistance. Tlta mere
alectioii of Mr Liuculu is mi all sides admitted nut
to be the grievance. Our State would net be
thrown on a false issue on this point.
We complain in general terms, that the anti-
slavery sentiment at the North, has been medi
an element uf political power.
In proof of this we make the follow ingipecifica-
laari
I. That a large political party has been organised
fri the Northern States, the great common idea of
which it to prohibit the extension of slavery by
Congress, and Imelility to slavery generally,
3. That this party hits succeeded in getting the
control of many of the Northern State Legislatures
and have procured the passage of acts nullify ing
the tngitix e slave law, encouraging tho rescue of
Jhgitivtf, and seeking to punish as felons citizens
of onr Southern 8tatca who name their slaves in
the assertion of a plain constitutional fight.
3. That this party haa sleeted Governors In
Northern Mate* who refnse, some openly and nth
era under frivolous pretexts, to do their plain Con
stitntional duties, when these .duties involve the re
cognition of property in e aves.
4. That Northern Courts chosen by the same
party, hare assumed to declare the fugitive slave
law unconstitutional in the teeth of the decisions
of the United States Court*, snd of every depart
ment of the United States Government.
!>. Wo rnmplnin that the Northern States, thns
controlled, arc seeking to repudiate every C’outti-
tinnal duly, or provision in favor or in recognition
of slavery—to work tho extinction of slavery, and
to secure to the negro social and political equality
with tlie white race; and. as far as possible they
disregard and nullify even the laws of the South
ern States nil this subject. In proof of this com
plaint we show that Northern Governors have ac
tually refused to deliver up fugitives from justice,
when the crime charged against such fugitives re-
cognized under Halt hut property in slaves.
Tims, a Northern man married a Southern lady
having a separata estate in slaves. He deceived
ilia lady, itole her negroes, tald them and pocketed
the money, and fled to a Northern State. He was
charged with larceny under the laws of Ilia State
in which the crime was committed, A true bill
was obtained and a demand was properly made for
his return, and the Governor of the State to which
lie fled refused to deliver him up on tlio ground
that to commit larceny a man must steal property,
and as slaves w ere not property nrrording to the
law* of the Northern State, it could not ho property
according to the lana of the Southern State; that
therefore tlm.Southern Court Jury and Governor
were all wrong in obeying the law* ot their own
State, instead of tho inwa of the Northern 8tate;
that the defendant was not guilty and could not be
guilty, and ihottld not he delivered np.
Tlie same principle was involved In shield sever
al of tlie conspirators in the John Grown raid.
The inexorable logic of this party, on such a pre
mise, must array them against the whole Consti
tution of the United States t because that instru
ment in it* very frame work Is a recognition of
property in slaves. It was mada by slaveholdihg
Stale*. Acrordinly we find this party a disen-
in,i party, and its leaders—those of fliotn who
follow their logic to it* practical consequences -
dianhioiiisti per se. I would not quote from the
low and the ignoraut of that party, but I will quote
from llo- learned and the honored.
One of the most learned diaciplea of this pHrty
says :
“ Tho Conililulion is the cause of every division
wliieli Ibis vexed question of slavery Iihh ever oc
casioned in this cnnntry. It (the CII n till nt inn)
has been tlm finintiun am \ fiillirr of our troubles, hy
attempting to hold together, as reconciled, two op-
poning principles, which will not harmonize imr
agree. 'The only hope of tho slave la over the
rumt of I hr (Inrrrniiirnl. The dlttulnlion of tho fus
ion is the abolition of tleircry."
One of the ablest, nnd oldest, and long honored
Senators of that party—a Senator oven before tho
existenen of tho Republican party — said the
nominating Convention of that party : "I believe
that this is not so much a Convention to change
tlm administration of the Government, ns to say
irhrlln r thrrr tlwll hr otnj Uorrran/rnt lulu ndininit•
hml. Yon have nssemldeil, not to say whether
this Union shall he preserved, hut to say whether
it lliall Im a blessing or a acorn nnd hissing among
tlie nations.”
I could quotoall night my friends, to show that
tlie tendency of the Kiqiiililii-iiii party is to disun
ion. That to Im a Kepunlirnu is to lie logirnllg and
prnrtirallg against the Constitution and tho Union.
And we complain tliut thin parly is warring upon
us, aud at tlie same time, mid in tho samo way,
amt by a necessary ,-eiis, qnuiiee, watring upon tlie
Constitution and the Union.
II. We complain ill tlie last place, that tlda party
having thus acquired tlie control of every dopnrt-
inent of Government, Legislative, Executive, and
Judicial—In several of the Northern States, and
having thus used every department of tlm State
Government so acquired, in violation of the Con
stitution of tlm United States, in disregard of tlm
laws of tlm Southern Status, and ill utter denial of
the property and even lilerrlp of the citizens of the
Southern States—this party I say, with these prin
ciples, and this history, has at laat secured the Ex
ecutive department of tho Federal Government,
ami are seeking to secure tlm ollmr two depart
ments—tho Legislative aud tlm Jttdlelnl.
Here then is a party seeking to administer the
Government on principle* which must destroy the
Government— pronosing to preserve the Union
tipoll n basis on which tlm Union, in the very na
ture of things, eammt stand; and offering peace
on terms which must produce civil xvar.
Now, my friends, the noxt question Is, shall
tlo-ae grievances he resisted 7 I know of no man
who says they might not to he resisted. Fur my
self, I say, nnd say with emphasis they ought lo be
resisted—resisted effectively nnd at all hazards.
What lesson have we here 7 We have seen dif
ference* running high—even apparent hittenms*
engendered. Paaeiuu gets up, debates became
jeers nnd gilms and dellnnee. One uinti says he
will not resist Lincoln. His adversary pronoun
ce* that treason to tlm South and tlm man a lllack
Kepublicati. Another man says he will resist Lin-
eoln and demand immediate secession. His ad
versary pronounces tlmt treason tu the Coustitu
lion and tlm man a disniiinnist.
Wlmt do you mean by Lincoln 7 Stop nnd de-
jinr. The first mentis liv Lincoln tlm tana elected,
the second means hv Lincoln the ittnr on rvhirh
ho is elected. Xeilhir will resist the first.both will
resist tlm hitter, nnd an they agroe and did ngrue
all tlm time they wiro disputing!
These grievances are our real complaint. They
have advanced to a point which makes a crisis:
and that point is tlm election of Lincoln. We dorr
not, we trill not let this crisis pass w ithout a ttlllr.
uirni. That settlement must wipe out existing
grievances, nnd arrest threatened ones. We owe
it to our Constitution, to onr country, to onr pence
to onr posterity, to onr dignity, to onr solf-respert
ns Union men and Southern men, to have a cessa
tion of tin's- Aggressions nltd an end to these dis
turbance*. 1 do not think we should wait for any
further vlolatinnof the Constitution. Tlm Consti
tution has already been violated and even defied.
These violation* nrr repeated everyday, We must
resist, and not to attempt to resist nnd not do so
ciTleectively—even to tlm full extent of the evil,
oiiljbc tu tiring slintim on ourselves, nnd our State,
anil our eattse.
Having agreed on onr romplntnts, nnd discovered
that all our suspicious of each other are unfounded,
and that our disputes en this point had their orient
in hasty conclusion* *"'l thoughtless mistakes, let
us wills an encouraged charity and forbearance ad
vance to the next step in this argument.
Who shall inaugurate litis resistance 7 Who
shall determine tlie inode, tlie measure and the time
of this resistance 7
My reply is; The people through tneir delegate
convention duly assembled.
It is not necessary for me now to urgo this point.
Here again we have had disputes without differ
ences.
I have the pleasure of announcing to-night that
the prominent leaders of all shades of opinion on
this subject came together this dav and agreed
that it was the right and privilege ot the people in
convention to pasi on these questions. On this
paint we hive disputed for a week; an
ting as Georgians should net, we came
in n spirit of Kindness, and in fifteen raihnle* oar
beast# were f 1 made (lad bp the discovery that
-onr diffeshnccy or disputes were foutded oo groagd-
less suspicions, and mart agtaed. We are alt for
resistance, and We are all for the people in con
vention to say how and wlterejpnd by what means
we shall resit
I never bel eld a scene which made my heart re
joice more sii cerely. Oil, that I could see the same
spirit of cpnc rd on the only remaining question of
fltWerenee.' fith nty heart full of kindness I Beg
yon my fri«t)Js, to accompany me now to that ques
tion. J do bqlieve we can agree again. Ily sol
emn Cofftfetlmi is that we differ as little on this as
we did on tha ether point, in every material rum.
At last nearly all the quarrels of the world iu all
ages have huln founded more in form than sub
stance, I
Some menare honest wise and prudent Other*
are equally honest and intelligent, hut rath and
iatpelaoht. Tim latter are often to he loved and
encouraged f but the first alone are to he relied om
in emergeanies.
We oftetMnppeal to the history of our father* to
urge men tiiiilignalion and hasty resentment of
wrongs. Let is study alt tlmt history. *Let me
show you from Lst history, sn exsmple of metal
snd over confid-ruce ou tlie oue hand, and of cool
ness snd wiadcu on the utlier.
During onr cdonial history, the English Govern
nient cent Geteral Braddock to America to dis
lodge aud drive bock the French and Indians.—
The Generaiinarrangiug the compaigu assigned
to his own donpiand the duty of recovering the
Ohio Valley ana the great Nnrthwest. It was nec
essary to ct)R«re Fort Duquesne. lie never
thought of any difficulties in the way of success.
He promised Newcastle tu he beyond tlie moun
tains in a very shirt period. Dnqnesneho thought
would stop hull only three or four days, and there
was no obstruction to his march to Niagara. He
declared tlie Indians might frighten the raw A-
tneriran Militia, hut could make no impression on
the British regulars. Tltis was Braddock.
One of that raw American Militia who had join
ed Braddock'* command, was the young Washing
ton, then only about twenty-three year* old. lie
became one of Braddock's aids. Hearing his Gen
eral's boasts, and seeing id* thoughtless courage,
Washington quietly said to him, “ fl'e thall hate
mare lo do than lo go up the hiUtand come down.”—
Speaking of Braddock to another, Waahiugtoii
said, “lie was incapable of arguing without
warmth, or giving up any point lie hnu asserted,
he it ever so incompatible with reason or conioior
sense.’'
Braddock was considered on all hands to be a
brave, gnllniit and fearless officer.
Here then me tw o men. both brave, noble and
intelligent engnged together to accomplish a oetu-
mot; enterprise for the good of their countty. The
olio w as rnslt, thoughtless, never calculating diffi
culties, snr looking forward tu, and providing
against obstructions.
lie arranged his express find sent forward tlie
nows of hi* victory beforehand. But the other
was cool, calculating, cautions, wise mid moderate.
Ho w as a man who thought before ho acted aud
then lie acted the hero.
Now, for results: Brnihlock wn* surprised before
lie reuched the Fort. His British regulars lied be
fore the yelling Indians, Httd the raw Anierieno
militia were slain hy them Braddock himself
fought bravely and lie was home from tlie field ot
tils shame leaving more than half his little arm'
dead, and himself senseless w ith a mortal wound.
After the lapse of a day lie entile to himself, anil
his first exclamation was “who wi uld have tho’t
it!” Again lie roused it|i and said, “Wo shall
hotter know- how to deal with them another time.”
I'oor General, it mat loo lair, for with that sentenco
hr dird! For more than a century ho haa slept
near Fort Necessity, nud Ida only history might he
written for ids cditdpli—He was brave, hut rath,
gallant hut thoughtless, liable hut bigoted. He
fought hastily, died early, uml here ho (lea.
The young Washington was also brave, nnd in
the thickest of tlie light. Horae after horse fell
front under him. Tile bullets of tlie Indians wliis-
tVil around him and through his rU-thcs, lint Prov
idence spared him. Even tlie Indians declared
sonic God protected him. Ho cool, so brave, so
wise and thoughtful was the conduct of this young
itfirer, lietore, during and after the battle, tliut ev
il then a ilistiiKuisncil matt ‘ points him out as u
youth raised on hy Providence for some noble
work.'' Who doe* not know tlie history of Wash
ington ; yet, who can tell it 7 Onr glorions revolu
tion, that wise Constitution, this hnppv, wide
spread and ever spreading country—struggling mil
lions tired on by tho example of his success, are
some of the chapters already written in that history.
Long chapters ef vet iiureslixed glory, and power,
nudlmmiincsa shall ho endlessly added, if the wis
dom ot fiim w lo> redeemed our country can lie con
tinued to tloae- Who inherit it. The hist hour ef
Constitutional liberty, perpetuated to the glory of
tlm end, or cut short iu tfie plirenzy of anarchy,
shall wind up the history of Washington. Bcliolil
here tlm sudden destruction of the rnslt man and
his followers, and tie- still unfolding success uf the
cool and thought fill man, and then let us go to work
to meet lltia crisis that is upon us.
Though there are various modifications of opin
ions, then-urc ijrnlly hut two modes of resistance
pro) used. One method is to make no further ef
fort iu the Union, hut to assume that the Uuiou
•iilior cannot or ought uot to he preserved, and so-
•ode nt once and throw ourselves upon tin- eottse-
|tieiices. 'The other method is to exhaust certain
remedies for those grievances iu the Union, with
the vi, w of preserving our rights and the Union
with them, it possible; looking, however, to, and
preparing for s ;c -ssiiui us an ultimate resort, cer
tainly to to- had, if those grievances eatinot he reme
died and completely remedied and ended in the
Union.
Irreconcilable as these differences at first view
seem to he, t maintain a point of complete recon
ciliation can la- reached.
Now, let us look to the reasons urged by tin- ad
vocates of tiiesi t a o mode* of redress.
The advocate* of the first iitodcileclnre that these
grievances are tlie fruits ef an original, innate anti
slavery fniiatichm. 'That tlie history of the world
will show thntsueh fanaticism is mnvrcouvinrm!—
is never satisfied, never reasons aud never ends but
iu victory or hli-nd. That accordingly this fanati
cism in tin- Northern States has been constantly
progressive, always golfing stronger aud more im
pudent, defiant and aggressive; and that it will
never cense except in onr subjugation unless we
tear loose from it tty dissolving the Union. 'These
advocates say they have no faith in any resistance
in the Uniou, because, iu tlie nature of tho evil,
none can lie effectual.
The advoratr* of the second inode of resistance
of whom I am humbly one, reason after another
fashion: We scy In the first place, that while it
is true that this anti-slavery sentiment has become
fanntical with nutty. yet it is not necessarily sn in
its nature, nor wasjit so in it* origin. Slavery ha*
always existed In some form. It is an original
institution. Bi-sides we say the agaitation now
upon us did uot originate in fanaticiem, or philan
thropy, but iu cnpiailg
England owned the West Indies and there she
had some slave*. She had possession* in East Iu-
dia which she believed were adopted to the
growth of cotton and which article of produce she
desired to manopoliu.
competitors, flke desired ta.crlpple oTbrrat down
the cultivettaa of the cetton qrlant in the South/
The Sboth could not Use her own soil sad climate-
in tbjs suooMsful production of cotton Without tho
African slave. England therefore must menagei
lo set fruetlie slave and turn the South over to
some inadequate peasantry system something like
the coolie system. To this end England railed a
great cry of philanthropy in behalf of the poor
negro. As a show of sincerity she abolished sla
very in the West Indies near ns, thinking thereby
to affect the same institution In her Southern neign-
hor. She taught her lesaons of false philanthrophy
to our Northern pulpits aud Northern papers, and
thns to onr Northern people.
At this time the Northern polititian saw in this
inflammable subject fine material for political agita
tion, party sneoess nnd self promotion. They leaped
upon the wave and rode on. The Southern politi
cians raised the counter ary, leaped on the counter
wave and met tho Northern politicians—in of re.
As long as the people answered the politicians
called, and the result is what we now see. The sub
ject is interminable in politics, because utterly ille
gitimate aa apolitical issue. Thns it has never
approached, but receded from a political solution,
and increasing iu excitement as it ha* progressed,
all statesmanship North and South is dwarfed to a
mere wrangling about African slavery. Slavery
will survive, but the Constitution, the Union, and
peace may uot. The Southern States will contin
ue to raise cotton, hut the hoping subject of tyran
ny in the earth may not continue to point to the
beautiful success of the experiment of self-gov
ernment in America.
While the storm which England raised in Amer
ica ha* been going on, England has been trying
to raise cottou in India. 8he haa failed. Her fac-
toriea are at home, but her cotton can't come from
India. She most have cotton. Four millions of
her people can't live without it. The English
throne ean't stand without it. It must come from
the Southern Status. It can’t be raised in the South
without slave-labor. And England has become
tlie defender of slavery in the South.
I will frankly state that this revolution in Eng
lish sentiment and policy has not yet reached the
Northern prope. The same causes must slowly
produce it.
But while the anti-eiavery sentiment has spread
in the North, the pro-slavery sentiment has also
strengthened in America. I it our early history the
“outhern statesmen were anti-slavery in feeling.
So wore Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Ran
dolph, and many of that day, who had never stud
ied the argument of the cotton gin, nor heard the
eloquent productions of tlie jfreat Mississippi Val
ley. Now- onr people not only see the justice of
•lavory, lint its Providence too. Tin- world can
never give tip slavery until it is ready to give np
clothlngnnd fund. The South is a magnificent ex
amplification of tlie highest Christian excellence
She Is feeding the hungry, clothing the naked,
blessing them that curse Iter and doing good to
them tlmf despitefully use and persecute her.
We say again that oven the history of tlie slavery
agitatiou in this country does not justify the very con
clusion that uholitiiinfsin lias been alw ays progres
sive. Whenever popular sentiment in polities has
condemned the agitation, nholitlonism has declined
Many instance* could he given. Iu 1848 the abo
lition candidate for tho Presidency received about
3(1(1,IKK) votes. At the end of Mr Fillmore's Ad
ministration in 1853, the rnndidnte of that party
received about half tlmt vote, and a fugitive slave
could lie recovered almost w ithout opposition in any
Northern State. Even the Aetof Massachusetts nul
lifying the fugitive slave law- of 171)3, lind not been
applied to the new fugitive slave law of IHffl. and
was not so applied until 1855, after the agitation
lind lieeu revived.
These, and many other similar reasons, we urge
for believing that ail the enumerated grievances—
the results of slsvery agitation—are curable by
remedies within the Union. I
But suppose onr reasoning all wrong7 How
shall we he convinced I Only hy tlie experiment;
for in the uature of tlie case, tmtliiug Itut s trial
can test tlie virtue ot tin- remedies proposed. Let
ns try these remedies, and if we fail, this failure
will establish the truth of the position* of the ad
vocates of immediate secession, and its tliull all
join in that remedy.
For let it be understood, we are all agreed that
these grievances shall he resisted—shall he reme
died—most effectively remedied, anil if this can
not l>e done in the Union, then the Union must go.
Aud wo must not let this crisis pass without forever
solving this doubt. If the Union aud the peave of
slavery cannot exist together, then tlie Union must
go; for slavery can never go, tho necessities of
man and the laws of Heaven w ill never let it go,
aud it must have pence. And it hns been tanta
lized and meddled witli as long as our sell-respect
can permit,
But what remedies iu the Union do v.c propose 7
I will answer :
Tlie grievances enumerated are of two kinds—
existing aud threatened. The existing actual griev
ances arc all violations of the Federal Constitu
tion and Fedcrn! laws cither hy Northern citizens
or Northern State* Now, what does good states-
niaiisliip, good logic, and common sense naturally
suggest 7 Why, that tlie Federal Government
shall enferre its laws. No State can enforce, or
puuish for tile violation of a Federal law. Tlie
power offended, must adequately punish tlie offend
er. Tho punishment must be such a* to redress
the past nnd hy certainty and terror secure the
future. The Federal law is offended. The North
ern States ami people arc the offenders. The South
is damaged hy the offence. This give* her the
rig lit to demand the redress at the hands of the
Federal Government, and if that Government for
want nt will or power shall not grant tie redress,
then that government is a demonstrated failure.
And when governments ends, setf-defem-e begins.
We can then take redress in onr own way, aud to
our entire satisfaction.
Let tlm Georgia Convention meet. Let her not
simply demund hut command that this war ou
slavery shall cease—Hint these unconstitutional
acts nnd proceedings shall he repealed nnd alum-
dolled tiv the States, or repudiated aud redressed
by the Federal Government. Let her invite all
the States to join iu this demand. If nu other*
will come to their duty an.I meet with ua, let the
fifteen Southern State* join iu this demand, nnd
let th“ penalty of refusal, even to the demand of
ono State, be the abandonment of the Union, and
any other even harsher remedy each State may
tiiink iter rights and honor required.
We bureau instance before us. a I'resident made
nt the instance ef tho North. When, in 1833.
South Carolina was refusing to ob.-v ,-i Federal law
ill tin- execution of which tie- Northern States had
an interest; Congress passed a Force hill, and put
ilia the hands of a Southern I'resident for enforce
ment even with the aruty aud the navy and the
militia if needed.
Let us tnm this battery against Northern rebels.
The constitutionality of tlieact which Smith Caro
lina resisted was doubled. A Southern State never
nnlliticd, nor refused to obey, a plain constitu
tional law. But here are the Northern States, and
people nullifying and setting st 1.-finance, tlie
plainest constitutional provisions aud laws passed
in pursnance thereof; and, instead of demanding of
the Federal Government the enforcement of its
laws for the protection of our rights; we are spend
ing onr breath, and wasting our strength in vain
boastings of wrath and hartful divisions of our
own people.
Sww of our wIsMtiflMIbam statesmen think
welave laws already sufficient for this Calais, if en
forced. We have aa act ln)7B6, and one in 18U7,
and perhaps atb«r% to execute the laws, to sup-
press insurrections, aud repel invasions. If these
and otbeij enaefanduta are euflicient, let ua have
them eufeieed.'
A voice—The Presidents we have already had
won't enforce that law.
Mr. llill.—Then you ought to have dissolved
long ago. If the grievance haa been by men of
our.own choosing, why have we not complained
before. Let ns begin now. Let us begin with Mr.
Buchanan. A few days ago, and peruaps now, a
fugitive is standing protected by a Northern mob
in a Northern State, in defiance of the U. 8. Mar
shall. Let us demand now that Mr. Buchanan en
force the law against that rebel and against that
State which protects him, or suffers him to be pro
tected on her toil. Let ua have ont the army and
navy, and if they are not snflleient, let there ha n
call for volunteers. Manrof ns say we are ready to
fight, anxious to fight. Here is acbauce. Let a*
tender our services.
If the laws now existing are not sufficient, let
as have litem •officlent. It la onr right. We am
entitled to a force hill for even clause la the Con
stitution necessary lo our righto. What have onr
statesmen been afler that these lawa are not enM-
eient. Some of these nullifying grievances have
existed since 1843, and ia it posaiMe that onr states
men have been all asleep, or lost and forgetful ia
wrangling about slavery? Let na begin now. Wo
can yet have all needed laws under Mr. Buchanan.
We nave all the department! of Government. It
is three months from the meeting of Congreas-to
the fourth of March. Let ue begin now and per
fect our lawa for the enforcement of every esnsti-
tnlional right, and against every rebel enemy.—
Let the Convention add to the contingencies of
disruption in the Georgia Platform. Let the refu
sal to enforce the laws granted for onr protection
and, defence be one contingency, and the refusal
to grant the lawa needed forftbat protection aud de
fence bo another contingency.
A Voice—How long will yon wait 7
Mr. Hill—Until the experiment is triad and both
tlie demands enumerated may be tested and the
contingencies may transpire before the fourth of
March next If they do not, if a larger time shall
be needed, Mr. Lincoln cannot do us damage.—
As you heard last night, he cannot even form his
Cabinet unless he make it acceptable to a demo-
ctatic Senate. And I go further and eay that he
cannot get even his salary—not a dime to pay for
his breakfast—without tlie consent of Congress.
Nor would I have tlie Southern States, nor even
Georgia, to iiesitatc to demand the enforcement of
those laws st tlie hands of Mr. Lincoln, if we can
not test it before. The North demandod of a
Southern President the execution of the law against
a Hotifliuru State in 1833. Now let the South com
pel a Northern President to execute the lawa
against a Northern people; yea, tlie very rebels
tlmt elected him.
A Voice—l)o you believe Lincoln would issue
Id* proclamation ’
Mr. Hill—We can make him do it. It is his
oath. He wilfbe a traitor to refuse, and we shall
have the rightto hang him. He dare nut refuse,
lie would lie on Southern territory, and for hi* life
lie dare not refuse.
A Voice—The “Wide Awakes” will he there.
Mr. Hill—Very well, if we are afraid of the
“Wide Awakes" we had better surrender without
further debate. Tito “Wide Awakes” will be there
if we secede, and if they are to he dreaded, snr
only remedy is to hide. No, tny friends, we are
nut afrnid ef any body. Arm us with the laws of
our country and tlie Constitution of onr fathers,
and we fear no enemy. I-et us make war upou
that Constitution nnd against these law* and we
will be afraid of every noise in the bushes. He
who feels and knows fie is right is afraid of nothing,
and he who feels and knows Le is wrung, is afraid of
nothing too.
We were told the other night by a gentleman
urging immediate secession, tlmt we bad never had
a member in Congress but who was afraid to de
mand tlie laws for tlie enforcement of these Consti
tutional right*. And this is true, but whose fault
is tlmt? Hlmnio upon us tlmt we have been afraid
to demand onr rights at tlie hands uf uur own gov
ernment, administered to this hour by men of our
own choice, nnd yet insist on our courage to sus
tain us in seceding from tlmt government in defi
ance of its power. No, we have a right to go out,
but lot us kn m we mint exercise that right before
we go and bow can we know it unless we ank
first. The Declaration of Independence, which
you invoke for an example, says a decent respect
to the opinions of mankind requires us to declare
the causes w hich impel us to the separation.—
When we separate and allege our grievances as
our causes, and mankind shall ask ua if we at
tempted, oven demanded a redress of those griev
ances in tho Union before wo went out, shall we
hang onr heads and say no 7 A people who are
afraid to demand respect for their lights, can have
no right* worthy to he respected. Onr fathers de
manded, yea, petitioned, and warned and conjur
ed, aud not until the Government was deaf to the
voice of justico and consanguinity, did they acqui
esce ill the necessity which denounced their sepa
ration. It is net tlie eowardice ef fear, hut tho
courage of right and duty to demand redress at the
hands of our Government.
I confess I am nnxious to sen the strength of
tltis government now tested, Tlie crisis is on us,
not of our seeking, but in spite of onr opposi
tion. and now let tm meet it.
I believe we cairnmke Lincoln ettforco the laws.
If fifteen Southern Statp* will take that Constitu
tion and the laws anil hi* oath, and shake tltem in
tlie face of tlie President, and demand their ob
servance nnd enforcement, lie cannot refuse —
Better make Inm do it than any one else. It will
he a magnificent vindication nt tlie power and tho
majesty of tlie law, to make the President enforco
the law, ever, to hanging, against tlie very rebels
w-lio have chosen him to trample upon it. It will
he a vindication that will strike terror to the hearts
of evil doers for a century to eun.e. Why, Lincoln
i* not a monarch. He has no power outside of tho
jaw, linn none inside ef tlie law except to enforco
it. lie ia as much subject to the law as you or my
self. The law is onr king over nil. From tlie
President to the humblest citizen we are tlie equal
subject* of this only ruler. W'e have no cause for
fear except when we nfi'eiul this only sovereign of
the repuldicnii citizen.ami have no occasion for des
pair until his protection is denied u*.
I am also willing, as you heard last night that,
onr Convention or Slate should demand of the
nullifying States the repeal of their obnoxious
laws. I know this idea has liven characterized as
ridiculous. I cannot aee wherein. You would
make anclt demands of auy foreign power inter
t'eriug with your rights, and why do less towards
a confederate State 7
But in my opinion, the wisest policy, the most
natural remedy, and tlie surest way to vindicate
onr honor and self respect, is to demand the uncon
ditional observance of the Coustitntion by every
State and people. And to enforce that demand.—
And if it he necessary, call out for this purpose
the whole pow er of the Government even to war on
tlie rebellions State. And when a State shall
allow a fugitive to be rescued in hor jurisdiction
and carried beyond the resell of the owner, reouire
her to indemnify the owner, and make the Gov
ernment compel that indemnity, even to the
seizure of the property of the offending State, aud