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lounwl an& Pessengtr.
\ IS ROSE and 8. B. BURR,
»■ ' gpm >rt and PHorßirroiui.
Alston Hall Building—CHEßßY BT.,
‘ MAtX )N, GA.
jorKNAi- A Mkssknokb 1i published
Three dollars per annum.
L A Ni) LK Y LANK.
liV BOBT. browning.
~,i range up. rauge down,
lo all ihe 1»”' ’ , so pleasaut uud sweet
U UieNMtv*; Sn town,
A* iAUgley l » |>uiatle ot square and street?
J‘V <l cottages all in a row,
where bachelor buttons grow,
l),r * **' n,-is m roof and wall,
sw Jgivetl ie still, blue sky.
And up ‘ lly w iiiie clouds go sailing by—
'm-tiii to beabhs to see it all!
in summer. 1 take my chair,
l" r , M outside m tie* sun and hear
distant murmur o' street and square,
r " ,c swallows and sparrows enlrplng near;
, Who lives just over the way,
' wither little hand s much so warm and kind,
. * me and talk with the sun on my cl.eek,
thdlule iv.- hand seems to sic, and speak ;
A KuriwnnyU dumh and lam blind.
i' oinv Is sweet thirteen, anil she
1 lias"tine black nugleis and dark ' eyes clear,
v | u in oltlur by surrunem t.iree,
wnv shouldn’t we hold one another so dear?
S The*waler-carl’s splash milkman’s call;
N \ ft t!relit^e V slngeretlial hum and lly
‘yet know she “l«“ «“*“* ah;
Kor me sun is shining, the swallows lly,
The bees and bine-fly murmur low,
A lid 1 li-ar the waler-.art go by,
Wii i us rool splash,splash down the rusty row,
m'i.i (!„• little one close at my side perceives
upraised to the cottage eaves,
Wnere birds are chirping in summer shine,
And 1 hear, though 1 cannot look, and she,
Though the little son lingers flutter in mine !
Hath nol ttie dear little band a tongue,
When It Stirs on my palm, for the love of me!
Haiti not my soul any eye to see?
I is pleasure to make one’s bosom stir
'j,, wonder how things appear to tier
That 1 or.ly hear us i pass around;
A tid as long as we sit in the music and light,
A/,, is happy to aoep In God's sight.
And J ,'IIU happy to keep (lod’s sound.
Why, I know her lace, though I am blind—
I made it of music long ago!
Strange large eyes and dark hair twined
Kound the pensive light of a brow of snow;
And wheu I sit by my little one,
And hold her hand and talk In the sun,
A .id bear the music that haunts the place,
1 know she is raising her eyes tome.
And guessing how gentle my voice must be,
And .v 101.7 ttie music ujxm my face.
Tho’ il ever the Lord should grant me a prayer,
I I know the fancy is only vain,)
I should pray just once, when the weather is 1 air.
To see little Kanuy and Langley lane;
Though Kanuy, perhaps, would pray to sear
Tlic voice of the friend mat she holds so dear,
I’ll,, soug ol the bird, the lium of the bee ;
II is better to be as we have lieeii—
Kuril keeping up something unheard, unseen,
To make God's Heaven more strange anil near.
Ah ! life is pleasant in Langley lane!
There is always something sweet to hear,
Chirping of birds or patter of rain !
And Kanuy, my little one, always near:
And though I’m weakly and can’t livelong.
Ami Kanuy, my darling, is far from strong.
And though wecau never married lie,
What then? since we hold one another so dear
f or Hie sake of the pleasure one cannot see
And the pleasure that only one cau hear.
[ Providence Journal.
THE MINISTER’S GUESTS.
Elinor Blake was deeply in love with
the Rev. Allston Granger, and her affec
tiou was reciprocated. So they were
married.
Mr. (Jranger lived in (lie country; and
if you want to know what kind of a life
his was, just, you go and change yourself
into a minister, and settle somewhere just
out of a city, with all of the inhabitants of
which you are more or less acquainted—
each and every one of whom will consider
it an especial duty to come out and take
tea with you a half a dozen times a year,
and all of whom will consider it an insult
if your wife don’t have three kinds of
cake—and fresh milk, eggs uud honey on
the table. Os course, people who live in
the country are expected to have all these
things in great abundance.
Mrs. Granger was a very pleasant, agree
able woman, and tried to have everything
smooth, and she was overrun with com
pany.
A minister, among other things, is ex
pected to keep a hotel, and keep it in a
way our modern landlords don’t very weJl
understand—without money and without
price.
It must he open night and day, and hot
meals served at all lmurs. Nobody must
he refused admittance. People who are
too low to stay at the tavern, are sent to
the minister’s. Tract peddlers, book ped
dlers, agents, women's rights lecturers —
everybody,in fact,mustgo to the minister’s.
And then if the poor clergyman, think
ing of his over-w’orked wife, and then the
rmisuiuptive state of his larder, ventures
to hint that his salary is a small one. lie is
piously reminded that St. Paul and St.,
lvtcr, and those other line fellows of that
epoch, did not dream of receiving any
salary at all.
But whether they kept, tavern and en
lertained all creation upon free cost does
not appear.
Mrs. Granger was not a strong woman,
ami having been brought up delicately,
her burden fell heavily. They were too
poor to employ help, and she did all the
work except her washing.
The people who came visiting her never
volunteered their assistance about any
thing. Os course uot. And most of the
ladies were invalids—(didyou ever notice
that those people who go visiting most are
out. of health ?)
But we, on the present occasion, have
only to do with the Rev. Asa Drowue, and
wife, and their four children, Abel, Pris
cilla, Rachel Ann and Ahasherus Nicode
mus. Our story is about them, and the
host of other people who visited Mr. and
Mrs. Granger shall rest in obscurity.
The Drownes arrived late one Saturday
evening, when Mrs. Granger was almost
dead with the headache, having just got
rid of three ministers ami a colporteur.
Mr. Granger had just finished his sermon
the morrow—the doors were locked
and the family were about retiring for the
night.
A Mug at the front door. Mrs. Granger’s
bean Mink—Mr. Granger drew a sigh and
went to the door.
on the Hiyps were two trunks, aiul as
many baudboxes, several bundles —a
1 Kindle dug, a fat, red-faced man, a woman
of about the same style, and four children.
My dear brother Granger!” cried the
man, seizing Mr. Granger's hand, and
giving it a heart rending wring. “I am
the Rev. Asa Drowne— travelling itiner
ant—and tins is my wife, and these are
my children. We cante at once to your
house because we knew v «»u would he
mortally offended it we did not. Mv wife
is a great invalid! a dreadful sufferer!
Been sick for several years! And I will
speak of it now in the beginning, we must
sleep where there is a tire! i wouldn’t
have Eliza Jane to sleepaway from the tire
for a thousand dollars; and I want your
wife to see that the sheets are well aired
before an open tire, very fine! My wife is
nervous—exceedingly nervous—she could
not sleep a wink in co tree sheets. Linen
is best, if you have them.”
" t should die before morning if I had to
a stout' 1 S,| eets!” cried Mrs. Drowne,
fifty. ‘■leS i J a ° r ,u “ a . of torty-rtve or
home about a week .uT<f tv V m - y last
an unbleached pilU (^ r e ° lu T^fl' 1 . 11 g on
I was .lead for 6ver J» y thou « ht
“ Have you a stuffed chair-m ,
Mrs. Drowne, “ I cannot sit a m™* 1 '"
tin uncushioned chair ! And 1 win tla, 1 ° D
little tea, and a bowl of oysters, or a .1*
>f mince-pie ; 1 feel so taint.” 1 ce
“ And l will trouble you for a cup of
'tfee,” said Mr. Drowne, “ it will be a
'ort ot stay to my stomach till supper is
ready. What time will you have sun-
Per?" *
Mis. Gnmger retired to the heat of a
‘ 4 ,‘, her temples throbbing to bursting
aie U' l lieart tile ieast bit rebelling at
tlic lullux.of those exacting visitors.
■ 1 want some ginger-bread, and some
! lu ' k ' £**l, the eldest hoy. “I’m
half-starved N\ here’s the cupboard ? I’ll
help myself. 1 1
„ I, want a doughnut,” yelled Priscilla;
ami i: l ean i have that rockiug-ehair
that Mr. Granger s sitting in, I don’t stay
so, there!” J ’
“Whata little mean room!” said Nico
'lemus. “By eraekee! what’s that are on
t lie table?” and he ffew at a statuette of
I’oyche—presented to Mr. Granger by a
'!• ar friend, who was now dead, and winch
*as very highly valued on that account.
“Hello!” cried Nioodemus, “slippery,
“uin’t it?” and down went the Psyche on
jie floor—caving in the forehead, and
littiug off the larger part of the nose.
Mr. Granger sprang up with an exclama
tion of dismay.
“Oh, it’s no matter,” said Mrs. Drowne,
you can mend it again with some of
‘-Paulding s glue. I mended a mug with
Jftfttftiftl drift
By Rose Ac Burr.
it, the other day. I hate them things
standing around on tables ; they look like
dead folks. Mrs. Granger, it seems to me
you dress a little too stylish for a wife of a
minister of tiie gospel. You’ve got a red
ribbon on your hair, I observe. Now, I
never allow myself to wear red ribbons.
I try to make myself as plain as possible.”
“You needn’t try very hard,” said Mrs
Granger to herself.
“My wife is a model for a minister’s
wife,” said Mr. Drowne, “would there
were more like her. Eliza Jane, my love
you ought to have a batii. Mrs. Granger
will see to it at once.”
After a while, the Drownes were got off
to bed. Such a supper as they had eaten !
Mrs. Granger drew a long breath in think
ing of it. she had never dreamed of satdi
achievements in the eating line.
lhe next morning everything went
wrong; Mr. Drowue’s dyspepsia was
worse; he must have fresh eggs and soda
crackers, and dry toast, and -ome cream
and coffee and honey. His appetite was
dreadful poor.
Mrs. Drowne was wretched. She had
not slept a wink, because there were lien’s
feathers in the bed. She was sure of it —
and she never could sleep on lien’s feath
ers, they stuffed her up so.
The children amused themselves with
cutting paper, and, too late, Mr. Granger
made the discovery that his sermon, on
which lie had spent the previous day, had
been converted into paper dolls, and horses
witli any number of legs, from two to
twenty.
“Law, sake! don’t take on about it,”
said Mrs. Drowne; “the little dears didn’t
mean to do it, bless ’em.”
Just after dinner, Aunt Peggy Trim,
Mrs. Granger’s aunt, arrived ofj a visit.—
Aunt Peggy was a determined persou ; and
she took charge of the kitchen at once,
and sent Mrs. Granger off to church with
her husband. The Drownes were not
well enough to go, they said.
Mrs. Drowne read a story, and Mr.
Drowne lay on the sofa and slept. Sud
denly Mrs. Drowne missed Pan, the
poodle.
“Goodgracious!” cried she, “where is
Kan ?”
The children looked up from their
employment of smearing the pictures of a
handsome Polyglot Rible with red ink,
and giggled. “What have you done with
Fanny,” queried their mother.
“We’ve had a funeral,” said Abel, with a
grin.
“A funeral!” shrieked Mrs. Drowne;
“what do you mean ?”
“She in Mrs. Granger’s work-box, all
buried as nice as anybody, in the garden,”
said Nicodemus. “Abel was sexton. —
Crackee! wasn’t it jolly?”
Mrs. Drowne rushed to the garden, fol
lowed by the whole company, and there,
sure enough, in Mrs. Granger’s dahlia
bed, tiie dog was found buried. The
dahlias were are pulled up liy tiie roots,
and lay wilting and dying in the sun, and
the dog, very much stifled in the work-')
box, looked sorry enough as he leaped oil
with a howl.
The sight was too much for the sensitive
Mrs. Drowne. She tliew up her hands,
crying out :
“Oh, gracious me! I’m dying! Fare
well, Asa!” and fell hack on the ground.
“Oh, dear!” cried Mr. Drowne, “she’s
dead! she’s had such spells for the last
seven years. The doctor said she’d die
some time. Help me carry her into the
house.”
Aunt Peggy lent a hand, and the sense
less woman was deposited on t,he sofa.
“She’s dead! Alas! she’s dead ! moan
ed Mr. Drowne. “Get the camphor, and
some hot lemonade, and some flannels
wrung out of boiling water.”
“If she’s dead, I guess the sooner she’s'
laid out, the better,” said Aunt Peggy.
“You have got rid of an awful great bur
den, Brother Drowne, you’d ought to
thank the Lord for it! A wife that’s been
seven years a dying must be dreadful to
get along with! I should have kept a
cotlin in the house all the time. Hand me
tiie shears, i’ll take her hair off first
tiling ; you can sell it to tiie barber. It’ll
make a splendid waterfall for some
body. ”
The dead woman sprang to her feet, and
dived at Aunt Peggy.
“You’ll have my hair off, will you?
You old Jezebel! I’ll have your’n off first,
see if I don’t,” and with that she grabbed
Aunt Peggy’s false front, and peeled her
head quicker than a Cherokee Indian
could have done it.
Aunt Peggy’s dander rose. She seized
the broom, and in less time than it takes
mo U> writo it, alio had driven every
Drowne about tiie premises out of doors.
And then she piled their baggage' out
alter them. There they sat on their trunks
until Deacon Buckley of the other church
came along —when they told him their
tale of wrong—and he took them home
with him.
The next day he was so anxious to for
ward them ou their journey, that lie car
ried them ten miles, and left them at the
house of another minister.
Os course, the affair made a great deal of
scandal in Brookville—but some people
were sensible enough to commend Aunt
Peggy.
But Mr. Granger is still keeping a hotel,
and is weli patronized by tiie travelling
public. If you should happen to pass
through Brookville, you will save a dollar
or two by stopping all night with Mr.
Granger. He won’t mind it—he’s used to
t.
Curious W ilf*.
Some who, in life, would not have
given a cup of water to a beggar, by their
wills leave enormous sums to charities, to
secure for themselves a kind of posthu
mous admiration. Others allow not their
resentments to sleep with {hem in the
grave, but leave behind them wills which
excite the bitterest feelings and animosities
among their surviving relatives. Some
wills are remarkable for their conciseness
and perspicuity ; others for (heir unprece
dented shapes aud curious contents. One
man provides for a college, another for a
cat; one gives a legacy to provide bread
and herrings for the poor in Lent, and
kid gloves to the minister; while others
provide for bull-baiting, the welfare of
maid servants, and the promotion of
matrimony. John Hodges has kept his
name out of oblivion by giving twenty
shillings a year to a poor man to go about
the parish church of Trysail, during
sermon time, to keep people awake and
dogs out of church.
Henry Green,of Melbourne, Derbyshire,
gave his property for providing green
waistcoats for four poor women every year,
such waiscoats to be lined with green
galloon lace.
John Nicholson, stationer, of London,
was so attached to his family name, that
the bulk of his property was given in
charity for the support and maintenance
of such poor persons in England, as
should appear to be of the name of Nichol
son.
David Martinett, of Calcutta, while giv
ing directions to his executors, says : “As
to this foulsome carcass, having already
seen enough of worldy pomp, I desire
nothing relative to it be done, only its be
ing stowed away in my old green chest,
to save expenses.” He then bequeathed
to one man all the debts he owed ami to
another his sincerity.
A Lancashire gentleman, in the last
century, having giving his bbdy to the
worms of the family vault, bequeathed an
ounce of modesty to the authors of the
Loudon Journal and Free Briton, giving
as his reason for the smallness of the leg
acy, that he was “convinc and that an
ounce will be found more than they’ll ever
make use of.”
Another testator, after having stated at
in his will the number of
obligations he was under, bequeathed to
his benefactor ten thousand—here the leaf
turned over, and the legatee, turning to
the other side, found the legacy was ten
thousand thanks.
A testator, who evidently intended to
thwart his relations and he a benefactor
to the lawyers, gave to certain persons “as
many acres of land as shall he found equal
to the area by the centre of oscil
lation ot the earth in a revolution round
the sun,:supposing the meau distance of
1 ? l n- 1 twent y-oue thousand six hundred
semi-diameters of the earth from it ”
Sir Joseph Jekyll left his fortunes pay
the national debt. \V hen Lord Mansfield
heard of this, he said - ‘sir Jos ep l, was a
very good man ami a good lawyer but his
bequest was a very foolish one; he might
as well have attempted to stop the middle
of the arch of Black friars Bridge with his
full bottomed wig!”
notes on the siteation.
BY B. H. HILL.
NO. IX.
The time has not come to write Confed
erate history. Passions control men.—
falsehood and slander are more acceptable
than truth, to the spirit of revenge. Truth
would shame revenge, but falsehood grati
nes it. Besides, the most important con
federate archives, containing the reason,
the philosophy, the explanations of con
leuerute actions and history and motives,
are not accessible. It may be proper to
add I do not know where they are. They
have not come to light, and it were weli
for some who seem to be in high favor with
themselves and the deluded people if they
never do come to light. lam no Sadducee,
and however the wicked flourish now, I
have firm faith in the resurrection of tiie
just.
But many will write. Confederate his
tories, biographies,memories, recollections,
&t“., &e.,&c., are getting to be plenty as
blackberries in June, but not half so
valuable. I Jiave tried to keep up with
these premature births, but find it dilficult.
I have seen enougii to know that nearly
all of these books are written either by or
under the immediate supervision of those
who were chiefly intent during the strug
gle in making war on the Confederate
administration. The were, therefore, ex
cluded or excluded themselves from tiie
Confederate councils, and reallv know
less than most people; and the little they
do know, or think they know, they receiv
ed through a very jaundiced medium,
which gave it horrid colors. Some of them
•seem, at last, to be discovering, what un
selfish patriots always knew, that, in mak
ing war upon, and in breaking down the
people’s confidence In the Confederate
administeration, so unjustly and so falsely
too, they made war upon and broke down
the Confederate cause. They fear the
world will find this out. Conscience being
thus troubled and reputation in danger,
they become restless and cannot wait.
They rush forward, like most criminals, to
justify before they are formally accused.
Others write to get pay, and say anything
to fill a book. Hence these works are
generally self-vindications,or self-eulogies,
or miserable libels and perversions, and
are not only unworthy of credit, but
should be held as insults to an unfortunate
but gallant people. General Earlv’s book
is an exception. He writes of wha't he saw
and did, and writes like a patriot, His
work will be valuable to the historian
hereafter. There may be a few other ex
ceptions, but I do not now think of them.
Some others of like character are said
to be preparing, which I hope will ap
pear
But the fiercest storms exhaust them
selves, and so will even this storm of the
American passions. Revenge cannot
always rule. The full truth will appear
and impartial history will he written. In
that day, I venture now to say, no fact
will be brought out more clearly that this :
The Confederates were not conquered by
either the skill, or the power, or the num
bers of their armed enemies. The Confed
eracy was crushed by ideas, and not by
bayonets. And the ideas were very few—
indeed may all be embraced in two ; and
neither had the slightest foundation in
truth. They were Dorn of treachery and
dispointruent, and nurtured by those
worse than Gorgon whelps—ambition,
selfishness and revenge.
Here are the ideas :
L That the Confederate Government
had become or would become a permanent
military despotism.
2. That our people had but to lay down
their arms, and they would be restored, at
twice, to all their rights in the Union.
There were several considerations which
made our people peculiarly lia le to be
entrapped into believing these ideas. In
the first place, tiie masses of tiie Southern
people really loved the Union according to
tiie Constitution. In truth, they were tiie
most faithful and devoted friends that
Union ever had, or, I fear, will have again.
It required many years of slander, and
intermeddling and threatened aggressions
and bad faith on the part of Northern
extremists, and of importunity and fiery
exhortation by the Southern extremists to
make the masses of our people entertain
the idea that their rights were not safe in
tiie Union. And, when finally they did
consent to leave the Union, the great
actuating motive in going was to save the
guarantees and principles of the Constitu
tion, which they were persuaded could not
be preserved by remaining in the Union.
And they were assured by the extremists,
North and South, they could go peacabiy.
Again : Wliile many of our intelligent
men and counsellors were actuated with
sincere convictions, and did honestly be
lieve a division must come sooner or later,
and that the sooner it came the better for
all sides ; yet, there were others who had
far other motives. These last did not act
from convictions; but from desires. There
fore, they were very noisy and clamorous.
They abused everything in the North, and
denounced as traitors and submissiouists
and cowards those of our own people who
did hot believe the Union ought to be dis
solved for existing causes, or could be
dissolved at all peaceably. As slight tilings
rise when tiie air is stirred, so in the ex
citement of passions these men became
the favorites. They expected to be the
founders of anew government, and go
down to posterity as the Washingtons
and Jeftersous of a Republic.
But the war came and that portion of
the masses who were most anxious to se
cede, were disappointed. {Secession was to
be peaceable.
Ho the high offices in tiie new govern
ment were filled, and alas! how many of
the noisy and self-sufficient were disap
pointed? Republics were ungrateful, and
the people strangely thought it was neces
sary to select considerate men to make
Washingtons!
As the war progressed, hardships in
creased. These hardships caused some to
grow unwilling, and the Confederate Gov
ernment was driven, as have been all
people who go to war, to employ harsh
measures to make the unwilling do their
duty. These harsh measures required
agents, and agents, as agents often do, be
came exacting and oppressive. These harsh
measures were seized upon by the disap
pointed politicians, and used as pretexts to
make tiie people believe their government
intended to establish a military despotism.
Tn the meantime speculation became ri
otous; the example being set by some in
high places, others also thought it no harm
to use these “God given talents to make
money.” These evils multiplied the ne
cessities for harsh measures to suppprt the
army, and the harsh measures increased
the noise of the politicians aud the conse
quent demoralization of the people.
While this internal treachery was doing
its work, the United States, in every form,
aud by every department of their govern
ment, were assuring our people they had
seceded under a mistake; that their rights
were secure in the Union; that they had
no purpose in prosecuting the war but to
preserve the Union unimpaired ; and that,
indeed, our seats were vacant in both
Houses of Congress, and we had nothing
to do but to send members to them.—
Emissaries came from the North under
preteuceof being driven here as Southern
sympathisers, aud joined our malcontents
to disseminate these two ideas. Treachery
became bold and desertion became respect
able. ,
In tills way the masses of the Southern
people were conquered, and the remnant
of patriots were overpowered.
The actual statistics show 7 that during
the last two years of the war, for every one
of our soldiers whom the external armed
enemy killed, disabled or captured, the
internal unarmed enemy inducedtliem to
desert. And this work went on, too, in
the fact that General Grant’s only policy
for defeating General Lee was in wearing
out his array; and also in the face of the
fact that Mr. Lincoln, in his last annual
message, declared the hope of suppressing
the rebellion consisted in the abandon
ment, by the Southern people, of their
President or Chief.
Therefore, I affirm, the treachery within
was thrice as strong as the power without
in subduing the Confederates.
Thus, some of those who were most ac
tive in destroying the Union, were also
most active in destroying the Confederacy,
and these are now the favorites in the
South with the Radicals of the North.
They are received into the counsels at
Washington ; and they are clieek by jowl
with Wilson ami Sumner aud Stevens in
their efforts to destroy the Constitution.
Men, who I know made hitter secession
speeches, have been travelling through the
North proclaiming their sufferings as
Macon, Ga., Wednesday, July 10, 1867.
“ persecuted loyalists:’’ and having roused
their fragmentary conclave of a Congress
to secure measures to disfranchise those
whom they denounced as traitors, because
they opposed secession, in order that
they may get the offices of these States as
rewards for their “ devotion to the Union!”
And the poor, deluded, helpless Southern
people are thus bespattered with their own
filth !
These facts suggest several points which
deserve the most serious consideration of
the Northern people.
1. The first is that they are under the
most solemn obligation possible to recog
nize these Slates as existing members of
the Union, with no diminution of their
lights, except as to slavery. This w;u> the
avowed purpose of tiie war. This was the
promise to the Northern people by their
government to encourage them to fight;
and tliis was tiie pledge to the Southern
people to induce them to cease fighting.
2. That this purpose has beeu defeated;
this promise lias been violated ; this pledge
has been broken by their Radical leaders,
with the clear and unmistakable intent of
destroying the Constitution; aud that in
this work they are now joined and aided
by the most vindictive, the most active
and the most unscrupulous of the original
Southern secessionists.
and. That the Southern people became
weak iu prosecuting tiie war only because
they listened to this pledge, “'and laid
down their arms only because they be
lieved it. That though this generation
may he helpless because they w’ereentrap
ped, the next will refuse to believe and
remain strong—invincible. That these
deceptions can breed nothing but distrust;
that these oppressions can produce noth
ing but hate ; that oppressed and oppressors
can never live together in peace, aud that
our children and children’s children will
be the victims of this Typhaan union of
the Northern Radicals and tiie Secession
ists, with no gain to either section, but
“havoc, and spoil and ruin.”
no. x.
But it is said the negro race is now free,
and made citizens by our laws, and, there
fore, are entitled to political as well as civil
equality.
It is idle to reason with a fanatical
mind. A fanatic is a lunatic. The con
clusions of such are never founded in rea
son nor affected by experience; they are
founded in feeling and live only on pas
sion. We must appeal and still appeal aud
not cease to appeal to the rational Ameri
can mind, and by reason, and the experi
ence of mankind, save, if we can, our
country from the awful, indescribable
horrors which must result soon, from the
crazy domination of men who make “lib
erty and equality” the touchstones of
political wisdom. This mad theory is
nothing but war upon Lite teachings of
reason, tiie experience of all ages, and the
law of God. It was never the doctrine of
any but the agents of revolution, and it
never bore for any people any fruits but
anarchy and blood and tiie evils that fol
lowed in tiie train of, unrestrained pas
sions.
But to suppose, as an abstract proposi
tion, we concede the negro race is entitled
to political equality; how does that justify
these Military Bills? Does the negro’s
right to vote authorize a violation of the
Constitution by Congress ? If it is right
to enfranchise tiie negro, is it right to dis
franchise the whites?
No principle is better or more universal
ly conceded in American polities than that
the people of the States alone must regu
late the political franchises of theircitizens
—each State for itself. If this principle is
to be rejected then no other need be re
spected. The first great question we must
determine is this. Do we mean to support
the Constitution, or do we mean to violate
it? Do we mean, when we swear to sub
port the Constitution, to vote for that
which violates the Constitution and justify
our perjury by some vagary about abstract
right ? I press the question to every man’s
conscience. Have you obtained your con
sent to disregard the Constitution ? Don’t
dodge, ot explaiu, or qualify ; answer the
question. Have you obtained your consent
to disregard tiie Constitution ? Have you
obtained your consent to swear to support
the Constitution, and then flippautiy write
or say, “ The Constitution is dead”? If
dead, why swear to support it? If not to
be regarded or respected or observed, why
swear to support it? The Military Bills
are conceded to be unconstitutional. —
Whether we be States, or Territories, or
Provinces, Congress is forbidden by the
Constitution to deny trial by jury, or to
authorize a warrant Without oath’ or out
upon trial without indictment, or suspend
habeas corpus, except during insurrection
or invasion, in case of a citizen, or estab
lish military rule over citizens in time of
peace, anywhere—in cony single foot of land
— State , Territory or Province. These,
these, oh, my deluded countrymen! t/wse
are the constitutional shield, and buckler,
and helmet, and breastplate of every
American citizen, of every grade and
color, on every inch of American soil.—
They are the whole armor of Utterly. And
every one of these Military Bills author
thorize to bedis regarded, and placed at the
will of a military officer, who is not even a
citizen of tiie State or territory in which
he dominates!
1 ask again and again, and I beseech all
men to ask —it earnest, anxious,
piercing appeal of the dying hope of
liberty; Are you willing to violate the
Constitutiont Are you willing, first, to
swear to support, it, with the intent, at the
same time, of swearing to violate it? Then,
I proclaim—all posterity will proclaim—
your hell-mortgaged concieuce will never
cease to proclaim : you are perjured, and
perjury is not half your crime—you com
mit perjury in order to become a traitor !
And now mark this: The very oath
which you take requires you to swear to
support the Constitution, and if you take
tiiat oath ami then vote for a convention
to carry out these Military Bills, or aid in
carrying them out, yon vote to accept, to
approve, to establish that which is a vio
lation ot the Constitution, aud, just as
sure as passion shall subside, and reason
return to our people, and sober, oath
observing patriotism shall again rule in the
land, so sure will you be branded, and
justly branded, as a felon and whipped
throughout the laud with the stinging
ceaseless lashes of public infamy, because
you took an oath to support the Constitu
tion with intent to violate, because you
committed perjury in order that you might
help to destroy your country. And in
vaiu will you hunt excuses to pal Hate your
changeless infamy.
The malignity which now makes you
call patriots rebels; the cowardice which
continues a war upon the unresisting
whom you induced, with the most sacred
pledges, to lay down their arms; the mean
ness, the vileness which presses dishonor
on those you have entrapped into your
power; the worse than hypocritical states
manship which disfranchises white men
in order to enfranchise black men; the
crimiual philanthropy which provides for
the sure destruction of the deluded negro
race under pretence of elevating it, all
these will only rise up to mock and laugh
at you then. Like the hellhounds which
“death, by rape begot of sin,” whenJHeav
en’s Almighty hurled down to hell those
who, by deceit and force, sought to destroy
His supremacy, these very pretences
which hate begets of hypocrisy, in this at
tempt to destroy ttie Constitution, w r ill
become “yelling monsters” in tlie politi
cal hell into which the genius of constitu
tional liberty will cast you, and will “ken
nel in the womb that bred them,” and
“howl and gnaw,” and “vex with con
scious terrors” forever.
I know how fallen is human nature; I
know how nations and peoples have often
become the mere prey of bad,ambitious ru
lers; I know thestreains of blood withwbich
hypocrisy, under pretence of saintly pur
pose, has often flooded mankind; I know
how countries have often been destroyed,
that a few wicked men might continue in
power. But can it be that our people have
become willing to violate our Constitution
for our own dishonor and destruction ?
Will they take an oath to get a chance to
violate it, in order that they may degrade
the white race, and ultimately destroy the
black race?
How many will thus violate it? How
many will stand by it, uve with it, or
die for it? That is the next count.
NO. XI.
In all ages governments have been over
turned hymen who made great professions
of. patriotism and good intentions. The
serpent induced Eve to eat the forbidden
fruit by flattering her, and declaring his
counsel would do her good. He greatly
desired, he protested, to improve her con
dition. From that day to this traitors
have been unable to find any better
method of accomplishing their purposes.
Ignorance is more easily duped than in
telligence, and, therfore, knaves have
always been advocates of conferring power
on fools; and so, fools have generally
thought knaves were their best friends.
For this very reason commonwealths—
free countries—have produced more dema
gogues, and have become more fearfully
the prey of anarchy than any other forms
of government. The people generally
mean well. They think they follow
friends wheu they follow those who fiatter
them, aud they follow with “cheers
and a tiger.” They go, like tiie fatted ox
with pretty ribbons streaming from his
horns, frisking to their own slaughter!
Were not they glorious Southern leaders
who established the right to carry slaves to
Kansas? What, if God had decreed
slavery could not prosper there, and our
fathers had agreed it should not go? Who
cared for God and our fathers if their
decrees and compacts stood in the way of
“our rights!" Oh, how good theories and
fair promises have wrecked hopes, destroy
ed prosperity and subverted governments!
Every command in the decalogue has been
violated in the name of God, and every
precept of tiie Saviour lias beeu trampled
upon under pretence of promoting religion.
Never, at any period of human history,
have bad men, or traitors or devils under
taken to accomplish a wicked work, with
greater professions of good will, or with
circumstances more favorable for exciting
The confidence of tiie people in the sincer
ity of their professions, than those by
which and under the influence of which
these Radicals have undertaken to destroy
the Constitution of the United States and
tiie frinciples of free government in
America. With sincere convictions of
right anil necesity, but in a suicidal way,
tiie Southern States and people seemed to
place themselves in an attitude of hostility
to the Constitution. And these Northern
traitors, who provoked the South to her
folly for the very purpose, have since been
enabled to tickle and divert the minds of
the Northern people with the flippant cry
of “rebel” and “traitor,” and tlmsnotonly
unpreceived, but in the midst of the wild
cheers and mad aid of the giddy foolish
masses, have given the Constitution a
thousand stabs. And still the arch-leaders
give out the key-note rebel; and tiie Babel
crowd catcli up the refrain, and fools in
office cry, rebel; and knaves trying to get
office cry, rebel; preachers of lies, and
haters from pulpits cry, rebel; luuaties
in schools cry, rebel; and, foulest of the
foul, Southern renegades cry, rebel; and
the traitors thank God for the wild dis
temper of tiie people, and stab on ! And
the outraged Constitution, under which
our common fathers lived, and loved, and
prospered, and which would gather all,
black and white, “even as a lien gathereth
her chickens under her wings,” bleeds and
reels, and no one will hear her cries or
heed her totteaiug!
Equally insane, but equally favorable to
the purposes of the Radicals, is the hy
pocritical pretence of elevating the black
race. All wise or good men everywhere,
and more especially those in the South,
desire to elevate the black race, but Rad
ical traitors and their Southern tools alone
desire to degrade the white race. By what
ever other means the work may lie done,
it is certain the black race cannot be
secure in privileges or rights, by taking
away from the white race these same
privileges and rights. Whether either
race, and which, shall finally gain the
mastery, or whether botli races can live
and rule together as equals and in peace,
are questions which good men may dis
cuss, and, about which, possibly, even
true men may differ; but one thing is
very certain, neither race separately, nor
both races together cau rule or be ruled
wisely or peacefully, or with safety to
life, property, or franchise, by violating
and trampling upon theConstitution —the
fundamental law for all. He who would,
therefore, be a friend to either race must
first be a friend to the Constitution. He
who violates the Constitution is au enemy
to botli races. He who observes the Con
stitution is a friend to both races.
Tiie very reverse of all this plain reason
ing is every principle which can be ad
duced to support these Military Bills.
These bills violate the Constitution.
These bills degrade the white race. These
bills trample on the rights of both races;
and all these things these bills do under
pretence of elevating the black race! The
wuvk '•(is uLtiurU -Mill itnptmidldc.. 'JL'he
means’-proposed tan not accomplish iife
end firofessed. Botli races must go to
gether, or ttie greater must control the
less, or the two must collide. And when
the two collide tiie less must perish, or lie
driven away, or be brought under con
trol, however tiie greater race may suffer
; by the collision and the struggle.
And the Radicals know this ; and,
therefore, the means they propose are not
intended to accomplish tiie end they pro
fess. The real end is to secure these ten
States to keep the Radical party in power
in Ihe approaching Presidential election,
and this they seek to do reckless of conse
quences to black or white, to the Const
itution or Government. The traitors are
seeking to retain, by this fraud and force
at the South, the power they are losing by
the detection of their treason at the North.
They annul tiie Constitution in the name
of loyalty ; they exterminate tiie black
race in the name of philanthropy ; they
disfranchise white men in the name of
equality; they pull down all the defences
for life and prosperity in the name of
liberty; and in blasphemous hosannas to
the Union, they are rushing all sections
and all races into wild chaotic anarchy ;
and all, all, that traitors may hold the
seats of power they desecrate, and riot in
tiie wreck of the prosperity they destroy !
And will the Southern people, whom they
have so long slandered and oppressed,
take them up, as tiie Northern people
whom they have so long flattered and de
ceived are casting them away ?
It was my purpose to discuss at length
the questions of civil rights and politscal
trusts, and by what means the first could
be safely secured,and in and by whom the
last could lie wisely reposed and exercised;
with the view of showing how illogical
and contrary to human nature and ex
perience and safety is the dogma that
political equality is a right of citizenship,
or necessary to tiie enjoyment of civil
equality. But why labor and worry the
printer and weary tiie reader hy proving
that untrue which none but fanatics are
unblushing enough to pretend is true.
Why labor to prove these military bills
will not work good to the negro—are not
adapted as means to secure good to tiie
negro; but are intended simply to add
ten States to party power ! The negroes
are enfranchised because it is believed
they will vote for tiie Radical party, and
the whites are disfranchised because it is
believed they will not vote for the Rad-
ical party. If the belief were reversed the
rule would be reversed. The object is not
to punish disloyaly, and the proof is
found in the fact that tiie most bitter
original secessionists are at once received
into Radical favor by agreeing to support
the Radical party, and the most unscru
pulous is always received witli the greatest
marks of favor, because such are the most
congenial and best suited for the work of
destroying the Constitution under pre
tence of preserving the Union; and pre
serving the Radical party under pretence
of loving the dear people!
It is proper, without fully elaborating
the argument,to suggest a few elementary
principles, which all our people ought,
in these times, to keep coustautly before
them.
In all society or government are rights to
be enjoyed, burdens to be borne, and trusts
to be discharged.
Among the rights are the right of proji
erty ; the right of locomotion , the right
to appropriate aud dispose of the proceeds
of our own labor; the right to worship
according to conscience; and the right to
protection from society, in the enjoyment
of all these rights, and the right to have all
the legal processes and remedies provided
to make this protection effectual. These
are called civil rights, and when we speak
of civil equality we mean that these rights
beloDg alike aud equally to all citizens, to
all classes, to all colors, to all sexes, to all
ages and to all grades of intellect, society
and worth. These rights necessarily
attach to and become conditions of free
citizenship: The negro is entitled to all
these rights. And being now deprived of
the protection which, asa slave, lie receiv
ed from liis owner, all good men ought to
rejoice that he can still be safe under the
I protection of tiie law ; and being unac
customed to assert his rights, a work which
was formerly performed by his master, all
true men ought to be ready to aid him iu
that assertion. Anti all but Radicals and
renegades are willing to aid him, but they
seek to use him uuder pretence of aiding
him.
Among the burdens of society and gov
ernment I may mention: working the
public highways; providing public build
ings; paying the public taxes ; defending
the public safety, Ac., Ac. These burden s
ought to l»e borne by all according to fit
ness and capacity, for these burdens con
stitute the consideration we pay for tiie
protection we get. Women and children,
lunatics and idiots do not work the high
ways or defend the society with arms,
because their positions or capacity forbid,
but they are all citizens—or members of
the society—aud pay taxes. These are
called burdens because they are borne, not
for ourselves only, but for others— for tiie
public.
Lastly, in every society or government,
there are trusts to be discharged ; offices
are to be filled ; laws are to be made, exe
cuted and administered, else there could be
no rules or process for protection, and
agents are to l>e selected for all these pur
poses. The whole business of selecting
agents to discharge duties, as well as the
discharge of tiie duties themselves, come
under the head of trusts. They are called
trusts because they are powers exercised
not for one’s own goodftu/ for the. good of
others —for the public. The authority to
vote is, therefore, a trust reposed, and the
exorcise of the authority, is the exercise of
a trust —the trust of selecting agents to
provide and execute tho laws by w'iiieh
rights are to be protected. All men are
born to rights—which are jiersoiial—affect
ing each person only ; but no man is born
to a trust —to a power which affects all
other members of society. You htul as
well say a man is born to an office as to
say lie is born to a vote for that office. So,
again, all trusts imply capacity and integ
rity. No man liasa right to be entrusted to
discharge a duty affecting others who does
not understand that duty, or who has not
integrity to Vie trusted with its faithful ex
ercise.
How can the rights of the members of
society be safe if the protection for those
rights is to l»e provided or applied by igno
rant or vicious agents? And how can
ignorant and vicious agents be avoided if
ignorant and vicious persons are born to
tiie right to select them?
Rights are personal —born with persons
—belongto tiie person, and affect the per
son ; but trusts are relative— and born with
society—belong to society —and are for the
good and under the control of society.—
How is any man born with a right to take
my rights, or to select another to take my
rights ?
Suffrage, then, is not a right —it is not a
privilege—it is a trust, and a most solemn
and sacred trust. It is the trust of preserv
ing society, of securing rights, of protect
ing persons.
Would you select an ignorant, or vicious,
or untrustworthy man as your trustee, or
the trustee for your wife or your child in
the smallest concerns of life? How, then,
would you make a trustee of an ignorant
or vicious man to discharge these great du
ties, on tiie wise and faithful discharge of
which all rights, and all protection, and
all things depend?
The burdens of society are light or heavy
according as the trusts of society are wise
ly or unwisely, faithfully or unfaithfully
discharged. The heavy taxes under which
America groans, spring alone from the
unfaithful and wicked execution of the
trusts of our people in selecting agents,
and of tiie agents in discharging their du
ties.
Universal, indiscriminate, ignorant, vi
cious white suffrage has buried a million
of victims slain by eacli other’s hands, de
stroyed tiie peace and prosperity of the
country and saddled an innocent and un
born posterity with burdens too grievous to
be borne.
Will it be wise to extend tiie sacred but
desecrated trust of suffrage to more igno
rance, to more vice, and at the same time
withdraw those trusts from intelligence
and worth ?
Men born with a light to vote! as they
are born to breathe the air, or enjoy the
proceeds of thgir own labor ! Then, why
is it that women aifd children and lunatics
and idiots are not allowed to vote? They
breathe and eat and pay taxes.
It is, therefore, the right of society to
decide upon whom shall be devolved the
trust of preserving society and administer
ing protection to rights. And It is the
duty of society to withhold these trusts
from the ignorant and vicious—since the
ignorant and vicious should never be en
trusted, and have no right to be entrusted,
with the exercise of a power by which
they may rob or kill or torture others.
And it follows that every society must
determine this matter for itself, for it
alone is to be affected by the exercise of
the trusts created, it is flagitious; it is
mean ; it is cowardly; it is treason to the
very fame work of society, to say that
Massachusetts, or a fragmentary conclave
of perjured Congressional traitors from
other States shall determine who shall be
entrusted with the great duty of preserv
ing society hi Georgia; and language breaks
in the vain effort to express the contempt
and scorn I feel for the dastard Georgian
who would consent for Massachusetts or
that fragmentary conclave to so determine.
The negroes in Georgia are citizens of
Georgia. They are free and have equal
rights, and shall enjoy them. They will
be required to bear the burdens only in
proportion to their capacity. They will
lie empowered to discharge the trusts when
time and experience shall show they “are
capable and worthy,” and (he good of so
ciety will he promoted thereby; and thus
Georgia will determine for herself, and not
to please enemies or to keep traitors in
part ypower.
NO. XII.
T have now shown that the Military
Hills are unconstitutional. There can he
nothing clearer than this, for they are in
the most direct conflict with the very
language and purpose of the Constitution,
and the position is conceded. Os course
there can lie no possible good reason for
violating the Constitution, for to say so, is
neither more or less than to say tiie Con
stitution is wrong, and tin; Government
organized under it ought to be subverted!
And this is exactly what every man who
voted for or approves these bills did say
and does say ; and every man who votes to
carryout these bills, votes to set aside the
Constitution find subvert the Government!
I care not what his mouth says or bis lips
profess about loyalty, his heart is far from
the Constitution, and his act is to destroy
the government. The poll lists of regis
tered voters will tell us precisely who is
for the Constitution, and who is against it.;
who is for the government of law and who
is for anarchy. In plain words, the ques
tion wiio is “for a Convention” and who
is “against a Convention” means precisely
“who is against the Constitution,” and
“who is for the Constitution.”
But I have shown that all the excuses or
apolgies made for these bills are, like
the bills, also unconstitutional; ami are
untrue in themselves, are contrary to the
laws of everycivilized war,and are founded
in false pretences, and are insincere in
purpose, and really tend and intend to
subvert the government and degrade the
white race in order to prolong the exist
ence of the part// that is thus faithless,
deceitful, oppressive and dishonoring to
botli Government and people, and to their
own pledges.
If, inthe face of this plan statement of
the issue, the correctness of which state
ment no true man can gainsay, and no
honest mind will gainsay, there is still to
he found a man in America who can see
in these Military Bills any safety for
property, or life or liberty; or any pro
tection in the enjoyment of either; or any
elevation for the black race ; or anything
in government but anarchy, with its long
ordeal of blood, and robbery, and factions,
and havoc, and spoil, and waste, and crime
in every form and grade, until power or
powers shall arise and proclaim the peace
to a deluded, exhausted and ruined people
through an empire or empires, a despotism
or despotisms; such a man Ls simply given
over “to believe a lie that he may be
damned;” yea, and to act a lie that his
country may be damned!
The next question, in the natural order
of argument, is this: In what way shall
these be resisted, or by what remedies
shall their enforcement and final establish
ment be prevented? I enter upon this
branch of the discussion witli pain and
pleasure—with pain because I shall con-
Vol. LX., No. 18.
sider it my duty to declare some grievous
errors committed by friends of our side of
the Constitution; errors, too, which
amount to no less than a surrend* rof some
of the most effective remedies against
these measures; and with pleasure because
I can still see remaining to us remedies
ample to save the Constitution, the coun
try and liberty, if, as rulers and people,
we still have even a moiety of that glorious
moral courage which makes us not afraid
to tell the truth and defend the right.
Never, never had any people in any age
of the world such au occasion—such ne
cessity—for moral courage as have now the
people, not only of the ten States on which
rape is being perpetrated, but of the
United States, whoareall involved in the
crime and must pay its penalties.
That devilisli spirit of treason, which,
comes not with arms and open, manly
warning, but creeps aud hides itself in
some unsuspected, yea, trusted form, is
now our political Eden, and, with artful
words, and with t lie prestige of authority,
and assurances of safety and blessing and
greatness, is persuading our people to eat
that forbidden fruit of using fore . to or -
serve a Government of consent and of
making by statute, that 7G and i juat,
which God, by neitun made until and
uncyual, and in so doing to disobey the
commands of the Constitution! And some
are already persuaded, ami lustily cry “ it
is true, let us disobey, aud taste, for we
shall thereby be great ;” and ifour people
awake not now to their danger, and drive
this modern political Satan of Radicalism,
with scourging and hissing from their her
itage, then death—political death—will
come, and quickly, fiercely come, with
blighting eurse all over this la-t and no
blest domain of freedom, and doom our
selves and our children to the “ blood and
sweat ” of despotism forever !
Oil, that some voice would rise whose
thrilling notes of patriotism could cover
all the land, and, hustling this Bedlam
'dire of sectional el imination, distrust ami
oppression, inspire the people to uniteand
make one more manly national elibrt to
save the Constitution, and stop the deep
and ever deepening si,'\hs which treachery,
through force and perjury, are madly
making at the very vitals oi liberty ! We
need a fearless Hereules—strong in moral
courage and a universal country-wide
patriotism—to kill this Xenueun lion; to
burn to tlie roots the more than hundred
heads of this Lermcuu Hydra; to clean
tliis Augean stable, whose 'fierce rapacity,
and prolific terrors aud boundless tilth are
all combined in this destroyer of States,
this assassin of written Constitution, this
more than brutish detiler of its own race
—modern Radicalism!
Tiie framers of the Constitution doubt -
less supposed they had provided, or left
existing, ample remedies tor all violations
ofthatinstrument; both preventive and
curative remedies, whether those viola
tions should be made by the Government
or by the States, or by the people; and
had also provided for the amendment of;
the Constitution in a proper manner, to
suit it tosiich unanticipated necessities as
tiie future might developc. These reme
dies were distributed—some being lodged
in the different departments of the (Jov
ernment and some left under regulations
witli tiie people.
These remedies should always lie applied
in their proper order according to the na
ture and source of the violat ion.
In my opinion, tiie first remedy against
these Military Hills was witli the cxecu
tive department of the Government.
The Government is divided into three
departments, and separate powers given to
each department for tiie great purpose of
providing mutual checks and balances, so
that no one department shall be able to
destroy the Government.
Now, if either department can, by any
means, absorb to itselfthe powers confided
to the other departments, or of either of
the others, it, by that means, gets to itself
powers which it was not intended it should
exercise; and can, by reason of this in
crease of powers, accomplish what tiie
division of powers intended to prevent—
destroy tiie Government. So, if either
department, instead of thus absorbing to
itself the powers of tiie other department,
can, in lieu thereof, adopt some means by
which it can compel or induce the other
departments, or either of them to execute
its unlimited will, it can thus as effectual
ly and perhaps more conveniently accom
plish the forbidden end—destroy tiie
Government than if it had absorbed the
powers to itself; because tiie department
so compelled or induced to serve, ceases to
be a check or balance to prevent destruc
tion as was luteudu(i< nut degenerates into
a mere tool or aider 'and abettor in the
work of destruction.
Here —right here—is precisely tiie pro
cess by which tliis fragmentary conclave
of a Congress is destroying tiie Constitu
tion and the Government under tiie Con
stitution.
The first excluded from both Houses all
the representatives of ten entire States
because they were supposed not to be wil
ling to the scliemesof tiie majority making
the exclusion, and, to make the exclusion
effectual, they denied the right of repre
sentation to the ten States, all, in the
teeth of the most explicit and positive
provisions of tiie Constitution, declaring
how tiie Congress shall he constituted, and
of what tiie two Houses shall he composed.
They next, under various transparent pre
tences, excluded obnoxious members from
other States.
This process of exclusion continued un
til two-thirds of those remaining were of
one evil mind. The Executive Depart
ment, though earnestly denouncing tiie
body as not organized as the Constitution
required, yet recognized this fragment as
the Congress. Tims organized and thus
recognized, this fragmentary conclave —
now become very hold and dictatorial be
gun to absorb to itself tin* powers ami func-
I ions of both tiie other departments of 1 lie
Government, and to threaten impeach
ment and re-modeling aud non-appropria
tion of salaries, if the other departments
should presume to form cheeks upon its
will. Tiie President sent back with his
now ineffectual objections tiie several steps
of tliis conclave in the work of destruction,
and accompanied those objections witli an
earnest patrotism and a fevor of meaning
which have not. been excelled. Hut why
talk patrotism to traitors, or address rea
son to fanatics now conscious of their pow
er to destroy and of safety to themselves
in the work? They \vW laugh and grin,
and pass the bills to destroy tiie Constitu
tion with the glee of the cat which plays
with the contortions of its captured, dying
mouse. In an evil hour the President con
sented—agreed it was his duty—to execute
as Jaw whatever two-thirds of this frag
mentary conclave might desire, declare,or
order!
“Then I, and you, and all of us fell down
Whilst bloody treason flourished over us.”
I have no doubt tiie President acted, in
this matter, from tin* purest and most
patriotic motives. His course was ad vised
and commended Gy men distinguished for
ability. He is surrounded by circum
stances peculiarly responsible and embar
rassing, and every desire of my heart is to
help him and not to say anything that
may weaken any man’s faith in him. Hut
tiie country is passing thTouch a most fear
ful ordeal. Everything we all have or can
hope for is involved. Errors may ruin
though motives be angelic. On questions
of policy or expediency I love tiie yield
ing, conciliating spirit. I despise, from
my heart, tiie bigot or the fanatic. But a
principle—a vital principle—should never
he abandoned for temporary relief, nor
yielded to conciliate an enemy. The Con
stitution ought to tie administered in a
spirit of concession, but no man entrusted
to administer it should allow its destruc
tion upon any pretence, ido believe tiie
idea that the President is bonusl toexeeute
whatever a two-thirds majority of Con
gress may declare is tiie most fatal and
dangerous error of tliis generation, not
excepting secession, or ceorcion, or even
fanaticism itself—the hideous mother of
both secession and coercion. It is tiie er
ror which, being committed, will be tiie
greatest lever of strength to fanaticism,
and which, not having been committed,
would have been the death-biow to fanat
icism aud to all its hellish brood of horrors.
lam not writing to please any man. I
see—have no doubt, I see—unprecedented
evils ahead of us. I firmly believe there
is no way to escape these evils but by cleav
ing t<i the Constitution. I love all who
love the Constitution in this crisis, as I
love my property, my life, my liberty, and
tiie peace and happiness of my children,
for by that Constitution alone can these
blessings be enjoyed. I iiate all who vio
late the Constitution as I liate tiie thief
■ who steals my property, the tyraut who
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fetters my liberty, the murderer who seeks
my life, or the monster who would destroy
all the hope for my children ; iiecause, in
tiie destruction of the Constitution by
force and fraud, all these curses will come.
If the Constitution needs amendment let
us all—all the States— amend it; if free
government has failed let us admit it, and
form another like men of reason and hon
esty. But whatever government and laws
we* have let us obey them while we have
them, ami not seek to evade them by fraud,
or overturn them bv force, for then we
have o/torc%,!whU)li means the utter ab
sence of ail safety and iiope, and the actual
presence of every danger, for person, prop
erty, liberty and life. Os all enemies to
individuals, to society, or to government,
he who deceives aud takes advantage of
trusts reposed, or power conferred, to in
jure, slander or betray, is tin* meanest, the
most cowardly and tiie most dangerous.
Therefore, I denounce the Radicals and
all their disciples. I know the President
is a patriot, but his error threatens to place
him and his country in the unrestrained
atid veuegful powes of foresworn enemies,
and he who believes it is an error owes it
to his country to say sound give his reus -
sons for his belief.
In the construction of all human instru
ments there must arise quest ions on which
nieu will honestly differ. These doubtful
questions have arisen under the Constitii
tiou. It was anticipated they would arise,
aud arise, too, between the Executive and
Congress, and the method of settling such
differences was provided. When the Pres
ident thinks a Gill presented to hhn is un
constitutional, he must return it with his
objections. Congress must reconsider it,
and if two-thirds differ with the President
the bill becomes a law, notwithstanding
the President’ll objection*. Now, that this
refers to eases of men* honest diflcretioes as
to what is tiie meaning of the Constitution
—to cases of doubt is very clear from tin*
deliberation which is required of all part ies.
The President is required to send hisofyec
(ions to Congress. The objections miisi In
in writing. The House to w hich the ob
jections arc sent must enter them on their
journal, and then proceed to reconsider.
If two-tliirdsdiffer with tin* President, tiie
bill and objtedon must be sent to the other
house. Tiie other house must also recon
aider; and if, after all sides are fully heard,
and the matter has been considered and re
considered, two-thirds of hot h houses differ
with tiie President the bill shall become
a law. That is, in these doubtful questions
if two-thirds of l> >t 1 1 1 louses, after full con
sideration of all sides, shall lie of one opin
ion and tin* President and one-third shall
he of another opinion all presumed to tie
honest aud unselfish and desiring only to
govern the country according to (.lie Con
stitution—l lie opinion of the two-third*
shall prevail, Such were the Bank and
Taritl’and I nterual improvement quest ions
and many others. In all such oases it is
very manifest tin* President must execute
the law until the Judiciary shall pronounce
against it. Tiie President can not, himself,
become the (’mirt, or at sorb l<> himself the
functions of the Court.
This is the whole extent of the doctrine
of tiie PresideiiL’sobligation to execute the
laws. No more, no less.
Does tliis give two-thirds of tiie Con
gress power to subvert the Government,
and is the President bound to help them
wubvert it? Tiie Constitution, in separate
clauses, defines what Congress may do,
and then, by other clauses, dee la res what
Congress shad not do. Doubts naturally
arise in ascertaining the extent of the
meaning in those clauses which seek to
define what Congress may do. But sup
pose Congress undertake to do that which
the Constitution says Congress shall not
do? How then? If two-thirds say they
will do it any how is the President bound
to execute it?
Tiie Constitution says: “No hill of at
tainder or exjiostfacto law shall be passed. '
Suppose two-thirds pass a bill of attainder,
is it a law'! If so, two-thirds of the Con
gress can annul tiie Constitution. If so,
the will ol two-thirds of Congress, am! not
the Constitution, is the supreme law. Hut
the President is not bound to execute that
which is not a law. The President ad
mits the Sherman Hill is a bill of attainder
against nine millions of people! How,
then, can lie be bound to execute that
which tiie Constitution says shall not be
done, ?
(suppose two-thirds of this conclave shall
declare that the present ’ patriotic Gov
ernor of Connecticut was not properly
elected, because the colored citizens of
that State were excluded by tiie laws
votiucr in tlia election ;
should then declare the government was
provisional, and send a military comman
der there to govern the people until they
should change their laws and hold
another election in which the colored
citizens should participate? Must the
President execute this order ?
Suppose this two-thirds shall declare
that ail elections, State and Federal, of
persons not of the Radical or Republican
party, are void, because such persons are
not loyal, and shall reduce the people
quietly of such disloyal elections to mil
itary subjection; must the President ex
ecute tiie mandate?
Suppose two-thirds of tliis couclaveshall
declare that the President is disloyal and
lie is, therefore, not a legal President and
is removed , or not to be obeyed ; must I lie
executive department execute its own de
molition ? Suppose they say the Supreme
Court is an obstruction to progress and is
abolished; yea, more—suppose they shall
declare, what they have often said, that
the Federal CansliLution ‘is a covenant
with iieil and a league with the devil,’ and
that no State Constitution is republican in
form, and that all shall beset aside, or de
clared only provisional, and the whole
country shall be placed under military
rule with commanders subject, only to the
orders of this conclave, until new Cousti
tutions State and Federal, shall b o ap
proved by them, and in making which all
wiio agree witli them shall be enfran
chised, and all wiio differ from them shall
lie disfranchised, must tiie President lie
hound to execute this revolution nrquietly
look on and see the < iovernmentdestroyed?
All these tilings some of this conclave
have declared ought to lie done, and have
threatened to do! Mon than all these
they have done, aud are now actually
doing for ten of tiie States. Why may
they not do so for all ? The power is the
same over all that it isoverone. They
OUGHT to do so for all or for none. They
send a single officer to Virginia, who is
not even a resident of the State, and claim
for him power to repeal the laws passed in
tiie days of Washington and by the votes
aud approval of Jefferson, Madison, Mon
roe and Marshall; and a similar non-res
ident individual, by his own irresponsible
edicts, sets aside whole constitutions and
codesin the States of Macons and Pinck
neys, and proclaims other* in their stead,
in a manner more summary and arbitrary
than any monarch in Curo|x- dare exhib
it! All this is admitted to be piaiuly,
grossly unconstitutional, but it must lie
done, and the President is hound to see to
it that it is done, because two-tliirds of
this conclave says it must he done!
Thus, not only two-thirds of a Congress,
butof a fragmentary conclave of members
—who secure that two-thirds by unlaw
fully excluding from their seats those
members who are not willing to commit
perjury to destroy tiie Government —be-
come not only greater than the Constitu -
tion, not only have power to destroy the
Government, lint can command, order,
compel every other department of the
Government to aid in the destruction.
Was ever conclusion so Jarne, heresy so
dangerous, or patriotism so self-destruc
tive ?
Henceforth, not tiie Constitution and
tiie laws passed in pursuance thereof, but
tiie will of the two-thirds of Congress, or of
a conclave taking forcible possession of the
Capitol, shall be the supreme law of the
laud. Would it not lie well to require us
all, from tiie President down, to take an
oath to support that will, instead of re
quiring us to swear to support the Consti
tution, and then compelling us, by the
higher power of this will, to violate our
oaths?
No Congress, not even a legitimate
Congress, by even a unanimous vote, have
power to destroy States, to pass laws for
bidden by the Constitution, nor to subvert
the Government; and when they under
take it, and in the meanest aud most dan
gerous of all ways—undercover of oaths
and office —it is as much tiie duty of the
President to suppress them as it is bis
duty to suppress an insurrection or an
invasion. The contrary doctrine is a pro
clamation to radicalism that it shall lie
aided in its work even by the friends
of the Constitution. It is license to