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fountal & IJtfssfngtf 4
J. KNOWLES aiwi S. BOSE,
EDITOR* A>'t PROPRIETORS.
SPEECH
or
Hon. A. H. Stephens,
We TretWH U the (Settle Stales.
DELIVERED AT THE KEvft AST Or iUHT CITIZENS
Os BAVANNAH, AT THE ATHENAEUM, THURSDAY
ITEMS®, March 21st, 1861.
\Krpo.-Ud for the Sarannak It*pnl,li<an .]
At half-past seven o’clock on Thursday evening,
the largest audience ever assembled at the Athe
nsneum, were in the house, watting most impa
tiently for the Orator of the evening, Hon. A. H.
Stephens, \ ice President of the Confederate Stales
oi America. The Committee, with invited guests,
were seated on the stage, when at the appointed
hour, the Hon. C. C. Jones, Mayor, and the speak
er entered, and were greeted by the immense
assemblage with deafening rounds of applause.
The Mayor then, in a few pertinent remarks,
introduced Mr. Stephens, stating that at the re
quest ol a number of the members of the State,
now here, be had consented to address them upon
the present state of public affairs.
Mr. Stephens rose and spoke as follows :
Mr. Mayor and qentlemen of tht committee and
fellow citizens: For this reception, you will please
accept my moss profound and sincere thanks. The
compliment is doubtless intended as much, or per
haps more, in honor of the occasion, and my pub
lie position m connection with the great events
now crowding upon upon ua, than to me person
ally, and individually. It is, however, none the
les j appreciated by me, on that account. We are
in the midst of one of the greatest epochs in our
history. The last 90 days will mark one of the
most memorable eras in the history of modern
civilization.
There was a geueral call from the outside of the
building, for the speaker to go out; that there
were more omaide than in.
The Mayor rose, and requested silence at the
doors, that Mr. Stephens health would not permit
him to speak in the open air. Mr. Stephens said
t.e would leave it to the audience, whether !e
should proceed in doors or out. There was a gen
eral cry in doors, as the ladies, a large number of
*: oin were present, could not hear outside.
Mr. Step."ens said that the accommodation of
the ladies would determine the question, an-‘ be
would proceed where he was. At this point the
uproar and clamor outside was greater s ill for the
speaker to go out on the steps. This was quieted
by ( 01. Lawton. Col. Freeman, Judge Jackson,
and Mr. J. W. Owens, going out and stating the
iscta of the case to the dense mass of men, wo
men and children, who were outside, and enter
taining them, in short brief rpeecbes.
Mr. Stephens all this while quietly sitting down
•until the furor subsided.
Mr. Stephens rose, and said, when perfect quiet
is restored I shall proceed; I cannot speak as
long as there is any noise or confusion. I shall
Like my time, I feel as though I could spend the
night with you, if necessary. (Loud applause.)—
1 very much regret, that every one who desires
cannot hear what I have to say, not that I have
any display to make, or anything very entertain
mg to present, hut such views as I have to give
1 wish alt , not only in this city, but in this Slate,
and throughout our Confederated Republic, could
hear, who have a desire to hear them.
I was remarking, that we are passing through
one of the greatest revolutions in the annals of
the world, seven States have, within the last three
months, thrown off an old Government and form
ed anew. lhi revolution has been signally
marked, up to this time, by the fact of its haring
been accomplished without the loss of a single
drop of blood. ( Applause.) This new Constitu
tion, or form of government, constitutes the sub
ject to which your attention will be partly invited.
Id relerence to it I make this first general re
mark : It amply secures all our ancient rights,
franchises and privileges. All the great principles
of rnagna chart* are retained in it. No citizen is
deprived of life, liberty or property, but by the
•judgment of hi- peers, under the laws of the land.
The great principle of religious libertv, which was
the honor ind pride of the old (Vd Citation, •
still maintained and secured. All the essentials ol
the old Constitution which have endeared it to the
hearts of the American people, have been preserv
ed and perpetuated. (Appltuse.) Some changes
have been made—of these, I shall speak present
ly. ix)me ot these I should have preferred not
to have seen made, but these perhaps meet the
cordial approbation of a majority of this audience,
if not an overwhelming majority ol the people of
the Confederacy. Os them, therefore I wil not
speak. But other important changes do meet ntv
cordial approbation. They form great improve
ments upon the old Constitution. So, taking the
wboie new Constitution, 1 have no hesitancy In
giving it as my judgment, that it is decid-dlv
better than the old. (Applause.) Allow me briefly
to allude ti* some of these improvements. The
question of building up class interests, or fostering
one branch ot industry to the prejudice of another,
under the exercise of tlic rcteuue poaer, which
gave us so much trouble under the old Constitu
tion, is put at rest forever under the new. We
allow the imposition of no duty, with a view ot
giving advantage to one class of pt r ons. in auv
trade or busiue&s, over those of another. All,
under our system, stand u|*oii the -ame bioad
principles, of perfect equality. Honest ialior aud
enterprise arc left free and unrestricted in what
ever pursuit they may be engaged in. This sub
ject came well nigh causing a rupture of the old
Cnion, under the lead ol the gallant I'aloßitu
State, which lies on our border, in 18oa.
This old thorn of the tariff. which was
the cause of so much irritation in the old l*odv
politic, is removed forever from the new. (Ap
piause.; Again, the subject ol iutcruai improve
ments, under the power of Cougrctts to regulate
commerce, is put at rest nuder our system. The
I'ower claimed by construction under the old Con
stitution, was at least a doubtful one—it rested
solely upon construction. We of the (south, gen
•-rally apart from confederations of constitutional
principles, opposed its exercise upon giounds of
expediency and justice. Notwithstanding this op
position, millions of money, in the common Treas
ury had been drawn for such purposes. Our op
position sprung from no I o tility to commerce, or
all necessary aids for facilitating it. With ms it
was simply a question, upon whom toe burden
should full. I.i Georgia, for instance, we bad done
as mnch for the cause of internal improvements
as any other portion of the country, according to
population and means. We have stretched out
lines of tail wavs from the seaboard to the moun
tains; dug down the hills and filled up the vallevs
at a cost of not less than *25,000,000. All this
was done to open up an outlet lor our products of
the interior, and those to the west of us, to reach
the marts of the w orld. Xo State was in greater
need of such facilities than Georgia, but we had
nut asked that these works should be made by ap
propriations out of the common treasury. The
cost of the grading, the superstructure and equip
ments of our roads, was borne by those who en
tered upon the enterprise. Xay more—not only
the cost of the iron, no small item in the aggre
gate cost, was borne in the satue way, but we were
• umpelled to pay into the common treasury sev
eral millions of dollars for the privilege of import
ing tin* iron after the price was paid for it abroad.
What Justice was there in taking this money,
which our |ople paid into the common treasury
on the importation of our iron, and applying it
to the improvement of rivers and harbors else
where?
Tne true principle Is to subject the commerce of
every locality, to whatever burdens may be uecet
ary to facilitate it. jf t h e Charleston harbor
needs improvement, let the commerce of Cbarlos
on bear the burden, ir the mouth of the Savan
nah river has to be cleared out, let the sea going
navigation which is benefitted by it, bear the bur
den. So with the mouths of the Alabama and
Mississippi rivers. Just as the products of the
interior, our cotton, wheat, com and other arti
cles, have to bear the necessary rates ot freight
over our railroads to retch the seas. This is
again the broat principle of perfect equality and
justice. (Applause.) And it fa specially held forth
and established in the ucw Constitution.
Another feature to which I will allude, is that
the new Constitution provides that Cabinet Minis
ters and heads ot departments shall have the priv
ilege ot seats b|k>u the floor of the Senate and
House of Representatives—shall have the tight to
participate iu the dritates aud disoiseious upon
the vat toua subjects H administration. 1 should
have preferred that this provision should have
gone farther, and allowed the I'resiJenl to select
his constitutions! advisers fiotn the Senate and
House of Kepteseautives. That would have con
formed entirely u> the practice iu the Riiuap Par
liament, which, iu my judgmeut, is one of the
wiaoet provisions in the British Parliament. It is
the only feature that saves the government. It is
that which gives it stability iaitafacility tochange
ha wdmrnSstratlnn. Onr*. b, La grrat ap
proximation io the tight principle.
Under the old Constitution, the Secretary of the
Treasury, for instance, had no opportunity, save
by his annua 1 reports, of presenting any scheme or
plan of finance or other matter, lie had nocp
portunity ol explaining, expounding, enforcing or
defending his views ot policy ; his onlv resort was
through the medium of an organ. In the British
Parliament the Premier brings in his budget and
stands before the nation responsible for its every
item. If it is indefensible, he falls before the
attacks npon it, as he ought to. This will now be
the case to a limited extent under our system.
Our heads of departments can apeak lor themselves
and the administration, io hehalf.of ita entire pol
icy, without resorting to the indirect And highly
objectionable medium of a newspaper. It is to be
greatly hoped that under our system we sh ill nev
er have what is known as a Government Organ. —
(Rapturous applause.)
[A noise again arose from the clamor of the
crowd outrde who wished to hear Mr. Stephens,
and for some moments interrupted him. The
Mayor rose and called on the police to preserve
order. Quiet being restored, Mr. 8. Proceeded :]
Another change in the Constitution relates to
the length of the tenure of the Presidential office.
In the new Constitution it is six years instead of
four, and the President rendered ineligible for a
re-election. This is certainly a decidedly con
servative change. It, will remove from the incum
bent all temptation to use his office or exert the
power confided to him for any objects of personal
ambition. The only incentive to that higher am
bition which should move aud actuate one holding
such high trusts in his hands will be the good of
the people, the advancement, ‘prosperity, happi
ness, safety, honor and true glory of the Confed
eracy. (Applat 53.)
But not to be tedious in enumerating the num
erous change? for the better, allow me to allude
to one other, though last, not least: the new
Cemtitution has pat at rest forever , all the agitat
ing questions relating to our peculiar institution
—A mean slavery as ;t exists amongst us—the
proper status of the negro in our form cf civilisa
tion. This was the immediate cause of the late
rupture and present revolution. Jeffeison, in his
forecast, had anticipated this, as the “ rock upon
which toe old Union would split.” He was right.
What was conjecture with hint, is now a realized
fact But whether he fully comprehended the great
truth upou which that rock stood and standi, may
be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by
hint and most ol the leading statesmen at the time
of the formation of the old Constitution, were that
the enslavement of the African was in violation of
the laws of nature: that it was wrong in principle,
jcially. morally aod politically. It whs an evii
they knew not well how to deal with, but the gen
eral opinion ot the men of that day, was that some
how or other in the Older of Providence, the insti
u:t:ot woo’d Ire evanescent and pass away.—
This idea, though not incorporated in the Consti
tution, was the prevailing idea at the time. The
Constitution, it i a true, eeoured every e>-?ential
guaranty to the institution while it should last, and
hence no argument can be justly used against, the
constitutional guaranties thus secured, because of
die common sentiment of |the day. Those ideas,
however were fundamentally wrong. They rested
upon the assumption of the equality of races.—
This wa- an error. It was a sandy foundation,
and the idea of a Government built upon it; when
the “ storm came and the wind blew, it felt.”
Our new government is founded upon exactly
the opposite idea : its foundations are laid, its cor
ner stone rests, upon the great truth, that the
negro is Hot equal to the white man. That
slavery,—subordination to the superior race, is his
natural and moral condition. [Applause ]
This, our new government, is the first, in the
history of the world based npon this great physical,
philosophical and motal truth. This truth has
been s'ow in the process of its development, like
all other truths in the various departments of
science, it has been so even amongst us. Many
who hear me, perhaps, can recollect well that this
truth was not generally admitted, even within
theit day. The errors of the past generation still
clung to many as late as twenty years ago. Those
at the North, who still cling to these errors, with
a zeal above knowledge, we justly denominate
fanatics. AM fanaticism springs from an aberration
of the mind; from a defect in reasoning. It is a
•pecies of insanity. One of the most striking char
acteristics of insanity, in mauy instances, u form
ing correct com lesions, front fancied or erroneus
premises; so with the anti-slavery fanatics; their
concluaons are right if their premises are. They
assume that the negro is equal, and hence conclude
that he is entitled to equul privileges and rights
with the white man. If their premise were correct,
their conclusion would be logical and just—but
their premise being wrong, their whole argument
fails. I recollect once of having heard a gentleman
from one of thv Northern Spates, of great power
and ability, announce in the House of Representa
tives, w ith imposing effect, that we of the South,
would be compelled, ultimately, to yield upou this
subject ol slavery, that it was impossible to war
successfully against a piinciple in politics, as it
was in the physics or mechanics. That the princi
ple would ultimately prevail. That we in mainta
ing slavery as it exists with us, were waring against
a principle, a princple founded in na’ure, the
principal of the equality of tnau. The reply I
made to him was, that U|on his own grounds, we
should succeed and that he and bis associates in
their c: usado against our iustitutious, would ulti
mately fail. Toe truth announced that it was
as impossible to war successfully against a princi
ple in politics as weli as in physics and mechanics,
I admitted, but told him, tnat it was lie aud those
acting with him who were warring against a princi
ple. They were attempting to make things equal
which the Creator had made unequal.
In the conflict lima far, success has been on our
side, complete throughout the length aud breadth
of the Confederate States. It is upon this, as 1
have staled, our social fabric isfirrtih planted : and
1 cannot permit mvsclf to doubt the ultimate suc
cess of a lull recognition of this principle through
out the civilized and enlightened world.
As I have elated, the truth of this principle may
be slow iu development, as all truths are, and ever
have been, iu the various branches of science. It
was so with the principles announced by Gallileo
- it was so with Adam Smith and his principles of
political economy. It was so with Mr. Harvev,
and hi.- theory of the circulation of the blood. It
is • ialed that not a single one of the medical pro
session, living at the time of the announcement of
the truths made by him, admitted them Now,
they are universally acknowledged. May we uot
therefore look with confidence to the ultimate
universal acknowledgement of the truths upon
which our system rests. It is the first government
ever instituted upon principles in strict conformity
to nature, and the ordination of Providence, in
furnishing the materials of human society. Manv
i governments have beeu fouuded upon the principle
i of certain classes ; but the classes thus enslaved,
! were of the same race, and in violation of the lam s
‘of Nature. Our system commits no such violation
of Nature’s laws. The negro by nature, or by the
cur-e agaiust Canaan, i- fitted for that condition
which he occupies in our system. Tiie architect,
in the construction of buildings, lays the founda
tion with the proper material, —the'granite,— then
comes the brick or the marble. The substratum
of our society is made ot the material fitted by
uatute for it, and by experience we know that it is
be.-t, not only for the superior, but for the inferior
race that it should be so. It is, indeed, in confor
fity with the ordinance of the Creator. It is not
for us to inquire into the wisdom of his ordinances
or to question them. For his own purposes he has
made one race to differ from auother, as he has
made “one star to differ from another star in glory.”
The great objects of humanity are the best at
tain* and. when conformed to his laws and decrees,
in the formation of governments as well as in all
things else. Oar Confederacy is founded upon
principles in strict conformity with these laws.
This stone which was rejected by the first builders
“ is become the chief stone of the corner” in our
new edifice. (Applause.)
1 have been asked, what of the future ? It has
been apprehended by some, that me mould have
arrayed against us the civilized world. I care not
who or horn many they may be, when me su n d
upon the eternal principles of truth we are obliged
and must triumph. (Immense applause.)
Thousands of people, who begin to understand
these truths are oot yet completely out of the shell:
they do not see them in their length and breadth.
We hear much of the civilization aud Christianiza
tion of the barbarous tribes of Africa. Iu my
judgment, those ends will never be attaiued, but
by hist teaching them the lesson taught to Adam,
t’at “iu the sweat of thy brow shall thou eat
bread,” (i jjplauM,) and teaching them to work
and feed and clothe themselves. Jlut to pass on,
--some, have propounded the enquiry, whether it
is practicable tor us to go on with the Confcder. cy,
without further accessions. Have we the means
and ability to ma : ntain nationality among the pow
ers ol the earth On this poiut I w ould barely say,
that as anxiously as we all have beeu sin] are, for
the border Stated with institutions similar with
ours, to join us, sull c arc abundantly able to
maintain our position, even if they should ultimate
ly make up their minds, not to cast their destinv
with ours. That they ultimately mill join us, be
compelled to do it, is my confident belief, but we
cu get ou very well without them, even if they
should not.
We have all the essential elements of thigh
national career. The idea has been given oat at
tbs north, and even in the Bo: Be n\c*, that *c
nta too smHll and too weak to maintain a
nationality. This is a great mistake. n
Os territory we embrace square miles and
n P .„i j ni. i. .I..*'* “.'rirsul”
m~e than WHS included ~h n the original thir
teen States. It is area of country more than double
the territory of Fran-e or the Austrian empire.—
France in round numbers has but 212,001 square
miles. Austria in round numbers has 248,0 0
square miles. Ours is greater than both combined,
ft is greater than all France, Spain, Portugal and
Great Britain, including Kngland, Ireland and
Scotland, together. In population we have upwards
ol five million-, according to the census of 1860,
this includes white aud bluck. The entire popula
tion, inciitluded white and black, of the origional
thirteen States,w:s less than 4,ooi,uooin ’<6, when
the independence of our fathers was achieved. If
they with lets population, dared maintain their
i depeudedee against the greatest power, on earth,
snail we have any appreheusion of maintaining ours
now ?
In point of material wealth and resources, we
are greatly in advance of them. The taxable pro
perty of the Confederate States cannot be less
than |22,0f>0,000,000. This, I think, I venture
but little in saying, may be considered as five times
more than the colonies possessed at the time they
achieved their independence. Georgia alone pos
sessed last year, according to the report of our
Comptroller-General, $(572,000,000 of taxable pro
perty. The debts of the seven Confederate States
sum up in the aggregate less than $18,000,000;
while the existing debts of the other of the late
United States sum up in the aggregate the enor
mous amount of *174,000,000. This is without
tiking into account the heavy city debts, copora
tion debts and railroad debts, which press, and
wiil continue to press, a heavy incubus upon the
resources of those States. These debts, added to
others, make a sum total not much under *500,.
0< 0,000. With such an area of territory—with
such an amount of population—with a climate and
B>il unsurpassed by any on the face of the earth—
with am h resoui ce t already at our command—
with productions which control the commerce of
the worlu—who can entertain any apprehensions
as to our success, whether other? join us or not?
It is Hue, l believe I hut state the common
sentiment, when I declare my earnest desire that
the Border States should join us. The differences
of opinion that existed amongst us anterior to
secession, related more to the policy in securing
that result by co-operation than from any differ
ence upon the ultimate security we all looked to
in common.
There differences of opinion were more in refer
ence to policy than principle, and h? Mr. Jefferson
said in his inaugural in 1801, after the heated con
test preceding his election, there might be differ
ences iu opinion without differences on piinciple,
and that all, to some extent, had been Federalists
and ali Repu* lieant; so it m.:y now be said of n e ,
that whatever differences of opinion as to the best
policy in having a cooperation with our border
sister slave States, if the worst, come to the worst,
that &a we were all co-operationists, we are now
all for indenendence, whether they come or not.
[Continues apphniee.)
In this connection 1 take this occasion to state,
that I was not without grave and set ions appre
hension, that if the worst came to the worst, and
cuttiug loose front the old Government would be
the only remedy for our safety and security, it
would be attended with much more serious ills,
than it has been, as yet. Thus far we have seen
i one of those incidents which usually attend revo
lutions. Xo such material as such convulsions
usually throw up has been se*-n. Wisdom, pru
dence and patriotism, have marked every step of
our progress thus far. This augurs well for the
future, and it is a matter of sincere gratification
to me, that I am enabled to make the declaration,
ot the men I met in the Congress at Montgomery,
(I may be pardoned for saying this,) an abler,
wiser, a more conservative, deliberate, determined,
resolute aud patriotic body of men, I never met
in my life, [O'reat applause .] Their works speak
for them; the Provisional Government speaks for
them; the Fonstitution of the Permanent Govern
ment will be a lasting monument of their worth,
merit and statesmanship. [Applause.]
Will everything commenced so well, continue as
it has begun? In reply to this anxious inquiry I
can only sav, it all depends upon ourselves. A
young man starting out in lile on his majority,
with health, talent and abilitv, under a favoring
Providence, may be said to be the architect of his
own fortunes, liis destinies are in his own hands.
He may make lor himself a name of honor or dis
honor, according to his own acts. If he plants
himself upon truth, integrity, honor and upright
ness, with industry, patience and energy, he can
not fall of success. So it is with us : wc arc a
young Republic just entering upon the arena of
nations; we will be the architect of our own for
tunes. Our destiny, under Providence, is in our
own hands. With wisdom, prudence and states
inanship on the part of our public men, aud intel
ligence, virtue and patriotism on the pait of the
people, success, to the full measure ol our most
sanguine hopes, may be looked for. But if we
become divided—it schisms arise —if dissensions
spring up, if factions are engendered—if party
spirit, nourished bv unholy pcisonal ambition, shall
rear its hydra head, I have no good to prophesv
for you. Without intelligence, virtue and patriot
ism on the part of the people, no republic or re
presentative government can be durable or stable.
We have intelligence, and virtue, and patriotism.
All that is required is to cultivate and perpetuate
these. Intelligence will not do without virtue.
France a-u nat ou of philosophers. The?e phil
osophers became Jacobins. They lacked that vir
tue, that devotion to moral principle, and that pa
riotisin which is essential to good government.
Organized upou principles of perfect justice and
right—seeking amity and friendship with all other
powers —1 sec no obstacle in the way of our up
ward aud onward progress. Our growth, by ac
ces ions from other States, will depend greatly
upon whether wc present to the world, as I trust
wc shall, a better government than that to which
they belong. If we do this, North Caroliua, Ten
ne=tec aud Arkansas cannot hesitate long; neither
can Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri. “They will
necessarily gravitate to us bv an imperious law
W e made ample provision in our Constitution for
the admission of other States; it is more guarded,
aud wisely so, 1 think, than the old Constitution
on the same subject, but not too guarded to re
ceive them as fast as it may be proper. Looking
to the distant luture, and, perhaps, not very dis
taut either, it is not beyond the range of possi
bility, and even probability, that all the great
States of the North-west shall gravitate this way
as well as Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkan
sas, Ac. Should they do so, our doors are wide
enough to receive them, but not uutil they are
ready to assimilate with us iu principle.
The process of disintegration in the old Union
may be expected to go on with almost absolute
certainty. We are now the nucleus of a growing
power, which, ii we are true to ourselves, our des
tiny, and high mission, will become the controling
power on tins continent. To what extent acces
cessious will go ou in the process of time, or
where it will end, the luture will determine. So
far as it concerns States of the old Union, tney
will be upou no such principle of reconstruction as
now spokeu ot, but upou reorganization and new
assimilation. [Loud applause.) Such are some of
the glimpses oi the luture as l catch them.
But at first we must necessarily meet with the
inconveniences and difficulties and embarrassments
incident to all changes of government. These will
be lelt iu our postal affairs and changes in the
channel ol trade. These inconveniences, it is to
ba ho[ed, will be but temporary, and must be
borne with patience and forbearance.
As to whether we shall have war with our late
co federates, or whether all matters ot difference
between us shall be amicably settled, I can only
say, that the prospect lor a peaceful adjustment
is better, so far as I am informed, than it has been.
The prospect of war is at least not so threaten
ing as it has been. The idea of coercion shadowed
lorth in i’resideut Lincoln’s inaugural, seems not
to be followed up thus far so vigorously as was
expected. Fort Sumter, it is believed, will soon
be evacuated. Wbat course will be pursued tow
ards Fort Pickens and the other forts on the Gulf,
is not so well understood, it is to be greatly de
sired that all ol them should be surrendered.
Our object is jwace, not only with the North, but.
with the woilu. Ail matters relating to tbe pubjic
pioperty, public liabilities of the Union when “we
We e members of ir T we are ready and willjdg to
adjust and settle, upon the principles olr tight,
equality and good faith. War can be ot/iio more
beuefit to the Noit t thau to us. Tbe idea of co
ercing us, or subjugating us, is utterly preposter
ous. Whether the intention of eventuating Fort
Sumter is to be received us an evidence of a desire
for a peaceful solution of o.ir difficulties with the
United States, or the result ot fieccssity, I will
not undetuke to Say. I would lain itope the former.
Rumors arc afloat, however, that It is the result of
necessity. All I can say to you, therefore, on that
noint is, keep your armor bright afid your powder
dry. [Enthusiastic applause.]
The surest way to secure peace is to show your
ability .to maiiitaiu your rights. The principles
aud position of the present Administration ol the
Uuitcd States the Republican party present
some puzzling questions. While it is a fixed prin
ciple with them, never to allow the increase of a
toot of slave territory, they seem to be equally de
teriuined, not to part with an inch ‘‘of the accursed
soil.” Notwithstanding their clamor against the
inatiiuiion, they seem to be equally opposed to get
tMtg mere, w Iftling go what they hate got.
They were ready to fight ou the accession of Tex
as, and are equally ready to fight now on her
secession. Why is this? How can this strange
parados be accounted for? There seems to be
bflt one rational solution—and that is, notwith
standing their professions ol humanity, they are
disinclined to give up the benefits they derive
from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to
their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws,
has but one object, and thut is, the collection of
taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund, ce
oeasary to meet their heavy appropriations. The
spoils is what they are after—though they come
from the labor of the slave. [Continued applause.]
Mr. StkhhEN9 reviewed at some length, the oxtra
vaganee and profi gttcy of appropriations bvtfieCou
.glass of the United States for several years past, and
in this connection took occasion to allude to another
one of >lie great improvements in our new Constitu
tion, which is a clause prohibiting Congicss from ap
propriatiug any money liom the Treasury except by a
two thuds vo e, unless it be for some object which the
executive may sav ia necessary, to cany on the Gov
ernment.
hen it is tbits asked for, and estimated, be con
tinued, the majority may appropriate. This was anew
feature.
Our fa'lie s had guarded (he assessment of taxes, by
in.-istiug that representation and taxatiou should go
together. This was inherited from the Mother Coun
try, England. It was one of the piiociples upon which
the Revolution bad been fought. Our lathers also pro
vided in the old Constitut.on, that all appropt iation
bills should originate iu the Representative branch of
Cougiess, but our new Constitution went a step fur
ther, aud guarded, not only the pockets of the people,
but also the public money, alter it was taken lrcm
their pockets.
He allnd and to the difficulties and embarrassments,
which seemed to surround the question of a peaceful
solution of the controveisv with the old government.
How can it be done? ia perpiexiug many miuds. The
Rres:dent seems to think that he cannot recognize our
independence, nor can he, with, and by the advice aod
cotseul ot U.e Senate, do so. The Constitution nukes
uo such provision. A general Convention of all the
States has bteu suggested by some.
Without proposing to solve the difficulty, he made
the lot lowing suggestion:
That ns tne udmissiou of States by Congress under
the Constitution was an act ot legislation, and in the
natu'e of a contract or compact between the States
admitted and the others admitting, why should not
this contract or compact be regarded us of like charac
ter w.tli other civil contracts—liable to be rescinded
by mutual agreement of both parties? The seceding
Siaies have rescinded it on their part. Why cannot
the whole question be settled, it the Norm desite
peace, stinpu by the Congress, in both branches, wiih
the coucutieuce ot the Ficsident, giving tht tr consent
to the sepaiation, and a recognition ot our indepen
dence? This tie merely ottered as a suggestion, as one
of the ways in which it might be done with mnch less
violence to constructions ot tlie Constitution than ma
ny other acts ol the government. [Applause. ] The
ditlkulty has to besomed in some way or oibf-r—this
may be regarded us a fix* and iact.
Several otter points were alluded to by Mr. S., par
ticularly u to the policy ol the new geverumeut tow
ards foreign nation a, and our conunenia* relations
with them. Free wade, as far as pract cable, would
be the po icy of this government. No Irgbtr duties
would be imposed ou toteign importations than would
be Etces.-aiy to soppoit the government njion the
strictest economy.
inolUeo times the olive branch was considered the
emblem ol ptace, we will seufl to the nations of the
euth another and tar more potential emblem ot the
s. me, the Cotton Plant. The piesent duties weie
levied with a view of meeting the present necessities
and exigencies, iu preparation lor war, it need be: but
if we have peace, and he hoped we might, and trade
should resume its p*oper course, a duty of ten per
cent, upon lure’gn importations, it was thought, might
be sufficient to meet the expenditures of tbe govern
ment. 11 some articles should be left on the free list,
as they uuw are, such as bread stuffs, Ac., then, of
course, duties on others would have to be higher- but
in no event to an extent to embarrass trade aod com-
I merce. He concluded wi h an earnest appeal for Uuion
[ aud harmony ou ihe part ot all the people, in support
: of tbe common cause, in which we are all enlisted,
and upon the issues ot which such great consequences
depend.
if, said he, we are true to ourselves, true to our
cause, true to our destiny, tine to our high mission, iu
presenting to the wot Id the highest type ot civilization
ever exhibited by man—tbeie will be found iu our lex
icon uo such word as Fail.
j Mr. Stephens took his seat amid a burst of entbusi
; asm aud appluuse, such as tbe Athenaeum has never
had displaced within its walls, within “the recollection
ot the oldest inhabitant.
Tle ii SiturN and Stripes.”
The popular feeling, we are gratified to perceive,
is unmisktakablv demanding the retention of the
stats and snipes by the Confederate States. That
flag is the morning siar of banneis that heralded
the dawn of freedom, and has been hailed with
rapture on every sea and in every clime that re
joices iu the light of civilization. Let U 9 never
surrender it. it is consecrated in every American
breast, and is the emblem of all that is noble,
truthful, and unselfih in patriotism, glorious, he
roic, free, and sublime in the history of our coun
try. There is no reason why we should now give
it up. Jlillions of hearts have quivered with de
light beneath its beauteous folds, hying eyes
have grown bright as their last gaze upon earth
has rested upou it, and “By the rocket’s red
glare,” in the darkest hours, it has nerved the arm
that was ready to falter and given hope to the
despairing. From its stars light has streamed
athwart our horizon in the gloomiest periods, and
rekindled the tires that were ready to become ex
tinct. It is the flag of Washington. It is the
flag of our country’s infancy. It witnessed the
sufferings at Valley Forge. It floated over the
heads oi the great Patriot and his baud of heroes
in their ever memorable retreat through the snows
of New Jersey. It was at Trenton, Princeton,
and Monmouth, Saratoga, King's Mountain, the
Cowpens and Yorktowo. It|eonsecrated the wa
ters of Lake F.rie. It shed lustre upon Lundy’s
Lane, aud every star iu its folds heard the reville
upon the plains of Chaimette. We have as good
a right to it as the North. It is the.flagof the free
and the light of the world. It is the banner of
our fathers. They made it, they hallowed it, car
ried it to victory, to glory, and to peace. They
And set the stars of glory”
upon that banner. It has floated in triumph over
a hundred battle-fields; from every mountain’s
crest, over every plain and stream, in every ham
let, from the dome of every capitol, from every
place, consecrated to freedom, justice, and law,
fronr ocean to ocean. Its sacred associations
cluster around every patriot’s heart, and are all
intertwined with its best affections.
Let us hold on t# the stars and stripes, the
American flag for ever ! The idea of substituting
water fowls, trees and snakes, for those stars that
have shed a halo of imperishable glory upon the
land of Wasiogton, is one that can find no perma
nent favor with the Southern people. Let us
make as little alteration in the starry banner as
the circumstances will permit—not enough to de
stroy its American character, or the thousand re
collections of patriotic devotion, pride, and enthu
siasm that are inseparably bound up with and must
ever remain a part of it. Let it wave over the
Confederate States.— N. (). Bulletin.
A Republican View of Jefferson navis.
The Boston Advetiser, a Republican journal,
says that if it hud no other evidence, the inaugural
address of the new President of the “Coufederte
States” is proof of the unusual wisdom with which
the Secessionists acted when they elected Jefferson
Davis to that office. It credits hitn with as mark
ed a combination of the qualities most needed for
his work as any revolutinary leader ever exhibit
ed, and adds:
As the leaders of the Cotton States in their move
ments against the General Govermeut, whether
the controversy is to be carried on by civil meas
ures only, or by sterner methods, to which he pro
fesses himself prepared, though unwilling to resort,
this Government could have no more dangerous en
emy than Mr. Davis, and this fact, we believe, needs
to be more widely recognized than it is among our
people. Because Mr. Davis has led tbe extreme
South, many have cume to regard him as possessing
the personal qualities and weaknesses of the “fire
eaters.” But Mr. Davis is, on the contrary, cool
headed, far sighted aud not hasty. What he says
or does is not the result of crazyimpulse, but of
cool determination, and is supported not by the
temporary strength of frenzy but by real intellectu
al aud moral power. In short, he is an antagonist
who challenges respect as well as the utmost vigor
in opposition, and one whom any
’'statesman might rejoice to encounter in, a Aigh
national contest, were he of any country save our
own, aud were the matter in debate anything ex
cept the Union.
Flag Lasoi age.— The New York Herald says of
the Confederate Flag:
The design is striking, and the flag has the merit
of originality as well as durability. The upper and
lower sections, composing the “ fly” part, are red,
the middle Eection white, while a blue union con
taining seven stars in a circle, reaches from the
top to the lower red. This Flag possesses an her
aldic significance probably not comprehended by
the uniuitiated. The blue union signifies firmne-ss,
constancy, faithfulness; the white, purity and
peace; and red is emblematic of war. With the
seven stars in the blue, this flag can be read as fol
lows Blue—Seven States have entered into a
covenant of Good Faith. White—To promote the
general welfare iu time of Peace. Red—To pro
vide a common defence iu times of war. To assist
the reader to interpret the aiore fully, we
would state that in engraving heraldic devices it is
ruleable to make the portions delineating blue in
horqiantal line*, and red in perpendicular ones.
Clmfcia Slat*
Mr. Roddey, from the Committee on Senatorial
Districts, made the following report:
- Geoigia in Convention assemble!, do
b reby dectate and oidain that tie Senatorial Districts
ot tti’S State sball be oiganized bv counties as f>llow°-:
“i 3f,r j ct Chat Lam, Pr.an aud Effingham.
‘ d . — Liberty, Tattnall and MrTntoh
S.d Lhtlmt- W ayce, Pie ce and Apt li g.
4th Dust net—Glynn, Camden uud cuaiiiou.
sth D strict— Coffee, Ware and Clinch.
6tb District—Echols, l.owode- and Berrien
7th District—Brooks, Thomas aud Colquitt,
fclh D,strict— Decatur, Mitchell and Miller,
ytb District—Early, Calhoun and Baker,
loth District—Dougherty. Lee and Worth.
Uth District—Clay, Randolph nod Terrill.
12th District—Stewart, Webster and Quit man.
13th District—Sumter, Schley anti Macon.
14th District—Dooley, Wilcox and Pulaski.
15th District - Montqomn v, Teltair and liwin.
Ifitti District—i.auiot>s, Johnson and Emanuel.
17th District—Bulloch, Scteteoand Bmke.
18th Disti ct —It ehnmnd, Glasscock, and Jeltetson.
19tb D sti itt —Taliaferro, Warren and Gjeene.
2< tb District —Baldwin, H.inc ck and YVushii'gtou.
21st District—Twiggs, Wikmson aud Jones.
22d District—Bibb, Mob re e and Pike
23: and District— Houston, Crvvfoidand Taylor.
24th District—Mai ioD, Cha'uht’oohee and Muscogee.
25th Disirict—Harris, Llpsan and Talbot.
28th District —Sliding. Butts and Fayette,
27ib District—Newt, n, Walton and Clarke.
23th District—Jasper, Putnam and Moigati.
29ih District—Wnkes, Lincoln and Columbia.
3oth District- -Og'eihoipe, Madis m aud E.bett.
81st Distiict — hart, Fianktiu aud Habersham.
82d District—White, Lumpkin and Dawson.
33rd District—Hall, Banks and Jacksvin.
34th District —Gwinnett, DcKaib aud Henry.
35 b District—Clayton, Fulton and Cobb.
C6.h Di triet-- Mer.we her, Coweta aud Campbell.
87 th District— Trcnp, Heard and Cart oil.
3S'h District—Harms >n, Polk and Paulding,
fivtih District—Cherokee, Milton and Forsyth.
40>b District—Union, ‘Towns and habuu.
41st District—Fannin, Gilmer and Pickii s.
42d District—Cass, Floyd and Chattooga.
4 rd District—Munay, Whitfield and Go/doa.
44th District— Waker, Dade and Catoosa.
Mr. Tidwell, stated that he had a minority re
port.
Mr. Cofb moved to have all the reports on this
matter printed.
Mr. Roddey moved to take up the report, which
was done.
Mr. Tidwell then made the following minority
report.
37th District—Troup, Merrivrether anti Heard.
38th Dis'rict —Cowe a, Foisyth aiid Clayton.
34th 1) strict—Fill on, Gwinnett and DeKulb.
35th District—Cobb, Campbell aud Car. oh.
2Glh District—Span dii g, Hoary and Butts.
Mr. Cobb’s move to print was lost.
Mr. Chastain called the previous question, the
call was sustained, and the main question put, viz:
on the adoption of the majority report, which was
carried, by a large majority.
There will be a motion to reconsider to-morrow.
Mr. Glenn, from the Conn nit tee on the Constitu
tion and laws, reported :
Resolved, That this Convention hereby expresses
the willingness of the people of Georgia to cede a
portion of the territory of this State, not exceed
ing ten miles square, to the Government of the
Confederate kiat, for a Capitol and permanent
seat of Government and should the Confederate
States select any portion of the territory of this
State for said purpose, the Legislature be and i
hereby authorized to cede jurisdiction thereof, if
in their judgement such cession be consistent with
the interest and safety of the State.
The President of this Convention to send a copy
of the same to the President of C. S.
The report was taken tip and adopted.
The Mew Tariff Rill—-Opinions of the
Press.
The Constitutionalist says;
The higher rates of duty are exclusively placed,
as we think properly, on those articles which are
to be classed under the head of luxuries of the
table, and wlitgh are chiefly, although not entirely,
used or consumed by those beat able to pay for
them. To this list, we believe, we could add
many articles not enumerated in it; but we pass
that question for the present, only remarking that
schedule A is far too short to meet our views of
w hat should be subject to the highest rate of duty,
namely, twenty-five per cent.*
In schedule B, of twenty per cent., we find sev
eral articles which we would be glad to see trans
ferred to schedule A, being mixed luxuries for the
table and the person, and lor which the difference
of five per cent, would not reduce the use a sin
gle dollar; one or two, however, we would re
move to a lower grade, and we would venture to
name molasses as one which, by the present list,
will heabout four to five cents per gallon, which we
think too much.
The articles named in schedule 0, the duty of
which is til teen per cent., though much more
numerous than either of the others, is less objec
tionable, being mostly of general use ; yet, even
m this, there are a lew articles which naturally
look out of pl ace in their surroundings, and which,
in some future revision, we hope to see put in
their proper sphere.
As in the other, so in Schedule D, with a duty
of ten per cent, there are articles which, though
of an entirely opposite character, we would rntive
to a higher grade—we name iheui at once : The
first, “diamonds, cameos, and precious stones,
Ac., and the imitations thereof set in gold and
silver.” We know we shall be met here with the
argument so often used, that a low rate of dutv
on such articles is the only wav to prevent the
smuggling, because they are portable and easy of
concealment. YY e think the argument is a weak
one, and one, which will not bear examination ;
but we will wait until it is urged, and pass on to
the next. The reader who has passed his eyes
over the list, already dntiei _at.es that it is iron,
■ which we object to see in juxtaposition with the
diamond, less costly but more valuable, lor all its !
glare and glitter.
By relening back to Schedule B, with a duty
ot twenty per cent., we find the article of sugar.—
This is an offering ju-tly made to the producer of
Louisiana aud Texas; and we have no word to
object, as we are 9o far in favor of protecting
home labor, and industry, and produce, as to
place them at least upon an equal tooting with
the foreign rival. The tobacco of Fiorida is under
the protection of Schedule A, at twenty-five per
cent. The manganese of South Carolina aud the
marble of Alabama, in Schedule C, have the bene
fit of fifteen per cent. Georgia has iron ore
enough to supply the world, but she requires a
little aid to enable her to drag it from the mine,
to place it in the furnace, and shape it for use.—
Iron, under the tariff of 1857 of the United States,
is protected by twenty-four per cent. By the
new or Morrill tat iff, we notice that the rate is
increased to fifty per cent.; and on steel the in
crease will be over twenty dollars per ton.
We think an article ot such vast importance,
and which, when properly developed, would add
to the wealth of this State, as well as the whole
South, and which cannot be put in successful com
petition with the already opened mines of Europe,
unless by the aid of a small protecting duty, that
that aid should not be grudgingly bestowed.—
English refined irou is worth about, thirty-eight
dollars to import, beside the duty ; sells at about
four to four and a half cents • Welch bar, worth
about thirty-two dollars beside the duty sells for
not over four cents. The iron on hand cost the
importers, under the tariff of the old government, !
from seven to nine dollars per ton. The tariff ol
May reduces it to about three dollars per ton, with
a season just opening for its use, and for compe
tition to come in, with the new and lower tariff, to
undersell and reduce the value of that which they
have oil hand. This is manifestly unjust. The
iron master and miner is protected only one-sev
enth of a cent per pound to aid him to develope
the riches of the mountain, which, once done, he
could compete with the world, and make us so
far independent within ourselves ! We hope to
•ee this remedied.
in the last of the ad valorem list, schedule D,
at, five perceul., we again find “diamonds and
other precious stones,” not set; and again we say
that they are out of place, as well as that which
follows, namely : “Iron in .blooms, loop', and pigs, 1
and iron ore.” This is more unjust i.han that
which is placed under the ten per een. rate, as it ,
supplies the furnace on the sea-board at a lower
rate there than it could be supplied by the miner ‘
—fTteQjve per cent, not being sufficient to cover 1
the freight from the mine to the sea board.—
Schedule K finishes the list of dutiable articles.— ]
It comprised but three, and they are subject to a i
specific dut)V-“lce 1 two doll irs per ton!! lea, i
four cents per pound !!!” These, with Schedule G, <
which is exempt from duty, close the list ; and we i
close our remarks for the present, barely adding i
that it presents fewer objectionable features than
we expectedf-and those few we hope to see re
moved at next meeting of Congress.
/ :
T|le Recent Cold Weather*
Has placed havoc with our prospects for fruit
we fear sms the Americas Georgian. We have
twiee examined the blooms of cur peach trees, and 1
we find on some trees, scarcely any left alive.—
The trees whose blooms are only swelled, and not
yet blown, are most of them still living. We
learn that onr fellow citizen, Mr. Wright Brady, i
has had a fine field of wheat cut down by the cold, i
Tw&s up some two feet high, aud In the boot, the 1
eoiidlriou most liable to injury from cold. <
MACON, GEORGIA :
Wednesday, March 27,
Cos T TOM VI ARK ET .
But little doing. We quote 9(& 11. Receipts
small.
ipg” To gratify the general desire to read the
speech of Mr. Stephens, much other interesting
matter is pressed aside.
MONIED MEN
Are directed to the advertisement of the Com
missioners of the Government, for the loan author
ized by the lute Congress. There is a plenty of
idle capital which from considerations of patriotism,
no less than those of personal advantage should be
promptly invested in these safe securities.
NEW ADVERTISEMENTS
To those of our friends who desire to transact
business in St. Lonis, through experienced and re
liable agents, we commend the business Card of
Messrs. Mackoy, Lytle & Cos., found in our paper
to-day. Their references are unexceptionable.
See notice of valuable negroes for sale.
Also fresh arrivals of Goods Ac.
PROF. I N- LOOMIS,
Long a resident of our city, we regret to observe,
died at Enterprise, Florida, of Consumption, on
the 18th inst. Prof. L. was attached to the Med
ical College in this city, ami was a gentleman of
highly cultivated intellect and extansive and varied
literary researches aud accomplishments.
CGL. SIMEI ROSE.
We had the pleasure on Monday last, to welcome
in our office, Col. Riiuri Rose, the venerable Editor
of the Journal A Messenger. From his business
tact and long experience in the Editorial Depart
ment, we may readily award to him the appellation
of senior.
We have alo promoted him to the title of Col.
We believe however, he has never aspired to Mili
tary honors, yet lie deserves the office for he has
always shown himself willing to serve his country,
both in peace and in time or war. fie has been a
volunteer soldier over thirty years, and was one of
the first to assist in the organization of the Macon
V oltinteers, and is still a member of that patriotic
company.
In addition to this and speaking in a civil ca
pacity, the Col. has al ways enjoyed the esteem and
confidence of his fellow citizens, and has been
marked out as one of the most useful citizens of
Macon, and to h : s direction and care belongs in a
great degree, the arrangements of the beautiful
“ Rose Hill Cemetery,” whose name the City Coun
cil gave for him. But we will stop, fearing it mv
be thought, that we are writing the Col.’s Obit ha
ry. Not so, lie looks as young and as vigorous as
he did more than ten years ago, therefore let ad
endorse his civil and especially his Military honors.
—Albany Patriot.
As our Senior associate is absent on a Court
martial, we insert the above friendly notice, though
we know he will prefer still the distinction ot high
private, as Colonels have become quite too com
mon to suit vetrans of the “ old school.”
Newspaper Lnions. —The Southern Georgian
and Argitx, published at Bainbridge, have united,
and now appear under the title of “ The Southern
Press.” Hugh M. King, Editor.
Recruits tor the Army.—The Cassviße Stand
ard ot the 14th learns that forty recruits from
Gilmer and Fannin counties passed through Car
tersville on last Saturday.
There is, says the Baltimore Sun, apparently
great distrust of the elave population, under pres
ent circumstances, in many counties in Vireinie
and some in Maryland, and strict precautionary
measures have been adopted, so that any slave
insurrection would be immediately crushed and
the prime movers meet, with terrible retribution.
Jlucon aud Rrunswlck Railroad.
YV e have received through the courtesy of the
Hon. A. E. Cochran, President of the Macon and
, Brunswick Railroad Company, says the Albany
Patint, their “ Annual Report for 1861.” The
i President, Directors and Engineers deserve the
highest praise from the public, and the thanks of
the stockholders, for the very energetic and eco
nomical manner in which they have thus far
i directed the operations of this important enter
: prise. We use the word important because it i3
an important enterprise for the people of Georgia,
i By it we have an interesting section of our State
| brought into market, and will soon be developed.
Without it, that portion through which it passes,
from its isolated condition, may remain dormant
for a century to come. Then we repeat that the
energy which has been displayed on the part of
: the company is commendable in the highest sense
| of the term.
Egging an Editor.
The Editor of the Southern Confederacy have
recently been bit by 50 dozen eggs, showered upon
1 him by Messrs. White & Cos., of Calhoun. The
Editor says it is the Largest hen’s nest he has been
in some time.
That nest is worth cackling over.
Tte Alabama State Convention on the New
Constitution. -A special dispatch to the Charleston
Courier dated Montgomery, March 12, says:
In the Alabama State Convention a strong de
bate arose as to the propriety of recommending
that another Convention of the People be called
specially to ratify or reject the Constitution. A
test vote was made and lost, by
Mr. Kirnmet, co operationist, spoke against the
Constitution.
ilr. Jamison 00-operationist, liked it, but insis
ted that it snould go to the people for ratificat : on.
Without ratifying, and to allow all to discuss its
merits, and further consideration of the subject
was postponed until to-morrow.
Fort Sumter.
Washington, March 25.— The New York Sun
day Herald, says—that on Friday, President Lin
coln issued an order to Major Anderson, to put
his command in readiness, to evacuate Fort Sum
ter upon the arrival of a United States war steam
er. i'll*? evacuation to take place upon the arrival
of the steamer.
Kxcitiitg’ Times In Texaxt
New Orleans, March 22.— News has been re
i oeived here announcing ilut the Texas Convention
had passed an ordinance declaring that the Guber
-1 national Chair now filled by Gen. Houston, is va
cant, and also that of the Secretary of State, on
account of his refusal to appear before the Con
vention and take the oath of office. Mr. Chark, the
Lieut. Governor, was to assume the Governor’s
functions at. once, and the Secretary of State was
called on to hand over the seal of his office and all
his official records.
The Legislature met on the 18th inst. It is not
known what course Gov. Houston will pursue.
Missouri State Convention. —The following
amendment to the fifth resolution of the majority
report of the Committee on Federal Relations, in
the Missouri State Convention, which elicited sev
eral day’s discussion, was voted down on Saturday
in the Convention by a vote of 61 to 30 :
“ And further believing the fate of Missouri de
pends upon a Peaceable adjustment of our present
difficulties,she will never ceunteance or aid the sece
ding States in makiug war upon the General Gov
ernment, nor will she provide men and money for
the purpose of aiding the General Government in
any attempt to coerce a secediDg State.”
I hange of Depository Agent.
Bro. Cubbedge,.who has proven a most diligent
and faithful Depository agent, has resigned the of
fice, and the Coimuitee have elected Bro. Havgood
to till his place temporarily.
Bio. C. retired of his own accord and, upon a
farm, will re establish his health, which long and
close confinement had somewhat affected.
Orders should be addressed to Rev. F. M. Hay
good, agent, Macon, Ga. —Christian Index.
A good many people now agree with Mr. Lincoln,
in his remark at Poughkeepsie recently : “ I don’t
say that in the receut election the people did the
wisest thing they could; indeed, I don’t think they
did,” . I
Ttm tlfe Montgonttrf A<i*er
Army Appointments,
The following appointments have been made
the army of the Confederate States, and confirm
ed by the Congress : w
brigadier general,
Samuel Cooper, Virginia.
ADJUTANT GENERAL’S DEPARTMENT
lieutenant colonel,
George Deas, Louisiana.
majors.
David R. Jones, Georgia.
Hugh Lawson Clay, Alabama.
CA PT AINS.
John YY it hers, Mississippi.
Robert C. Wood, Louisiana.
QUARTF.RM ASI Eli'S DEPARTMENT
lieutenant colonel.
Abraham C. Myeis, Louisiana.
liAJOK.
J. Lawrence, Calhoun, Georgia.
SU RSISTF. WE DEPA RTMEXT.
captains.
John T. Shaaft, District of Columbia.
Wrn. F. Howell, Louisiana.
John M. Gauli, Georgia.
CORPS OF ENGINEERS.
M A JOBS.
\Y in. IT. c. Whiting, Mississippi.
Dativill- I.eadbetter, Alabama.
captains.
YYL.lter H. Stephens, Texas.
Yv rn. R. Boggs, Georgia.
YVm. li. Echols, Alabama.
Samuel H. Lockett, Alabama.
CORPS OF ARTILLERY.
Samuel G. French, Mississippi.
John G. Barnwell, South Carolina.
CAPTAINS.
William G. Gill, \ irginia.
John 11. Forney, Alabama.
Geo. T. Andrews, South Carolina.
John C. Booth, Alabama.
Johnson K. Duncan, Louisiana.
Stephen D. Lee, South Carolina.
John P. Yillipigue, South Carolina.
William P. Pender, North Carolina.
Allred B. Chapman, Alabama.
Frederick L. Childs, South Carolina.
Philip Stockton, South Carolina.
Jlypolite Oladowski, Louisiana.
FIRST LIEUTENANTS.
William Butler, South Carolina.
Joseph P. Jones, North Carolina.
Edward F. Bagley, Alabama.
George S. James, South Carolina.
Chas. D. AndersoD, South Carolina.
Alfred T. A. l’orbert, Delaware.
Fiizhugh Lee, Virginia.
Thomas J. Berry, Georg'a.
Moses J. Whiie, Mississippi.
James H. Halionquist, South Carolina.
Robert F. Beckham, Y 7 irginia.
Joseph Wheeler, Georgia.
John R. B. Burtwell, Alabama.
Benjamin F. Sloan, South Carolina.
Francis A. Shoup, Florida.
John Gibbs, Barnwell, South Carolina.
James L. Kennard, Mississippi.
S. C. Williams, Georgia.
John Pelham, Alabama.
Thomas L. Rosser, Texas.
Wright Rives, District of Columbia.
Alfred Rhett, South Carolina.
second lieutenants.
John O’Brien, Texas.
Charles P. Bali, Alabama.
Lucien D. Sandige, Louisiana.
Felix H. Robertson, Texas.
P. M. B. Young, Georgia.
John Lane, Oregon.
John 11. Kelly, Alabama.
George N. Reynolds, South Carolina.
R. L. Sweetrnan, Florida.
INFANTRY.
COLONEL.
Earl Van Dorn, Mississippi.
majors.
Lafayette Me Laws, Georgia.
Alfred Gumming, Georgia.
captains.
YVilliam S. Walker, Florida.
John YV. Frazer, Mississippi.
John Dunnovan, South Carolina.
Thomas R. McConnell, Georgia.
Theodore O’Hara, Alabama.
Jas. L. Corley, South Caroliua.
George W. Carr, Y'irginia.
Alfred Iverson, Jr., Georgia.
Robert G. Cole, Florida.
Philip A. Owen, Alabama.
Kdwin J. Harvie, Y’irginia.
YVilllam M. YY'alker, Alabama.
T. Moses Phillips, Mississippi.
N. G. YY'atts, Mississippi.
John J. A. A. Mouton, Louisiana.
John D. YVaiker, Georgia.
John Scott, Virginia.
Glover A. Ball, Florida.
YY r . W. Kirkland, Georgia.
J'IRST lieutenants.
Alfred E. Latimer, South Carolina.
Richard X. Bohtieau, South Carolina.
Milanthon Smith, Alabama.
Arthur Shaaff, Georgia.
Alexander B. Montgomery, Georgia.
Aurelius F. Cone, Georgia.
George YV. Holt, Alabama.
Paul J. Quattiebaum, South Carolina.
H. C. McNeill, Texas.
Bryan M. Thomas, Georgia.
J. D. Balfour, Mississippi.
YY r . C. Porter, Louisiana.
YY r ni. F. Barnwell, South Carolina.
Jefferson Davis Bradford, Mississippi.
Robert Inge Smith, Alabama.
E. Lawton, Georgia.
A. M. Rowland, Georgia.
H. Lord King, Georgia.
V. I). Groner, Miss.
SECOND LIEUTENANTS,
Edward S. Willis, Georgia.
James Barrow, Georgia.
O. J. Summec, Alabama.
J. G. Blount, Georgia.
James Hamilton, South Carolina.
11. L. Farley, South Carolina.
Joseph K. Dixon, Mississippi.
John R. Bloeker, South Carolina.
Benjamin King, District of Columbia.
Jus. E. McP. Washington, S. C.
T. J. Burton, Georgia.
Alfred M. O'Xeal, Alabama.
J. G. Ashe, Florida.
John Percey Walker, Alabama.
Campbell Tracy, Georgia.
Thomas 11. Hunt, Mississsippi.
J. M. Berrien, Georgia.
Samuel B. Pickens, South Carolina.
J. L. W. llariston, Mississippi.
William B. Ochiltree, Texas.
Samuel P. Rice, Jr., Alabama.
Peyton T. Manning, Miss.
W. D. Humphreys, Miss.
Coliu Mcßae Selph, Alabama.
Theodore B. Havne, S. C.
William Edmond Stoney, S. C.
Win. Deß. Hooper, Alabama.
John Bradley, Texas.
W m. T. Tranurn, Alabama.
Garnett Andrews, Georgia.
COMMUNICATED.
Oglethorpe, Ga., Saturday Mar. 28,1861.
Afessrx. Fdltorx :—Permit me, through the col
umns of your paper, to present to yon and the
country at large a brief description of a Military
parade which was performed to day, by a Military
Company recently organized in this place, and
known as the Macon County Volunteers. They
appeared on street this evening at 2 o’clock, in
full dress uniform, and were carried through vari
ous evolutions, all of which were performed with
regularity and dispatch, bestowing honor and
praise upon their patriotic and energetic comman
der, Dr. S M. Prothro.
At 5 o’clock it was announced that the flag of
the Confederate States of America would be flung
aloft to a Southern breeze, at the announcement
of which tliis gallant company was ordered to fire
a salute of seven rounds each, which order was
executed with a promptness and dispatch that
would have done honor to older veterans of the
field, and as the beautiful pennant and ensign un
furled itself to the breeze, this gallant company
gazed upon it with hearts full of devotion, and
every face seemed to say ; by you*l live, and by you
I die.
This patriotic company is ever ready to respond
to the call of their country ; they have united to
gether for her defence, and let come what may,
“ They will launch amid the temptesu blast,
Nat {earing aiormy weather,
N&Uiag tbair tag to a Southern
fa (Otk. at awlw tsrM, n \