Newspaper Page Text
VOLUME XXXVI.]
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 1866.
NUMBER 27.
B0UGHT0N,N1SBET,BARNES&MOORE
Tablishcrs and Proprietors.
<*. N.
JO*
BOieiITO.\,
II. XIMBET,
Editors.
(bite Jtbtral (Union
Js -published Weekly* in Milledge.villc, Ga.,
Corner of Hancock 4" Wilkinson Sts.,
At $3 a year in Advance.
ADVERTISING.
Tra*sik*T.—Oue Dollar per square of ten lines for
evil insertion.
tributes of respect, Resolutions by Societies, (Obit-
Uir.-is exceeding ;-ix lines, Nominations for office Com-
i I'inications or Editorial notices for individual benefit,)
l urged ustr/jnsirnl advertising.
Legal Advertising.
S'uerUTs sale*, per levy often lines, or less,
a Mortgage fi fasales per square,
Tax Collector’s Sales, persquare,
Citations for Letters of Administration,
“ “ “ Guardianship,
Letters of application for dism'u from Adin’n
“ “ “ “ Guard’n
A ipl’n for leave to sell land,
polices to Debtors and Creditors,
Sales of land, ,*-c., per square,
perishable property, 10 days.per square, I 50
Kttrav Notices, 30 days, :i 00
Foreci.isure of .Mortgage, per sq.. each time, 1 00
legal advertisements.
ST..--. of Land, &e„ by Administrators, Executors or
(; lar iians, are required by law to be held on the first
fuesdav in the month; between the hours of 10 m the
forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Court house
in the comity in which the property is situated.
X itice of these sales must be given in a public ga-
serie 40 davs previous to the day of sale.
Notices for the sale of personal property must be
giveuin like manner 10 days previous to sale day.
Notices to the .debtors and creditors of an estate
roust also be punished 40 days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of
Ordinary for leave to sell Land, &e., must be publish
ed for two months.
Citation* for letters of Administration Guardianship,
■fce., :nii't bo published 30 days—for dismission from
Administration, monthly six month*—for dismission
from Guardianship, 40 days.
Kales for foreclosure of Mortgage must be published
n ni'h/y for four months—(or establishing lost papers,
for thr fullspaccof three months—for compelling titles
from Executors or administrators, where bond has
been given by the deceased, the full space of three
months.
Publications will always be continued according to
these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise
dereu.
52 50
5 00
5 00
3 00
3 00
4 50
3 00
5 CO
3 00
5 00
Book ami Job work, of all kinds,
PROMPTLY AND NEATLY EXECUTED
AT THIS OFFICE.
When a subscriber finds a cross markon
his paper he will know that his subscription has
expired, or is about to expire, and must be renew
ed if he wishes the paper continued.
Uff* We do not send receipts to new subscri
bers. If they receive the paper they may know
that we have received the money.
;y Subscribers wishing their papers changed
from one post-office to another must state the
name of the post-office from which they wish it
charged.
COUNTING HOUSE CALENDAR, 1866.
'= ®;
* a “|2 i >< cLj
a
2 3
T *
a 3 4 5 6 July.
9 10 11 12 13,
14 15 If, 17 H> 20
21 22 23 24 25 26 ■& <
2 3 4 5 0
Feb’t
5 6: 7
• 1
8
2 3
9 10
August
5'
12 Li 14
15
16 17
12
19 29 21
22
23 24
19 *
26 27 28
4* O
26 *
l« 9 10 11 12 13 I*
15 1C 17 18 19 20 21
i22 23 24 25 26 27 28
29 30 31 j! 2 3 4
6 7 8 9,10,11
1R
•25
jo 13 14 15 16 17 I
19 2() 21 22 23 24 '*
Mar.
4 5 6
! I
y 1(1 SlPT’R j 2j 3; 4
11 12 13 14 15 16 17
IB 19 20 21 22 2324
25 26 27 28 29 30 3 11
1 ■ L
April ] 2 3 4 5 6 7 0ctojs’r
I 8 9 10 il 12 13 14
15 16 17 IS 1920 21
22 23 24 25 26 27 28
„ 29 30 : 1 j M
Mat. J 2 3 4 5
f, 7 s 9 1011 12 Nova.
13 14 15 16 17 18 19
20 21 22 23 24 25 26
, 27 26 29 30 31
June. I p 2!
3456789 Decem.
19 II 12 1314 15 16
17 18 19 20 21 22 23
24 25 26 27 28 29 30
I 1 I I I i I I
9 10 11 12 13 14 15
i 16 17 18119 20 21 22
'23 24 25 26 27 28 29
sir 33 s c h
OP THE
HON. W. D. V00RIIEES,
OF INDIANA,
Delivered in the IKoumc. of Representatives,
January ©, 1 <65.
—0:0—
Mr. Voorhees said
Mr. Speaker: As the morning hour has
expired, I call op the resolutions submitted
by me before the recess and postponed to
this day after the morning hour.
The resolutions were read, as follows :
Resolved, That the message of the Pres
ident of the United States, delivered at
the opening of the present Congress is re
garded by this body as au able, judicious
and patriotic State paper.
Resolved, That the principles therein
advocated for the restoration of the Union
are the safest and most practicable that
can now be applied to our disordered do
mestic affairs.
Resolved, That no State or number of
States Confederate together can in any
manner sunder their connection with the
Federal Union, except by a total subver
sion of our present system of Government ;
and that the President in enunciating this
doctrine in his late message has but given
expression to tlie sentiments of all those
who deny the tight of the power of a State
to secede.
Resolved, That the President is entitled
to the thanks of Congress and the country
for his faithful, wis3 and successful, efforts
to restore civil Government, law and or
der to those States, whose citizens were
lately in insurrection against the Federal
authority ; and we hereby pledge ourselves
to aid, assist and uphold him in his policy
which he has adopted to give harmony,
peace and union to the country.
Mr. Stevens : I raise the point of. order .
that these resolutions relate to reconstruc
tion, and therefore must go to the joint fng im-meine.
committee on that subject without debate. ' Let us indulge onfselves in a retrospect. Let us lift
ri-i .■ 1 rp, • . - . , ourselves to a position which history will oocnpy seine
1 be peakei : 1 lie point IS taken on- jr,. n e]- a tiou8 hence, ari(i then nsk and answer the ques-
tirely too late, in the opinion of the Chair, tiun which is involved in the issue now made against
These resolutions were introduced before Indent because of his conduct and hi* policy-
I ain in no sense his partizsn. I dnl not support him
the late recess, were considered by tbe for the office which k>d to his present position. I
House, and then were postponed without feared the operations of a character whioh I had heard
, . . J . 1 . . represented as strongly tenacious of a sense of person-
objection to tins day, alter the morning al injury which I knew lie had suffered. Hut since the
hour. day of which he took the oath of office I have beheld
M ,. , nr- T the public magistral*, not the private man. And, who
1. Voorhees: Mr. Speaker, 1 arise. ev J, in ail ufe tide of time, became the head of a
to-day to discuss the annual Alessage or great nation under circumstances more appalling to
the Piesident. In doing so, I am aware Contest heart and the most commanding intellect
, c , . n T than those winch surround him ? A war whose trenien-
tliat to the majority on this noor 1 may d,,us blows had shaken both hemispheres had just
appear as a meddler in a family concern.— closed, ana night and chaos hovered over the face ot
i i r .1 _ „ „<.• the deep. Battles between brethren had been fought
It would seem Loin the reinatks ot mem- w i,j c h dwarf end belittle the warlike exploits of all
bers here, and the comments ot the press ages, and which startled the invisible world by the
in various quarters, that the light to an- flight of disembodied spirits. The people and the States
1 . ,. ° - ,, r of the whole country, weary, blood-stained and almost
prove or disapprove the policy ot tue Lx- ( blind from the fury of the couhict, had paused upon un
ecutive is the exclusive monopoly of the agreement to fight no more. But in that disastrous
. in- r „ j .. • i contest what aucient principles of the Government
two now belligerent wings of the dominant Mcaped profaDation r F v
party. Indeed I believe it is a new and Who bad stopped to count how much the object
very dangerous phase of disloyalty for ***■ for which the wager of battle was joined! Laws,
J „ , ® . -T , liberties and constitutions had asserted themselves in
one ot tile minority to have any opinion Vain. And I confess that, as I saw the fierce lighten-
at all on the snbiect. I cannot, however, inp which civil‘war engenders strike and shiver again
, ... r i . and again the household gods of fireside liberty, and
accept the position ol Sileuce and luac- blast almost every sacred fane of American worship,
and oldest veterans of tbe republican par
ty as if every line was leprous and every
'word filled with contagion and death. In
deed, prior to the meeting of Congress, as
the policy of the President was developed
in liis treatment of the Southern States,
we beheld the indications of an organized
conspiracy to assail him with the masked
face of friendship, but with the treacherous
sword of Joab. The insidious kiss that
betrays is neither new nor respectable hi
strategic warfare ; and men and parties
have often heretofore made kindly saluta
tion, “How is it with thee, my brother?”
when their poniard’s point was seeking a
vital spot under the fifth rib.
We heard during all the Summer aud Fall the mur
murs and mntterirgs of angry dissent, as each new
development of the President’s plan to restore the
Government, on its ancient foundation, as nearly as is
now possible, came before the country. And when
my irieud and colleague, the Speaker of this body,
for whom I entertained none but feelings of personal
kindness, came to this city as the acknowledged heir
apparent to the position which he now fills so well,
wliat was his language to the public? Did he give
the weight of his voice to the Administration ? His
words wi-re carefully studied, and yet it would be hard
to discover from that famous serenade speech that the
Executive hud done anything toward the pacification
ot the country. He laid down a policy for Congress,
but as nearly as possible ignored the existence of the
President. His position was the sign and the forerun
ner of the celebrated select committee, created by the
magic wand of the conscience keeper of the majority,
amiable and veteran leader irnui Pennsylvania (Mr
Stevens)—that potent wand which has evoked from
the vasty deep ot political agitation more spirits of
evil nod malignant miscliiei than generations, I fear,
will be able to exorcise and put down.
By this movement the whole question of restoration,
with eutiie forgetfullness, of the labors and achieve
ments of the Executive, was placed in commission,
ami intrusted to the keeping of a board of political
trade at whose head stauds one who asserts that the
Union was destroyed by the war, and that it remains
so to (his day. By this moment we are called upon to
transport) ourse.ves back to lhe chaotic days of last
April, and to take no note of time or events since
then. We are asked to ravel to pieces ull, that the
President lias done, and to commence the knitting
process of re-union tor ourselves. The healing prin
ciples of the Constitution are, in tny judgment, rapid
ly -doing the needed work of restoration, and yet we
are at this stage of .the process asked to break again
tiie once fractured limbs, to tear agape the half closed
wounds, and to cause the whole land to bleed afresh.
Sir, I shall stand by.the physician who is working the
cure, as against the blind and fatal empiricism which
pronounces the patient dead and then commences giv-
tivity.
Not that I wish to bring any re-enforee-
mccts which are not sought to the aitl of
either of the jarring factions on the oppo
site side of the Chamber, but as a citizen
loving my country, and as the representa
tive of a large enlightened constituency,
it is my duty and my right here to advo
cate what in my sight seems best as a
remedy for the evils which surround us.
I had my bouts of absolute despair—not despair over
the unify of our territorial boundaries, but that when
those boundaries should be restored they would em
brace nothing but the dead, cheerless, and cold ashes
of the former bright and glowing fires of freedom. 1
shrauk from the contemplation of a ruined Republic
and a triumphant despotism with more unfeigned hor
ror titan I ever shrank from the contemplation of death
and the grave. And when the souud of the last can
non died away on the sorrowful and stricken fields of
Virginia and the Carolina*. he who, at the head of af
fairs, would breathe into the expiring form of legal
liberty the breath of life, aud by his touch revive and
erect again in form and substauce the ancient body of
And if this sense of public duty leads me the Republic, although bruised, maimed,and in parts
1 2 3 4 5 6
8 9 10 H 12 13
(14 15 16 17 18 19 20
•>] 22 23 24 25 26 27
28 29 30 31 ! |
I I I |12 3
i4 5 6 7. 8 9 10
ill 12 13 14 15 16 17
16 19 20 21 22 23 24
25 26 27; 28 29 30
III)
I o 1 3' -i: 5 6 7 8
9 10 11 12 13 14 15
l(‘i 17 18 19 20 21 22
23 24 25126 27 ;*28 29
130,31
rl
CO.
«A,
THE
SAVANNAH DAILY HERALD,
Published by
S. W. MASON &
AT
111 BAY STREET, SAVANNAH.
CONTAINS THE
Latest Intelligence from all Quarters.
TT is the effort of tbe publishers to make their
1 Journal in all respects acceptable to the people
of O-orgia, with whose interests it is iuentihed.
It spare's no expense for news by telegraph, ex
press and mails, from its own reliable correspond
ents Its local and general commercial news is a
specialty. _ _
TtjKiiB.—Per month, §1. 3 months, iji-50:
per year, $10. , .. .
AbVF.R riSNG.—Itsvalue as an advertising me-
'h'lm is unexcelled. Advertisements
54 per Miuare of ten lines of nonpanel lor
* p rt:on, aud $1 for each subsequent one. A no-
era! discount made for long advertisements on
those inserted for a iong time. test
Nov. 14, 1865 1&4t
CHARLES L COLBYTCa,
CORNER BAY & ABERCORN STREET,
SHIPPING, COMMISSION AND
Forwarding Merchants,
savaxtoab, oa.
I lHERAL advances made on consignments
A-J to our friends in New York, Boston and Liv
erpool. Onr facilities for doing a forwarding bus-
to adopt and defend the policy of tiie Ex
ecutive, what offence can it Le to liis real
or pretended friends in this body ? How
indignant we were in llie days of our child
hood over that dog in the manger, who
would neither enjoy the comforts and
blessings of life himself, nor let anybody
else do so. And here in our mature man
hood we behold the same principle of ac- ‘
tion adopted by a great party. It refuses
to indorse the President of its own election,
defaced, and requiring time to renew its strength
that man, whoever lie may be, and whatever his po
litical views on other questions, is, in my eyes, the
savior of his country.
Sir, history tells a melancholy story of usurpations
at such periods. There are the opportunity of tyrants j
and mad, impracticable innovators. He who wishes ;
to mount to imperial power on the ruins of civil liber- I
ty, or by a change in the form of the government, to
carry out schemes of private hate or Utopian specula
tion, would embrace the month of April, 1865, in
American history as the point from which to deal de
struction. But starting from that point, w hat direc
tion did the President pursue ? They are many mat
ters of minor detail for which subordinate offi
cials are mainly responsible, which I might
and growls and fiercely shows its teeth if wish widely different, but I am now dealing
anv one else nronnses ti nerform that netr- witl * the I,iain q“ eHti<,n of restoration. Uponhis first
any one else proposes to perrorin mai mg iterance he gave notice of the doctrine, then as now,
Iccttul duty. that the American Union had never been broken, and
Allow me, then Sir, another preliminary that its States had never ceased to exist, lhisgave
, . , , , . r , r 1 assurance to the country at once that he was a con-
observation. 1 nave no design Oil t bis | g evva tive and not a destructive, a restorer of an ancient
occasion to violate the divine injunction : order of things and not a destroyer in the name of
which says, “Thou sbalt not steal.” A I P roKre
few days ago when I introduced the very
brief and very plain resolutions now un
der consideration, it was instantly heralded
V ..
o _ ss and reform. How can I fail to support him
!n this position when my own language, March 9,1864,
in the midst of the sound ot arms, was as follows? I
quote from a speech delivered by me in this House :
“The great, leader of the Adiniuistintiou on this
floor, the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens),
over the country, and especially in the has deliberately here announced,alterallour sacrifices,
- - - - * — and loss, that the Union of our fathers is
1 resurrection is a
JBH goes further,- and
atlornntofl tn “vrtrnl flip President ” ! admits all the seceded States have ever claimed—their
attempted to bteal me I 1C. iacm. nationality. Thev have sought in vain in all lhe four
bir, these hungry and sordid spirits pay | qliar ters of tbe earth for recognition. They find it at
a poorer compliment to the President than last at the hands of those who speak for the Adininis-
‘ - - r - - — - tration on this floor.
“Sir, I deny this doctrine. I plant myself on ilie
Constitution, which i-ecognizes an unbroken Union.
journal conducted by the .gentleman from I SCHiXf&SS lu.»pt u. ™
New York, (Mr. Raymond), that 1 had ! criminal instead ef a patriot He goes
even they do to me, and I will hasten to
qnict their miserable apprehensions. It
is no part of mv purpose to attempt to ! I shall standthere in evei-y vicissitude of fortune, and
. , r . r 1 ,1 „ ! if I fail it will be when the people themselves abandon
step between .hem and the fie. h pots ot , ^ ov(rn 47,,j lS titution. By the principles of this
public patronage. J have no eye on the 1 - • - - • ” - 11 r “ *'
public crib at which they have fed so long
and grown so fat. I do not covet their
offices, their rich commissions, their
property of the South by declaring at once that then '
is no living political community in all that wide region
to exclaim against the enormity. Its reasoning on this
point is that it is safer and less troublesome to rob a
corpse than it is to pick the pockets of the living. This
ist he highwayman's doctrine of convenience, introduc
ed here now as a party platform. It is more and worse.
It is an assertion that the American Union itself it dead.
While it claims that the Southern States have destroy
ed themselves, yet it admits that, like blind Samson of
old, in their dying agoties they seized hold of tiie pil
lars and tore the temple in ruins to its very f. unda-
cious, aud they in their desolation to-day are only n
portion of the general wreck _ It is uctiee to the world
chat (he war to restore the Union was an otter failure—
that the war is over and the Union is rent in twain.—
We have incurred a debt which would absorb for iis
payment now one-fourth of all the taxable property
in the Ujiited States. Blood has flown like tbe tor
rents of the mountains, and lives have been swept
away like autumn leaves in a storm, and yet neither
people nor States, according to the logic which assails
Ibe President,have been brought b ,ck into the Union
to repay these stupendous sacrifice 8.
But slill further. In what atitude before the civiliza
tion of nations does this pernicious heresy place the
Federal Government? If we were waging war on au
independent Power, a separate existiug nation, how
was it that we refused all negotiations for peace except
upon the basis of its utter annihilation! Wars be
tween different civilized Powers are made to repair
injuries, to resent insults, or to reclaim rights which
have been denied; but there is no law of nations
which justifies one Government, because of its supe
rior strength, in inflicting obliteration and murder upon
its inferior neighbor. This doctrine is one of barbar
ism, in which the law of force is the law of right.—
Much patriotic eloquence and many Inter tears have
attested the world’s sympathy with Poland, with Hun
gary and with poor, poor Ireland, and maledictions at
tend upon their destroyers; but with what curses oi
indignation would au enlightened posterity and an im
partial history assail us for blotting out by sheer force
of arms a nation of our own kindred, who simply de
sired to possess their own in peace and leave us to do
the same ! Sir, in every aspect tue theory which now
controls the majority of this House is fraught with
death and disgrace to the Republic. I turn from its
contemplation to a more cheerful theme. I will con
trast against il the conduct and principles of the Ex
ecutive, for which I think, he deserves well at the
hands of his countrymen.
What w-as the wish, the hope, the prayer of every
heart not fatally bent on mischief, not an enemy to the
human race, when the last of the Southern forces laid j
down their arms? Was it that,this Litter period of
strife should be prolonged and the fires of hate and
malice kept alive forever ? Was it that at the close
of such a hurricane, with the billows yet swelling in
angry commotion around us, we were to start afresh
upon the long voyage of political discovery aud legisla-
tive piracy, which the bold mariner from Pennsylvania
(Mr. Stevens) and his radical followers now, like Vik
ing robbers of the aucient seas, point out to us ? Was
it not rather that the vessels should be brought ha<-k
and quietly and firmly anchored as nearly a^iossible
at their own moorings? Was it not rather that the
corner stones, boundary lines aud landmarks of the
fathers of the republic should be traced out and re
stored ! I here assert that when the President closed
the Temple of Janus, refused to go in search of new
principles by which to administer the Government,
and extend the hand of friendship and assistance to
the crippled and bleeding, though living—yes, living
—States of the South, he met the demands of the
popular will aud laid claims to the gratitude of the
present and the future. The gentleman from Penn
sylvania (Mr. Stevens) says such a recognition ot their
existence, coming from “a man of respectable standing,
is something worse than ridiculous.’ The American
people to-day do not think so nor will their posterity.
It is contended, however, that the Executive had no
power to appoint Provisional Governors. There are
those in my own party as well as in the other w'ho as
sert that this was a usurpation. First allow me to
observe that a usurpation, even if it be such, to re
store, to build up, to give health and strength to the
sick anil prostrate is far easier to be borne than a
usurpation to crush and destroy. But I do not view
the conduct of the President us a usurpation at all.—
By his oath he must enforce the laws. He found
States without legal officers and unable to move for
ward iu the channel of their duties. A Slate of this
Union when the Federal laws are no longer obstruct
ed cannot be in passive abeyance. It is an integral
part of the Federal body, aud if the body be sound
there can be no paralysis among its members—they
must have vitality; aud in the performance of liis
duty the President used the best means in his power
to revive and restore their lawful functions. And much
more was I reconciled to the use of this power when
I saw on whom the selections of the Pre.-ident fell.—
And I think, too. that with what I was pleased on this
point my radical friends were equally displeased.
I hailed such names as Sharkey, Perry, Johnson,
and Parsons, and indeed, all the Provisional Govern- j
ors, as bright omens of good administration) ns har
bingers of peaceand happiness to the Southern people,
and of union, peace aud prosperity to the whole coun
try. But then what a military governor of South |
Carolina for instance, that idol of the Radicals, Gen. j
Butler, would have made! Ay, there is the rub.—
What fat. unctious, juicy pickings have been lost to the j
faithful by this cruel policy of the President! What f
shoals of loyal hungry sharks swimming around in ;
these Nortnern waters have been cheated out of their j
anticipated prey! All the wolves and jackalls that I
wait till the battle is over in order to mangle the dead I
and ti.e wounded snarled their disappointment aud
rage at the President, but will now open in a full chorus
of joy over the delightful vision which arises before
them from the louudatiou of the committee of fifteen.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Ste
vens,) saw fit to announce that the position of the
President in regard to the Southern States was
“not an argument, but a mockery.’’ I partly dis
sent. I think it is both. It is an unanswerable
argument in behalf of the early and true principles
of the Government, and it is also an overwhel
ming and consuming mockery of the bloody de
signs, avaricious hopes, and greedy expectations
ot all those who desired when the war was over to
rule the people of the South without the restraint
of law; to humiliate them with an iron rod; to con
fiscate their lands aud buy them in at a nominal
price to change the proprietorship of the soil and
drive into exile and destitution its present ow
ners until a new population should take control
and, by the aid of the enfranchised negro, plant a
Puritan ascendency all over the South: who here
now unfurl the banner of “territorial condition ”
Sir, this class has been mocked, and God and an
gels and good men rejoice in their confusion.
Their ascendency in this land would create a pan
demonium of discord and a carnival of alt the
dark and cruel spirits of hale and revenge tor gene
rations to come The President had them iu his
mind when iu combating the proposition of milita
ry governors of tho South he says :
“The chief persons who would have followed
in the train of the Army would have been de- 1
deemed conclusive evidence that snch States, and
the people thereof, are not then in rebellion
against the United States.”
This was written aud promulgated after the
passage of every ordinance of secession; when the
party in rebellion occupied and held in a hostile
manner a certain portion of territory; had de
clared their independence, had casteft’their allegi
ance: bad organized armies: bad commenced hos
tilities against their former sovereign; and yet the
gentleman from Pennsylvania ar.d his present
followers uttered no dissert toi's doctrines. It
was the subject of indiscriminate praise from
those very organs which now seek to blast and
ruin the same policy in the hands of liis successor.
There is no escape here. The late chief of the
great p'.rty of the North dealt with American
States, tbe people wlieieof were in rebellion, and
not with a foreign power subject to conquest; and
if his rr.emoiy is sacred to his followers, they
should not insult it by pronouncing his policy a
delusion and a mockery ere his untimely tomb is
fairly closed.
Sir, I am aware that many of the opposite side
of the Chamber do not endorse the destructive
theory of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, hut
who are nevertheless assisting to carry its results
into practice. They deny his premises that the
States are dead, but concur in his conclusion that
they shall not be represented on this floor. To my
mind their position is the worst of all, They em
brace a consequence without a cause. They have
reached an end which has no beginning. They
are standing on a structure which has no founda
tion. While the premises ofthe gentleman from
Pennsylvania are unsound, yet h.s logic is true.
But those who reluse to follow him and yet deny
representation, have neither premises nor logic I?
the States are out of the Union, ot course their
representatives are strangers to us, but if they
are in the Union what power c^n close these
doors against them, except the poWer ot lawless,
revolutionary force? “Kepresentativi a and di
rect taxes shall he apportioned among the several
States which may be concluded within this Union,
aecerding to their respective numbers.” This is
the language oft! e Federal Constitution. Jt also
declares that “each 8tate shall haveat least one
representative.” Are these States then "included
within this Union ?’’ If they are, how can they
deny, in the very teeth ot the Constitution, tore
eeive their representatives ? What madness is
this which proposes togdveni t.lie people ot eleven
American States, iStales “included witl in tl.is
Union.” without representation ! Where cn this
side ofthe ocean has been found such a monstrous
principle of government? Its adoption would
cari v us back to the days of King G< urge, and as
fatally subvert liberty as if Cornwallis bad trium
phed on tbe plains of Yorktown.
Bnt the advocates of the doctrine says that this
phase of absolute despotism is only to last for a
season; that these States are only to go unrepre
sented for a few years until guaiantees, guaran
tess for the iuture. are obtained. Guarantees for
the future ! The vague term is another political
convenience like that of “dead States.” Under it
each innovator, dreamer, and revolutionist
throughout the land can demand and require the
fulfillment of all his fantastic desires against the
South, before he is willing to admit her represen
tatives. It is the cloak for every higher law pur
pose now abroad in the public mind. It is a well
filled arsenal from which to shower confiscation,
negro suffrage, reappointment, proscription of
persons, and every other missile of torture that
was ever levelled at an unfortunate people.
Sir, I deny that a State can be refused her rep
resentation for a single moment on snch grounds.
Peace and obedience to the law are the only guar
antees for the future which any government can
justly require of its citizens. W’liere is the pow
er in the Constitution whereby anything more
can be demanded 7 Or has that instrument be
come a dead letter to us because we have been
four years in forcing others to obey it ? If we are
not released from it let me see the section on tbe
subject ofguarantees which authorizes CoDgress
to close its doors in the face of representatives of
the people until they sign deeds ot political capitu
lation.
It may be said that the President himself has re
quired guarantees in his policy of restoration.
Eeven if he did so, I do not understand that he
proposed to make their refusal a pretext for viola
ting the Constitution himself. But I have not
regarded his advice to the South in the uatme of
this movement in Congtess- On the great ques
tion of slavery I hold that the action ofthe South
ern States in adopting the Constitutional Amend
ment has been wise and beneficent. The system
was destroyed already by the force of arni3 and the
operations of war, but it is better for tbe future
dignity and history of the, nation that a fact accom
plished for the utmost magnitude should have the
sanction of fundamental law. It was a vast step
toward a speedy restoration, and that alone is a
powerful appeal in favor of the counsel of the Ex
ecutive and the action of the South.
One other subject has been much canvassed un
der this new-new coined phrase of guarantees for
the- future. The war debt, incurred by the South
ern States in their attempt to establish a confed
eracy has been shaken in the face of the Northern
people to incite them to a policy of distrust and
severity. Everybody well knows, of course, that
it will never be paid. All history tells ns that the
debt of a debated revolution is always lost. The
government that contracted is no more, and the
ruined aud exhausted people gladly turn their
backs on the dead and melancholy past, and look
forward to the future with new hopes, new ties
and a new destiny. As to the victor iu arms ever
assuming such a debt, no instance is known in
the annals of mankind, and such an idea is not
respectable outside of an asylum for [the in
sane. 1 regard, therefore, the war debt of the
South as fit only for one use—the declamation of
demagogues and the malign purposes of political
agitators. Hence I voted a few days ago that it
should be buried out of sight and out of mind in
the mosf effective and conclusive manner. I did
not do so because I wanted a guarantee on that
subject, but simply because I wished to remove
it as an obstacle in the pathway of re union, and
as a means of uselesness and pernicious discord in
I the tuture.
Put again, as to the right cf representation imme-
mess are superior, as we have a line of steamers
on t!,c Savannah and one on the Altamaha We
will forward Produce to the North or to Europe,
laying charges, &C-, letting same follow goods.
Agents for Life. Marine and Inland Insurance
Sisks taken at lowest rates.
Nov. 4, 1865.
14 3m
VINEGAR! VINEGAR!!
I jlQfE CIDER VINEGAR in Store, abd
rale by \ 2^ . .
T. A. CABAKER, Agt.
Jan. 13th, 1866. 24 tfi
n u-
fathoinaLle contracts, nor anything that
is theirs. We of the minority have lived
through storm and darkness and fiery per
secutions without such assistance to our
patriotism, aud at this late day we shall
not bend our knees because thrift may fol
low fawning. Our action will be inciepen-
deut, with no desire, like tbe adroit animal
in the fable, to take advantage cf the quar
rel which now rages among the victors to
snatch away tbe feast over which they
are contending. For my part, as iu the
past, so in the future 1 shall pursue what
1 conceive to be the right, indifferent aiike
to the allurement of reward or the terrors
of reproach.
And now, Mr. Speaker, what are the
issues which are submitted to the counti}
by the policy of the Executive as declar
ed in his annual message ? Are they new,
strange or sinister, that they should be re
ceived with indignation and alarm. Is it
a document bristling with dangerous dog
mas hitherto unheard of in the adminis
tration of the Government? Hoes it
read like a wide aud violent departure
from the teachings of our earlier aud bapi-,
er day's? Sir, it has been assailed in'
both ends of the Capitol by the ablest
mighty instnimant ! expert fmally a restoration of the
union pf the (States. Every hour which the party in
power prolongs its control of atFa’rs postpones the
auspieipiB day.,- but as 1 behold the futuie it will assur
edly come. Material and indestructible interests unite
every section except that which prospers on fanatic
ism. And I here to-day, in the spirit of one who ex
pects and desires'his posterity and theirs to live togeth
er in the ancient and honorable friendship of their tatb-
urj, warn the Southern people not to look forward to
separation and independence but to embrace every
opportunity for co-operation with the conservative
men of the North, who will aid with their lives, if
need be, to secure them all their rights and institutions
as free and equal citizens-of tiie United States.
This doctrine is the chief corner-stone of the mes
sage 4iiid has invited the attack of theoretical reform,
but practical disunion. Shall I stop at this day and
hour of American history to discuss the right or power
of a S-ate to secede? I never entertained such a
principle, nor did even many of the principal leaders
of the late attempt to establish the confederacy of the
.South. They asserted the right of revolution and used
the organizations of State governments in aid of that
movement. But who now requires an argument on
tnis point 1 Do we not all understand and know that
this theory of dead States is now proclaimed simply
because its adoption would give better scope to ulte-
rioi designs of vengeance and revolutionary destruc-
' it istrue that thegentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr.
Stevens] has been consistant in his devotion to it wlien
he stood ajmost if not quite alono; but that simply
proves that he could foresee a greater distance than
Ids fellow laborers the means which would be required
to accomplish their party ends when tiie war ceased.
He kuows that “dead carcasses,” in bis own striking
language, are more easily carved to pieces, tom limb
from liinb, and devoured by the hungry maw of conns-
cafiou than living States. The dead can make no pro
test trifin the mutnlating knife is applied. •
'Certain beasts of prey, we are told, prefer to nnd
their ouarry ready slaio,in order' to feist uponrt m
comfort add ii pose. And so tbe radical party of the
ntrv would find it easier far to make its unnatural
banquet on the rights, privileges, laws, liberties, and
pendents on theGeneral Government, or men who J diate and without any other guarantee than obe-
expected profit from the miseries of their erring j Jience to the Constitution. I shall now prove
fellow-citizens.” | that the refusal to admit Southern Representatives
But, Mr. Speaker, allow me to inquire whether j arises from a ?ei)6e of power and not of justice;
this opposition to the Executive is not a new dis- I that while the Southern people were in arms no po-
covery, an afterthought, manufactured for aspe- | sitiou of the kiud was assumed by any department
cial purpose on the part of those who adhere to ' of the Government, and that harder terms are now
and upheld the late administration of Mr. Lineolu [ tendered to a defeated than were held out to a de
in regard to the continued existence and vitality ot} tiant enemy. In the proclamation of the late
the Southern States during the lute rebellion.
Are they not stopped from this assault, as the gen- |
tleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens) says, j
“both by matter ot record and matter in pais 1" In
more than a hundred ways and forms, by military
orders, in his annual messages, instructions to our
foreign ministers, in letters and speeches to his
own countrymen, and especially by his nume
rous proclamations, the late Executive always
and at all times recognized the enduring existence
of alt the States over which the American flag had
eaverfloated. I quote a single passage from the
proclamation of emanepation, which, in my judg
ment, was a usurpation of power, but had at least
the merit of not attempting to abolish States :
“That on tbe first day of January, in the year of
our Lord 1S63, all persons held as slaves within
any State, or designated part of a State, the peo
pie whereof shall then be in rebellion against the
United States, shall be then, thenceforward and
forever free; and the Executive Government of the
United States, including the military and naval
authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the
freedom of such persons, and will do no act or
acti to repress such persons, or annoy them in any
effort they may make for their actual freedom.
“That the Executive will, on the first day of
January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the
States and parts of States, if any in which the peo
ple thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion
against the United States; and the fact that any
State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be
in good faith represented in the Congress ot the
United States by members chosen thereof at elec
tions, wherein a majority of the qualified voters of
such Sttfteashall have participated, shall, in the
absence of strong countervailing testimony, he
Ohief Magistrate, from which I have already quo
ted, he clearly and explicitly asserts the right of
any State, whose people were then in hostility to
the General Government, tp be represented in the
Federal Congress, and announces that he will con
sider such a fact as an evidence that neither the
gia than it does in New York ; it means no more in
Virginia than it does in Massachusetts. It inter
polates nothing upon the practice of the Govern
ment, under the Constitution, from the hour of its
birth down to the day on which an inquisition
was sued out in this House, in the shape of a
committee of fifteen, in order to discover some
means of adopting the old British system of colo
nial bondage.
But, Sir, it may. in answer to these citations, be
said, that it is not within the province of the exe
cutive department of the Government to deier-
mine (lie question of representation iu the legisla
tive department. But lias not Congress itself
made a record on this subject which it canuot ig
nore, and which the majority dare not fact I
Has it not officially,-over and over again, in both
branches, assumed the very position which it now
seeks with such flagrant assurance to repudiate I
The cry is now that we mq^t look to Congress
for our policy of restoration. This place has sud
denly become a citadel of wisdom, power and do
minion. It is a city of refuge, where all the disap
pointed spoiiiators, insane anarchists, bloody Ja
cobins, promoters of vengeance, disturbers of the
p^ace,self constituted saints, who imagine them
selves in partnership with the Almighty to assist
Ilim in punishing the sins of the world, where
law breakers and revolntionists of every shade and
color now flee to escape from the wise, successful,
and constitutional policy of the President. “To
your tents, O Israel!’ was the ancient and legiti
mate cry of alarm. “Look to Congress, look to
Congress !” now rings out on the air as a call to
battle iu behalf of chaos, disorder, and intermina
ble woes. Ti e populace of France, tossed in a
tumultuous delirium of hate, drunken with blood,
dethroning Deity and reverencing a harlot, shout
ed, “Look to the Assembly, look to the Assem
bly?” where the Mountain murdered the Giron
dists, and where Robespierre. Marat, and Saiut
Just planned, in the name of human life and hu
man society. But, Sir, if we must “look to
Congress,” let me show the wistful gazers a pic
ture of Congressional action which will till their
hearts with dismay, and which Congress itself can
not to day behold without feelings of humiliation
and sluiuie over its present position.
Did I not serve her in this hall during the fury
of the rebdliou, when the flames of war scorched
ilie very tront of the heavens, with representa
tives from the State of Louisiana? Were they
not admitted to the “vacant seats” which invited
their return by the very men who now staud like
suily sentries at these doors and answer their
hailing sign of entrance either with the response
of “t'ead States” or “Guarantees?” Was Tennes
see destroyed or were her people entitled to no
voice here because of the ordinance of secession ?
Sir, her name was called here during more than
half the period ofthe war, and the representatives
of her people answered to their names in both
ends of the Capitol. The gentleman who in vain
sougut even a recognition of his own existence in
this body when the present Congress was organi
zed (Mr. Maynard) was then here with the full
sanction of the same political majority which now
spams him from the door of its caucus room, and
drives him from the protection which the escutch
eon of his glorious State, under the administration
of law, affords its representatives in Congress.
Shall we now assert that at that time Tennessee
was a portion of a foreign Government ?
Shall we, then, as the next step of supreme ab
surdity, declare the President of the United
States, himself an unnaturalized foreigner, a cap
tive to our lance and spear, entitled doubtless to
kind treatment, but in no sense a citizen of the
United States, inasmuch as he never expatriated
himself from tbe alien and hostile province of Ten
nessee, and never acknowledged himself subdued
to the embrace of the Federal flag as a s> rnbol of
a separate nationality ? I am prepared to hear
even this miserable libel on American institutions
asserted. Nothing is allowed to stand in the
way of fanaticism. Its purposes are inexorable,
and its devotees often deem themselves in truth
and honesty tbe philosophers of their age; but
Frederic the Great made a wise observation, when
he said, “If I wanted to ruin one of my provin
ces. I would make over its government to the
philosophers.” Their theories are alwa>a in ad
vance of their times, and in practical sense aud
actual utility they meet neither the requirements
of the past, present or future. Tbe philosophers
of Congress at least contradict themselves at
very short stages of progress, and give no evi
dence ot either ability or consistency.
Why, sir, the records ofthis body, as well as of
the Senate, will show that Virginia, too—Virginia,
whose fiery and lofty crest shone in the very front
ot the rebellion, whose plains were the battle-fields,
and in whose soil so many of its heroes lie buried
—was here as a State when the roar of her hostile
cannon could be heard on Capitol Hill. Those
who claimed to be her representatives came and
they were received. They were required to give
no pledges then for the future good behavior of
their constituents, nearly all of whom were obey
ing the orders of General Lee. Then they were
to be trusted without guarantees; but now that
peace has been restored, and there is not au armed
hand iu all her borders to dispute the Federal au
thority, her people are much more dangerous and
the presence of their Representatives bore would
be a fatal blow to the public safety ! Such is the
miserable position to which the engineers of this
new movement are reduced !
Mr. Deming: Will my distinguished friend
from Indiana (Mr. Vorhies) inform this House
when he thinks the right to representation here
from these States commenced ? Did it commence
at Autietam, at Gettysburg, or when did it com
mence ?
Mr. Voorhies; I will answer the question of
the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Deming.J
Bnt as my time is getting short, I trust I shall be
excused from further interruption. My answer is
“Peace and obedience to law are the only guaran
tees for tbe tuture which any government can re
quire cf its people.” And when peace aud obedi
ence to law reign among any portion ofthe Ameri
can people, I bold that they are entitled to repre
sentation here.
Mr. Derniug: Then I suppose it will he ne
cessary for thegentleman to show that obedience
to law exists at this time in the reclaimed territo
ries 7
Mr. Voorhies; Undoubtedly. I think tbe Presi
dent and General Grant have shown that tack
But one step further iu ^this congressional re
cord.
As if to forever settle the construction which
should be placed upou the couditiou oi the South
ern ktites, aud their right to representation,
Congress enacted and tbe President approved
a law on the 4th of March, 1602, which i her e
read :
Chap. XXXVI.—An net fixing the number of
the House ot Representatives froru aud after
the third March, eighteen hundred and sixty-
three.
Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Reprt-
Stato nor its people are any longer in rebellion. senlatives 0 f lU United Stales of America ia Con-
Where, then, was the guarantee doctrine. It assembled. That from and after the 1
had not been born. We were then wooing and
courting representation because it suited our pur
poses to do so. We are now repelliug it for the
same reason. The great proclamation was tbsn
akin to the gospels of righteousness. Now I
challenge the Committee of Fifteen to report in its
favor. It is deserted in the House of its friends,
and I am found defending the only healthy and
legal spot in it. But potent as it was considered,
yet it was not the only expression that emanated
! from the high places of the last Administration,
which confounds the philosophers of this new
faith.
On the 6th of February, I86-J, Mr. Seward in
formed Europe and the civilized world that seats
in Congress "are also vacant and inviting the
Senators arid Represenfattives ofthe discontented
party who may be constitutionally sent there from
the States involved in insurrection. Did these
vacant seats invite the Representatives and Sen
ators of a foreign nation with which we were wa
ging a war for annihilation ? Did the Secretary
of State attach uny other condition to the repre
sentation ol the people then in arms against the
G*v4rnment, than attaches to the representation or
every other portion of the American people ? He
only asked thatit might be oonstiiutionally done,
and this requirement is of rintver'sal application
to the whole country. It means no more in Geor-
gress assembled. That from and after the third day
of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-throe, tbe
number of members of the House of Representa
tives of the Congress of the United States shall be
two hundred anU forty-one; and tbe eight addition
al members shall be assigned oneeacb to Fensyl-
vauia, Ohio, Kentucky, JUiuiois, Iowa, Miunessu-
ta, Vermont and Rhode Island.
In order to obtain the number of two hundred
and forty-one Representatives as contemplated
by this law, every Southern State whose citizens
were in revolt must have been represented accor
ding to her population. What more can 1 do
thau to make this statement ? What argument
could add to its binding force f If men will repu
diate to-day what they did yesterday, if they re
fuse to be bound by their own principles declared
in the solemn form of a law, if the highest prece
dents of their own official action fall without force
upon their ears, then, indeed, they are beyond the
power of reason aud calious to tbe reproach and
derision of the world.
[COXCi.UUE£> NEXT WEEK, j
As the quickest way to make a fortune, a con
temporary suggests marrying a'fashionable young
lady and selling bur clothes.
The private fortune loft by King Leopold is e*<
timated at £3,200,000 sterling'
