Newspaper Page Text
simnuil & Messenger,
J. KNOWLES and S. ItOSE,
EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS.
Fr&m the Atlanta Intelligencer, Fob. 7th.
Tlic Currency.
The alarm in reference to the currency i?
beinp> wide spread over t,he Confederacy.—
We see this incite rapid uncalled for depre
ciation and in the extraordinary appreciation
of, or rise of prices for property of every des
cription. Perhaps, too, the report of Mr.
JUeniminger and his recomendations to Con
gress, with the presumed action of that body
tutreon, have had no little influence in
creating the present alarm, though in our
judgment they ahould have produced a de
e.dcdly contrary effect. But we li%c in uu
era. when speculation and extortion are rife
and supicine in the land, and when capital ,
timid always, is “scared out of its wits,"
hence, there is confidence where it ought to
he, and no forbearance among those who
have made fortunes during the war, and in
hands there are now millions of the
circulating medium of the country made in
a few months of the war, and so cheaply
that the holders thereof scarcely realise the
fact that it is 'money. Iu its uso therefore,
these successful speculators appear to act
upon the princifle of “come light, go light
and it has beeu and is now, their policy to
exchange currency £pr uuy other property
no matter what the latter may cost. Is there
any wonder, then, that the currency is dep
reciating iu value? Ought there to be any
wonder at its depreciation, wheu those whose
interest it is to sustaiu its par value, are the
most active in depreciating it ? We think
not! Let us look a little at the currency
question, aud see where the cause of this
unreasonable alarm-this uupatriotic attempt
to depreciate what is the duty of every sou
of the South to maintaiu at par value.
The bill which Mr Hunter, from the Cotn
mitte on Finance—carrying out substantially
Mr. Meniminger’srecomeudations— reports,
is designed to reduce tho circulating medi
um, in Taersury Notes, to $175,000,000 —a
sum that is deemed sufficient for all business
purposes during the vrar, aud to retire the
excess now in circulation, by requiring its
investments iu Government Bonds. To
effect this all the Treasury Notes bearing no
interest and issued prior to the first day of
December, 1862, aud all cretificates repre
senting these notes, aud of all Treasury
Notes bearing 7.30 per cent interest, are re
quired to be presented by the first of July,
1803. First however, a monthly issue of
£ j 0,000,000 is authorized on Treasury Notes
not that it is proposed io issue $000,000,000
in the year, but to cover the maximum
amount that may be requierd in any one
month, divesting this issue of the privilege
of being fundable or receivable in payment
of public dues after that day, the second and
third classes being converted into 6 per cent
bonds if not funded before that period
It is then required that all notes issued Gi
fu be issued within ten days after the pass
age of the act which are fundable in 7 per
cent bonds to be so funded on or before that
date or afterwards to be fundable only iu 4
per. cent bonds. And the new issues under
the bill as proposed are to be fundable iu
6 per cent, bonds within six months from
the first day of the month of their issue but
afterwards to be convertible only into 4 per
• cut. bonds—the whole object being as the
Charleston Mercury, from which paper we
gather the foregoing clear analysis of the
bill —states, “to stimulate funding with
in the six months by diuiinshing not their
currency but their fundable value after
that period. For it is supposed that the
notes fundable in 4 percent being the cheap
est, medium will be used for currency,
whilst those fundable in G p;r cent, within
the six months will be converted into bonds
during that period to a larger extent.
In the proposed measure now before Con
gress the object is mainly to stimulate fund
ing so as to reduce the circulation medium
to $1 i 5,000,000. Ihe wisdom of the mea
sure we cannot for a moment question, aud
so far from its creating alarm and causing
a depreciation of the currency it should have
a contrary effect,, and enhauce its value.-
The capitalist is as safe with a million of
dollars in the bonds of the Government as
he would be with a million of dollars in Con
federate Notes iu the bank upon deposit,
and better off too for upon the million of
dollars iu bonds he would be receiving in
terest on the notes. In the enhancement
too of the curreucy lUcd iu circulation, he
as well as the public, would derive innumer
able advantages —advantages in the purchase
of all that either would consume, the poor
as well as the rich. As it is now every ar
ticle of provisions or olothiug is command
ing fabulous prices, aud unices some such
measure be adopted Confederate uiouev,
through that want of confidence in it which
no matter to whom the couutry isjindebt
ed for itsprevalencencc, we see prevailing will
go on still to deprccilate until it will be look
ed upon as no money at all. Tho measure
therefore proposed to enhauce its value, in
steadof creating alarm, ought to inspire confi
dence iu our own currency, aud we trust
when it is undersood by the people it will do
so.
Connected with the foregoing, will, per
haps, astonish the croaker « upou the subject
of our currency, when we advise them that
Mr. Vallandigham stated in his speech iu
the Federal Congress, that the Federal Gov
ernment had expended, but had not jet paid
me enormous amount cf Twenty Five Hun
dred Millions ot Dollars on the present war?
and hat then is, is ovr debt, compared with
that of the “Universal Yankee Nation,” par
ticularly when we consider the resources of
the two governments to meet their respect
ive indebtedness ? No wonder that in the
orili that iu Wall Stree", “Greta backs’'
are reported to be no better than Confeder
ate Notes?
And also, in connection with the forego
ing we regret to see that a number of the
patriotic citizens of Macon have, through the
“Telegraph” newspaper, of that city, felt it
incumbent upon them to call a meeting,
which is to be held to-day, “to consider the
efforts lately made, and now being made, in
our midst, to depreciate the Confederate cur
rency, and to determine what'steps should
be taken in the matter *’ This call ia sign
ed by a number of tho most respectable citi*
ecus of that city. That it will be responded
to iu a spirit of enlightened patriotism, those
who knbic Macon will not doubt. There is
no city in the State, where an ninny ot the
Confederacy, or a reciter of its currency ,
can be less unpleasantly situated. W
would that a few in our midst, of that class
ot malcontents and croakers, would g‘> to,
and abide there for a time.
lIoRKiBLb Death of Confedera if Puts
uNhits. —The death by freezing ot twelve
Confederate prisoner.i at Camp Douglas, Ohio
has becu noticed. The 65th Illinois (Scotch)
regiment on guard there, held a meeting
and protested against the condition ot tin
camp aud barracks. The Chicago 'lime*
has the following particular- of the death of
the prisoners.
Word was brought to the city la A even
ing that during the night <4 Bumhiy twelve
of the Confederate' prisoners confined iu th«
pens at ( amp Douglas were frozen to death
It is assertained that on Monday morning
they were found in the miserable handful of
hay in their bunks frozen stiff, though to all
appearance in the enjoyment of perfect
health the day previous The barracke of
Camp Douglas arc well known to be totally
untiled, during the prevalence ot such
weather as the present, for the use of any
thing: scarcely cattle, i hoae iu which tbete
prisoners arc confined arc rnauy of them
destitute of stoves; the windows of some of
them are broken out, aud through the holes
aud the cracks in the sides aud the aper
tuers in the roof the cold wiud freely enters.
It is said that tiro local officers at the camp
actuated by a humanity their superiors might
pattern after with profit, have done all iu
their power to make the condition of the
prisoners comfortable. But there arc those
above them who have a terrible siu to answer
for. It were mercy that, after their capitu
lation, our caution had been turned upon
these prisoners, aud butchered them where
they were, than that, from a far Southern
clime without preperation being made for
their comfort or protection, they should be
transported hither, to meet with scarcely
anything worthy the name of shelter, the
tierce rigors of a Northern winter—to be
murdered by neglect—to endure the tortures
of a death by cold.
Important Iron* Mexico—the City
taken.
The Galveston News of the 2d inst. says:
An official letter from the French Consul
at Mattamoras states that the city of Mexico
had been captured by the French troofs. —
Tampico was occupied by*3,ooo French and
some reactionary troops on the 22d Dec., —
and that there were at the time of writing
8000 troops iu the city. Matamoras can at
any time be occupied by the French, and
will certainly be soon. The French army
numbers over forty thousand men, four times
the number necessary for taking the whole
of Mexico."
We look upon this as very important news
The conquest of Mexico by the French, or
which is the same thing, the absolute niiili
tary eontrole over that country by Napoleon
places French power in contiguity with the
Confederate States on the South as English
power is in contiguity with Lincoln's gov
ernment on the North. It is worthy of note
that while France has been steadily and
noiselessly establishing her power in Mexi
co by large fleets aud armies, Great Britain
has beeu equally indefatigable in sending
some forty or fifty thousand troops and im
mense army supplies into Canada. These
millitary operation in Canada aud in Mexico
have been going ou simultaneously and ap
paveutly, with a like determination by both
Governments to avoid attracting much ob
servation. Dnder such circumstances, it is
difficult, to believe that these operations arc
being carried on without a mutual under
standing between those governments and
wit limit a predetermined purpose to be ac
complished.
A * ermont officer once an abolitionist,
writes a lettter, of which the True Whig
publishes an extract*. He savs :
r l he war is becoming unpopular i I must
not say how much) in the army, i! is be
lieved the <.<rmy eomiot be tilled by drafting
v * yud the army is nearly all Dem
ocrats, made so by the present administra
tion ihe wen will never fight with ne
groes. Many regiments I know will uo t
eveu allow one to cook, diive a team or live
in camp. They arc more abused now by
the officers aud men than they were in sla
vory , for now every wbity ninti i> master
and republicans and democrats alike, if
they will not mind, tic them up to trees and
whip them. Never, never, will the men
tight side by side with th;in.
T 111 Lrvißiso Enlistments in tiie Army or thk
Potomac.—A correspondent of the New York
World thus writes from the Federal Army of the
Potouiao about the tioops there whose terms ot
enlistments are soon to expire :
Otticers and soldiers w&o count the days and
weeks and mouths ot their term of service are
conscious of what the people are not, viz : that
the whole brilliant army of six hundred thousand
turn which matched into the field at the outbreak
ot the rebellion, is, on the average, now on the
last bait of its term of service, aud that at least
jilty of its regiments (two years’ men) will march
i homewards before the first of .June.
VG figure eight hundred thousand men on
paper ; but the morning reports of the armies be
lie the statement. We speak of our brigades and
divisions and corps, and number their thousands
by the number of regiments; but the men to make !
them are not tnere. Tne only place where ei*ht '
hui.d;ed thousand men can be found is on the i
pav rolls. A,:,, , h « i,°to dav ZiZ |
Mioie men out oi the army, in hospital- on’ an- t
thgrized leave of abaci,ce, anil on special dr iin.u :
tbonzed deMelied servioo, than it is men i„ th ,
ranks doing regular dot,. U„|f o r eve , v re „ imt 1 |
.spa.oon descriptive Ibis, piocrcd by men in j
hospitals and elsewhere from their company ofli- !
cer *h a »d lorwarded to their paymasters. * I
Lincolu has sent his nomination of Gen -
eral Phillips as Major General dated -Dec.
4th, 1801, thus outranking all other. Ma
jor Generals, including Burnside and Hook
er.
Steamer Nashville Gone to Sea.—
, e UI ’ e \ n^ Steamer Rattlesnake
(late Nashville) Capt. T. G. Baker, has gone
to Sea irom near Savannah.— Chronicle &
bent aid.
IMPORTANT FROM T!IL \OIITH.
Tlcrcicr and Seward at Variance.
IHploinatu: C orrepondt>*Ct between Mr. Seamed.
Mr. Dayton and the brevet/ Minister.
The Herald of the 18th, contains some Highly
important State papers which were communicated
to the United Suite? Senate on the 12th. It says
Some highly important State papers were com
municated to the Senate yesterday and are pub
lished iii our columns to day. The ; comprise a
eoi le-tpondence between Mr. Seward and Mr. Day
ton, concerning the proposition of’ mediation br
the French Emperor, and the communication?
which passed between our Minister at Paris and
M. Druuyn de Lhnys. We regret that our waut
oi space compels u* to defer its publication. Com
menting upon this correspondence the Herald says
editorially :
Eaton de MercierV ettcr and Mr. Seward's vigo
rous answer to it, published in the Herald, must
* have caused a great sensation in diplomatic circles
,at Washington. In this city considerable excite
ment was caused by the correspondence in ques
tion, as from its tone it is easy to foresee that fu
ture relations between our Minister of Foreign Af
fair- and the Emperoi Napoleon's SlinUtei will be
extremely unpleasant. Wo are at a loss to under
stand what course M. Mereier can pursue, save
i that of demanding his passports. He made an as
sertion compromising our Secretary of State, who
iu the most distinct manner, contradicts his state
ment. “Between gentlemen” a c the Czar Nichol
as would say, in private life, the course to pursue
would be clear; between persons occupying the
high positions which Mr. Seward and Baron Mer
rier respectively fill it becomes a matter hard to
decide. At this stage of our affairs Ris to be
hoped that all uuplt-asaul complications may he
avoided , but wo feel assuied that the letters
which have just beeu made public by the French
Minister and M. Seward, added to the Emperor
Napoleon s missive to Geu. Forey upon the Mexi
can question, to say nothing of the intrigues of
the 1 rcuch Consuls against Texas, will cause ill
feelings between tho people of their country and
I ranee.
From the commencement of the rebellion we
were iueliued to look upon Fraucc as a frieud.—
She was not making an illicit commerce with the
rebels. She made no endeavors to break our
blockade, aud sold no ships to the iusi rgeuts
nor did she construct and tit our pirate vessels to
prey upon our commerce. So we felt annoyed at
England, who did all this, and we were friendly
disposed towards France, who did not. But uow
it is forced upon our conviction from all sides that
France is really inimical to us. We have the as
sertion from the Emperor himself, who gays that
France must stay our progress on this continent,
and who chivalrously undertakes the task at a mo
ment when we are hampered by a gigantic rebel
lion. M. Mereier states that he went to Richmond
at the instigation of Mr. Seward. The latter flat
ly contradicts this assertion. Singularly enough
at this juncture of affairs we find in the columns
of a French periodical an article which goes to
prove that M. Mereier went to Richmond with oth
er motives than these he acknowledges. Mr.
Cucheval (Jlarigny, a writer in the service of the
French Government, states iu the “Annuairs des
Duex Mondes” that it was Fren?h influence that
determined the Confederates to defend Richmond.
It must be borne iu mind that at the date of M.
Mercier’s visit to Richmond the rebels were in
clined to abandon that place, and that they had
determined upon removing the seat of government
to some other city. They, after M. Mercier’s visit,
concluded to remain, and did so successfully , and
now we find a prominent French writer assuriug
us that Richmond held out at he instination of
France. It is clear that Mr. Cucheval Clariguy
would not have hazarded this statement in Paris
had he not have been informed upon the subject.
The unfavorable statements made so constantly
by the semi official organs ot the French govern
ment. as regards the position of our administra
tion ; their desire that Fraece should mediate, ail,
of course, with a view to the severance of the Un
ion, are presided in with a bad grace, knowing,
as they do, how offensive to loyal Americans would
be any foreign intervention or meddling. We
fear that any abrupt or incautious policy at this
moment might resuit badly for the entente cordial?,
between our government and that of the Emperor
Napoleon, tins alliance with England is on its
last legs, and as he is ambitious to elevate the
Latin race at the expense of our power and pres
tige, he might gladly seize upon any occasion to
rend asunder even the semblance of good feeling
which exists between us, and thus have done al
together with the Anglo-Saxons. We would warn
our authorities at Washington to exercise the
greatest caution aud delicacy in handling M. Mer
eier, and the most untiring expedition iu building
iron clad and arming them heavily ; for if we
must have a loreiga war, let us by all means be
prepared lor it.
Mr. Seward’s straightforward letters iu couueo
tion with the correspondence between Air. Day
ton uud Mr. Drouyn de J’Uuys, which we publish
to-duy, put him before the people in the best light.
As regards the charges nude against him by Bar
on Mercier, lie makes no deviations nor explana
tions, but uncompromisingly denies them. This
places M v Mercier iu a most unpleasant predica
ment, aud will most likely lead to his recall, as he
cau no longer continue Lis relations with Mr. Se*
ward. It remains to be seen how the Hmutirur
will look upon the matter , and, as wc have* said
above, as long as a doubt exists Jot us prepare for
the worst, ibe Emperor of the French, should
ho be inclined to take advantage ol this incident
will find that his calculations as to the diijiuuiiou
i of our powers are sadly at variance with the real
state ot the caso. A foreign war thrust upou us
at such a mouieut wouid rouse the people of the
North to a display of their real power, and the
world would then lind out what twenty-two mil
lions of people, moved by a siuglc purpose, can
accomplish. It i? useless lor us to add how greut-
Iv any trouble with France is to be depreciated ;
but »e must insist upon the maintenance of our
national dignity aud a firm demeasor towards
those who would take advantage of our troubles
to deeply wrong us.
-*r
French Mediation,
MR. SEWARD TO MR. DAYTON.
[No. 297. J
Department or State, )
WAiHiNUTON, February 6, 1863. »
William L. Dayton , Esq., die. die.:
Sir: The intimation given in your dispatch of
January 15 (No. 255), that I might expect a special
visit from Mr. Mender, has been realized. He
! called on the 3d instant, and gave me a copy of a
dispatch be had just received from Mr. Drouyn de
L’huys, under the date of the 9th of Jauuary. 1
have takeu the President’s instructions, and I
! proceed to give you his ideas upon the subject in
question. It has been considered with serioua
| ne**, resulting from the reflection that the neople
1 of France are known to be faultless sharers with
| the American nation iu the misfortunes and cal*- j
! “dues of our unhappy civil war. Nor do we on
this, any more than on other occasions, forget the 1
traditional friendship of the two countries, which I
which we unhesitatingly believe has inspired tfi e
counsels which Mr. Drouyn de L’huys has im- i
parted. He says: “The Federul
does not despair, w> know, of giving more active j
impulse to hostilitiesami again he remarks:!
1 he protraction of the struggle, in a word, has !
not shaken the confidence of the Federal Govern- i
ineiit in the definitive success of its efforts.” i
1 hes-e passages seem to :ne to do unintentional hi- i
justice to the language, whether confidential or j
public, in which this Government lias constantly
spoken on the subject of the war. It certainly !
has hud aud avowed only one purpose—a,deter
mination to preserve the integrity oi the country, j
So far from admitting any lack of effort, or be- 1
ira>ing any despondency, the Government has on
the contrary, borne itself obeerfuliy in ail vicissi
tudes with unvarying confidence in an early and
complete triumph of the national cause. Now |
when we are in a manner invited by ti friendly !
i Offer to review the twenty-one months’ history
ot the conflict, we find no occasion to abate that
con ideuce through which, in au alternation of
victories and defeats, as is tL«c appointed ifieidsm
of war, tb« land and naval forces of the Uuited
States have steadily advanced, reclaiming from
the insurgents the pot ts, torts and posts which
they had treacherously seized before the strife
bad actually begum and eveu .before it was seri
ously apprehended. So many ot the States aud
districts which the insurgents included in the field
of their projected exclusive slaveholding dominion
have already been re established under the flag of
the Union that they now retain only the States of
Georgia, Alabama and Texas, with hall pt ir
giuia, half of North Carolina, two-thirds of South
Carolina, half of Mississippi, and one-third respec
tively of Arkansas and Louisiana. The national
forces hold even this small territory in close block
ade and siege. This Government, il required,
does not hesitate to submit i f s achievements to
the test of couipjrisen, and it maintains that in no
part of the world, and in no times, ancient or
modern, has a nation, when rendered all unready
for combat by the enjoyment of eighty years of
almost unbroken peace, so quickly awakened at
the alarm of sedition, put forth energies so vigor
ous and achieved successes so signal and effective
as those which have marked the progress of this
contest on the part of the Union.
Mr. Drouya de L’buya, 1 fear, has taken other
light than the correspondence of this government
for his guidance in ascertaining its temper and
finances, fie has probably read of divisions of
sentiment among those who hold themselves forth
as organs of public opinion here, and has given to
them an undue importance. It is to be remem
bered that this nation of thirty millions is civilly
divided into forty-one States and Territories, which
cover an expanse hardly less than Europe ; that
the people are a peace democracy, exercising eve
ry where the utmost freedom of speech and suf
frage; that a great crisis necessarily produces ve
hement us well an profound debate, and sharp
collisions of individual, local and sectional inter
ests, sentiments and convictions, and that this heat
of controversy is increased by the intervention of
speculations, interests, prejudices and passions
from every other part of the civilized world. It
is, however, through such debates that the agree
ment of the nation upon any subject is habitually
attained, its resolutions formed and its policy es
tablished, while there has been much difference of
popular opinion uud favor concerning the agents
who shall carry on the war, the principles on
which it shall be waged aud ".he means with which
it shall be prosecuted.
Mr. Drouya de L’huys has only to refer to the
statute books of Congress aud the executive ordi
nances to learn that the national activity has hith
er to been aud is yet as efficient as that of any
other uation, whatever its form of government ever
was, under circumstances of equally gruve import
to its peace, safety and welfare. Not one voice
lias been raised anywhere out of (he immediate
field of the insurrection in favor of foreign inters
vention, or mediation, or arbitration, or of com
promise, with tbe relinquishment of one acre of
the national domain or the surrender of even one
constitutional franchise. At the same time it is
manifest to the world that our resources are yet
abundant aud our credit adequate to the existing !
emergency. !
\S hat Mr. Brouyn de L’huys suggests is that
this Government shall appoint commissioners to
meet on neutral ground commissioners of the in -
surgeuts. He supposes that in the conference ta
be thus held reciprocal complaints could be thus
discussed, and in place of tbe accusations which
the North and the South now mutually cast upon
each other, the conference would be engaged with
diseussious of the interests which divide them,
lie assumes, further, that the commissioners would
seek, by means of well ordered aud profound de
liberations, whether these interests are definitely
irreconcilable; whether separation is an extreme
that can no longer be avoided, cr whether the
memories of a common existence, the ties of every
kind which have made of the North arid tbe South
one whole federative State, and have borne them
on 10 so high a degree of prosperity, are not more
powerful than the causes which have placed arms
in the hands of tbe two populations. The sug
gestion is not an extraordinary one, and it. may
will have been thought by the Emperor of the
French, in the earnestness of bis benevolent de
jJties lor the restoration of peace, a feasible one.
But when Mr. Drouyn de L’huys shall come to
ie\iew it in the light in which it must necessarily
be examined in this country, I think he can hardly
• tb peicpjye that it amounts to nothing less
than a proposition that, whde this (government is
* n suppressing an armed insurrection with
the purpose of maintaining the constitutional na
tional authority and preserving the integrity of
the country, it shad enter into diplomatic discus
sions with the insurgents upon the questions whe
tner the authority shall not be renounced and
whether that country shall not be delivered over
to disunion, to be quickly followed by ever increas
.iig anarchy. If it were po-sible for the Govern
ment ol the United States to compromise the n*
tiomil authority so far as to enter into such de
bates, it ig not easy to perceive wi*u good results
could be obtained by them. The commissioners
must agree in recommending either that the Union
shall stand or that it shall be voluntarily dissolv
ed, or else they must leave the vital question un
settled, to abide at least the fortunes of the war.
The Government has uot shut out knowledge of
the pfegant temper, any more than of the ‘past
purposes, of the insurgents. There is not the least
ground to suppose that the controlling actors
would be persuaded, at this moment, by any ar
guments which a national commissioner could
offer, to forego the ambition that has impelled
them to the disloyal position they are occupying.
Any commissioner who should be appointed by
those actors, or through their dictation or influ
ence, must enter the conference imbued with the
spirit, and pledged to the personal fortunes of tbs
insurgent chiefs. The loyal people in the iusur
rectiouary States would be unheard, and any offer
of peace by this Government on the condition of
the maintenance of the Union must necessarily be
ejected.
On the other hand, us I have already intimated,
this Government hus not the leaet thought of re
linquishing the trust which has been confided to it
by the nation under the most solemn of all politi
cal sanctions ; and it it had any such thought, it
would have still abundant reason to know that
peace, proposed at the cost of dissolution, would
be immediately, universally and indignantly re
jected by the American people. It is a great mis
take that European statesmen make if °hey sup
pose this people are demoralised. Whatever, in
case of an insurrection, the people of France of
Greaj. Britain, or Switzerland, or the Netherlands
i would uO to save their national existence, no mat
| ter how the strife might be regarded by or atfect
I foreign nations, just as much, and certainly no
I th « people of the United States will do if
necessary, to save for the common benefit the
j which is bounded by the Pacific and Atlan
! lie coasts and by the shores of the Gulfs of St
Lawrence and Mexico, together with the free and
| common navigation of the Kio Grande, Missouri
: Arkansas, Missisaipi, Ohio, St. Lawrence, Hudson,’
j Deleware, Potomac and other national
jby which this land, which to them is at "once'a
| land of inheritance and promise, is opened and
waered.
Bven if the agents of the American people thus
exercising tbeir power, should through fJar of
faction tall below this height of national virtue
they would be speedily, yet constitutionally re
placed by others of sterner character and patri
otism. 1
, 1 must be allowed to say, also, that Mr. Drouyn
de L buys errs m Ids description of the parties to
the present conflict. We have here, in * political
sense, no North, no South—no Northern no South
ern States. Vve have an insurrectionary part?
wh.ch .a located upon, and is chiefly adjacent to'
the shores 01 the Gulf cl Mexico, and we have, on
the other hand, a loyal people, who constitute cot
only Northern SCates, but Eastern, Middle, West
ern and Southern States. 1 have on many occa
sions heretofore suomitted to the French Govern
ment the Prefl : dent’s vUws 0 f the interests and
ideas which lie at the bottom of the determination
of the American Government and the people to
maintain the Federal Union. The President, has
done the same thing in his messages and o,tiler
public declarations, I refrain, therefore, from re
viewing that argument in connection with the ex
[sting question Mr. Drouyn de L’nuys draws to
hie aid the conference which took-place between
tL * Britain i sl o ur rarciuticii
ary war. lie will allow me to answer that action,
in tbe crisis of a nation, must accord with its ne
cessities, and therefore on be seldom conformed
to precedents. Great Britain, when entering on
that negotiation, had manifestly come to entertain
doubts of her ultimate success, and it is certain
that the councils of the colonies could not have
failed to take new courage, if not to gain advan
tage, when the parent State compromised so far
l as to treat of peace on the terms of conceding
their independence. It is true, indeed, that peace
must come some time, and that conferences must
attend, if they are not allowed to precede the paci
fication. There is, however, a better form for
such eonfereuces than the one which Mr. Drouyn
jde L’huys suggests. The latter would be palpably
| in derogation ot the Constitution of the United
■ States, and would carry no weight, because d.'Sti
j tute of the sanction necessary to bind either to
j the loyal or disloyal portions of the people.
On the other hand the Congress of the United
States furnishes a constitutional forum for debates
between tiie aliented prrtiea. Senaiors and Rep
resentatives from the loyal people are there al
ready, fully empowered lo confer. And seats are
also vacant and inviting the Senators and Repre
sentatives of the discontented party, who may be
constitutionally sent there from the States involv
ed in tbe insurrection. Moreover, the conference
which can thus be held in Congress have this great
advantage over any that could be organized on
the plan of Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys, viz: that Con
gress, if it thought wise, could call a national con
vention to recommendations, and give them all the
solemnity and binding force of organic law. Such
conferences betsveen the alternated parties may be
said to have already begun. Maryland, Virginia,
Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri, States which
are claimed by the insurgents, are already repre
; seated in Congress, with perfect freedom and in a
proper spirit their advice upon the course best cal
eulated to biing about in the shortest time a firm,
honorable and lasting peace. Representatives have
been sent, also,' from Louisiana ; and others are
understood to be coming from Arkansas. There is
prepondering argument in favor of the Congres
sional form of conference over that which is sug
gested by Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys, viz: that, while
accession to the latter would bring the Govern
ment into concurrence with the insurgents in dis
regarding and setting aside an important part of
the Constitution of the United States, and so would
be pernicious example ; the Congressional confer
ence, on the contrary, preserves and gives new
strength to that sacred instrument, which must
continue through future ages the sheet anchor of
the republic.
You will bp at liberty to read this dispatch to
Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys, and to give a copy if he
shall desire it. To the end that you may be in
formed of the whole case, I transmit a copy of Mr,
Drouyn de Lhuys’* dispatch.
I am sir, your obedient servant,
WILLIAM H. SEWARD.
PUBLIC MEETING IN MACON.
j * Macon, February 17th, 1863.
Ir. pursuance of a call published in the Daily
Telegraph, a large number of tbe citizens of Macon
and the surrounding country assembled this day
in tbe City Hall. 'The meeting was organiv dby
1 calling the Hon. T. G. Holt to tbe Chair, and ap
pointing W. D. Williams, Secretary. The Chair
man on taking his seat made known the object of
the meeting and announced that it was ready for
business.
| On motion of Col. Vv hittle, a committee of five
was appointed by tbe Chair, to wit, . Messrs, L
N. Whittle, Nathan Bass, J, J. Gresham, Win’ B.
Johnson and A. Lockett to consider and report
, business for tbe action of tbe meeting
Isaac Scott, Esq., being present rose and stated
shat fie had been informed by a friend that cer
tain transactions m wt;icu be was a partv were in
part the occasion of the call of this meeting, and
if such w ere the case he desired permission to
I make some remarks. On motion of Col. W. B.
Parker this permission was granted, and Mr. Scott
accordingly occupied the attention of the meeting
for a short time with some statements and ei plan ac
tions in regard to said transactions,
j The Committee having retired, returned and re
*,port.ed the following preamble and resolution,—
which, on morion of Col. W. K. Degraft’enreid,
were unanimously adopted :
Although, happily for us, we ourselves are re
mote from the actual din of battle and clash of
arms, and are allowed to enjoy in case and securi
ty the corpfprts of our homes and firesides, still
we recognize the fact, that we of Georgia, togetb
j with our Sister States of the Confederacy, are
iu the midst of revolution and war, and that‘these
; blessings are allowed us in consequence of the en
ergy and gallantry of our young men, our broth
ers, sons and friends who have rushed to the field
, and are now confronting our enemies offering
! themselves willing sacrifices for us, for our property”
! and for their families whom they have left behind
and in our keeping.
. aie engaged in a war, whether considered
in view' of the numbers engaged on either aide, or
ol £he mighty results which must inevitably follow
to us, involving liberty and independence on the
i one hand, or utter subjugatiou and ruin on the
i other, of such magnitude as the world never be
foie saw, and this with one of the most powerful
nations of the earth, outnumbering us near ihree
to one, requiring on our part uot only unitv of
! purpose, but concert of action aud the active de
velopment, of every power and aid, to asssist and
sustain our young government and brave troops
j iu tbe mighty and unequal contest in which we
are eugaged ; with this union and concert, smiled !
j on as we l'eel we have been heretofore by a kind
1 and gracious Providence, we must succeed, unless
we shall be shorn of our strength by enemies lurk
ing in our own midst, under the guise of friends.
To wage this war, dees now require, and will !
require, to keep troops almost innumerable in the
field, to supply them with clothes, sustenance aud \
[transportation; to manufacture aud [supply im
mense quantities of arms aud all the munitions of
i war; to provide for and take care of the wives
and children which our volunteers have left in our
charge, while they arc away battling, uud if needs
be, dying in our defence ; these, aud each and all
of them, will require large sums of money to pro
cure and supply, aud without which, the'struggle
rau3t be given over; indeed, without money for
! the future, as well as now, we are already van-
I quished.
I Our young Government, not yet two years old,
being cut off from all commercial intercourse with
i the world, hemmed in by the powerful navy of her
j enemy, is forced to rely op her own resources lor
j Ul ohey t as well as for all other requisites to carrv i
on this war for our independence, and although '
containing within herself all the elements of wealth i
sufficient even for this great emergency which is
upon her, she is forced, while tbe blockade of her j
ports shall continue, to resort to her credit until
she shall be able to send abroad and die pone of
the rich commodities with which almost every
farm iu the land is filled, so that, for the time,
this credit as used by our Government, the Con
federate currency, is to us all in all. Destroy this
credit, break down this currency, and our armies
must ol necessity at oqee give up the fight and !
come home, aud we with thein, occupy the poai- ;
tion our enemies in no other way have been, or
will be able to force upon us, that of serfs and
slaves to the bigots ol New England, aud their al- I
hes and friends. Ur* who would thus work our *
nun, would not hesitate to lead our troops iuLo
the ambush of tbe enemy, or by any other means
in his power, short of taking the field as an open
enemy, work our ruin. Therefore,
Revived, That we will hold all persons as ene
mies of thte Confederacy who shall by any means
depreciate tire Confederate currency, or shall re
fdse to receive jt. ip payment of debts, and will
use our best endeavors to bring all such to con
dign punishment, by legal means, if the laws pro
vide such punishment j but if iu >t, to punishment
wnh or without law.
Resolved, That inasmuch as the Confederate
Government has virtually made its Treasury notes
a legal tender in payment for supples for the aimv
taken from the citizens by impressment, by com
pelling such citiyeng to peceife them in payment
lor such supplies, aud also jn the payment, of its
troops, we deem it both the duty and interest of
the Government, as well with the view of sustain
ing its credit, as an act of impartial justice to all
us citizens, to make such notes by legislative en*
wvtuisat, * isgai tender in payment ail debts.
j Resolved, That the proceeding
be sent to our Senators and R<T t ' : -
the end that they may brine tin*
: Congress, and either pass a law ra
federate currency a legul tender , * “
| severe punishment on all who*»h r
depreciate or lower it value ‘
Resolved, That the Mayor and C
city of Macon, are requested to unr , •
Committee, to be composed ot twt *■
j best and most substantial citizen
iclothed with all the power of the i
- whose duty it shall especially be s
;and all facts they can, hearincr ’ o:i .’ *
and bring the offenders to puni”hmer *
I Resolved, That the Committee who*
I pointed by the City Council codec
.can, the names of all pernotis in .**
refused to receive the curreuev i
debts due them, that they mav be fir, ■
notice of the bublie, aud to punish Dle !'’. *
; On motion ot C. J. Harris— That • -
I tending directly or indirectly to dec,. ' 4 '
I currency of the country is mipattio:
Resolved, Therefore, That dun. - - *
, ance ot the w ar, the attome' soli.
( commended to reject all claim for $• v
' party plaintiff refuses to accept ConlVu
j in payment of the same.
On motion of J. Rutherford, Em. q,
ings of this meeting were order- j • /
in the City papers, and all journ.,! /
the objects ol the meeting be rt
The meeting then on motion atij, r
! T. G
| iV. D. Williams, Sec’y.
IkiP The following Committee v , ,
I by ttie (3ity Council in confound v v 1
j proceedings.
I T(1 Holt, J B Rosa, J J Gresham, Vt n ,
|ston, Chas Collins. .J VV Feats G >i | >n ’’
j Coleman, P E Rowdre, Thos A Ham- ,
j teuillet, David Flanders, J DeLoac i
iston, K L Strohecker, Nathan B a , ;
j C C Sims, W S Lightfoot, Rob't b.m ,
! Price, W Massenburg, A Mix, J U R \y a ,
i Dr. M S Thompson,
j wgaa—
[MACON, GEORGIA:
Wt'diicMlav, February 25, ImT
DESTRUCTIVE FIRE
Our city was visited with a disastrous
Friday morning last, commencing about c>
iu the stables of Hayden A Goolsbv, on JJu]i, ~r
street. It spread with great rapidib ro the
joining stables of Mr. Stubblefield, T. R. Ii;,
office aud store rooms (a two-storv brick bu
:on the corner of Mulberry and Second f- r , '
the Dwelling of Mrs. Wrigiey and Mrs. mu;,
, nolds, and the large work shop occupied i v »
j Nathan Weed, as a manufactory, principals
• agricultural implements both of wood and ir
tbe machinery propelled by a st Pi:r n en .-,. L .
buildings consumed occqpied one fourth
square, fronting on Mulberry and Second stree
ihe loss oi Hayden & Goolsby is heavy beii t
about 6,000 bushels of corn 160,000 pounds fc:
der sixteen fine horses, several carriage- - vl,
only a few buggies, The fire spread ij rapidly -j
to prevent only a portion of the horses from being
saved with great difficulty. He had an iT-m.
to about one third the amount los.. The J -j
Mr. Nathan Weed in buildings, sfeafli ■ uf.ae and
stock is also heavy. The furniture in th: dw v
lings was mostly saved. The articles stored in Mi
Bloom’s buildings were mostly removed and tbe
loss not heavy.
There can be no doubt but it was the wck ,
an incendiary, and we have several eviden >
a strict watch is needed. The building-,
with their contents were of such a ecut-- -
character, that very little could be effe t and tv
firemen except to arrest the extension ol tr ire
on the alley where it was stopped.
( OjJR COi.BT.
from all that can be gathered from the ir.vt
merits of tbe enemy on our coast, from r-ples.
'.oners, &e. they do not yet seem to be fully •
I pai eu for an attack on Savannah or Charlcstcr.-
jNo doubt need be entertained but tint s
I their intention us soon as all their preper&oui •
completed, but. some days, perhaps weeks » ‘
j tervene. But we should not been It-- eu <
i alert ami active iu our preparations, and be read; •»
meet and repel it whenever it does come— fc
; he resolved that the Federate ghoqld mv- . -
1 «ess another foot of Georgia or Carolina » oh. t-L*
; the sand drifts which they now occupy.
| The fate of one “Great Armada is recorded ■
. history for the one now about to execute *
work of extermination on us, v e nio.v anticipate
| the same destiny. The duplicate oftl e' Gvind
Army” of Xerxes, was that which mad: the L -
essay of “ou to Richmond” and reversed its court
at Bulls Run. Such has always been the fat
such boasted expeditions, both hy sea and hu;
SHOE MAKERS AND EEEMPI^n,
Very liberal privileges are granted to thiaciio
of Mechanics for the benefit their labour w<
confer on the soldiers ; but with a certain j uU.f,
intended to prevent extortion. Tbe public *
bear us witness, that no class of mechanics, or i';
other exempts, have so much abused their pnv
ledge as shoemakers.
Their charges generally are the extreme ot ex
tortion, and nearly every one of them capable of
bearing arms should be in the “Camp of Inatr
tion ’, iu conformity to the law applicable tc them
With the poorest materials and workmanship, s:
half tauneil leather, tbe charge? sr. f
; soldiers shops Dora fifteen to thirty dollars Sul
to give a positive case of extortion, we would -
! tion, that an old and well known citizen c: i
county, whose only son is in the army, at eleven
dollais per month, called on one of these
make a pair of shoes for his sou, offering '• ; -
ish the leather, and informed that the
for making was twenty dollars. Wnat.houit --
done with such exempts? Should not the
place his hide on a pole to scare crows *
cornfield ' lie would be unfit [or me awe*-
FRENCH MEDIATION.
We have copied entire the reply of Mr " :7,a ' u
to the French Minister, Mens. Drouyn de * • d
in which ir. will be seen that the propel'-^ 1 - J ‘ *
friendly mediation by the French Eajper° r
substantially rejected. We regret that #*
not room lor the letter from tbe French *“
ister, to the U. S. Government. It cental!’-- °-
• i • ii* to
simple suggestions to initiate some ins
tore peace between the North and South* 1 **
federacy, by appointing commissioner* t 0 e ‘
neutral ground for that purpose. i
The reply of Mr. Be ward is characterise
such as might have been expected. R IS Lt
ed ot such ehallow falsehoods and iiiisrep'*- “
tious, as will fail to convince the French ~J>
ment of his statesmaushp, and t*-* 1 ot ~l f
ble government of which he is the org*- 1
Confederacy cannot suffer harm in the .
France or other nations by scwh wretch »
try aai falishooqs-